God did not create the universe, says Hawking

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and thereby might have influenced his decision to assassinate President Kennedy.

The discussion below will describe the events known to the Commission which most clearly reveals the formation and nature of Oswald's character. It will attempt to summarize the events of his early life, his experience in New York City and in the Marine Corps, and his interest in Marxism. It will examine his defection to the Soviet Union in 1959, his subsequent return to the United States and his life here after June of 1962. The review of the latter period will evaluate his personal and employment relations, his attempt to kill General Walker, his political activities, and his unsuccessful attempt to go to Cuba in late September of 1963. Various possible motives will be treated in the appropriate context of the discussion outlined above.

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The Early Years

Significant in shaping the character of Lee Harvey Oswald was the death of his father, a collector of insurance premiums. This occurred 2 months before Lee was born in New Orleans on October 18, 1939.12 That death strained the financial fortunes of the remainder of the Oswald family. It had its effect on Lee's mother, Marguerite, his brother Robert, who had been born in 1934, and his half-brother John Pic, who had been born in 1932 during Marguerite's previous marriage.13 It forced Marguerite Oswald to go to work to provide for her family.14 Reminding her sons that they were orphans and that the family's financial condition was poor, she placed John Pic and Robert Oswald in an orphans' home.15 From the time Marguerite Oswald returned to work until December 26, 1942, when Lee too was sent to the orphans' home, he was cared for principally by his mother's sister, by babysitters and by his mother, when she had time for him.16

Marguerite Oswald withdrew Lee from the orphans' home and took him with her to Dallas when he was a little over 4 years old.17 About 6 months later she also withdrew John Pic and Robert Oswald.18 Apparently that action was taken in anticipation of her marriage to Edwin A. Ekdahl, which took place in May of 1945.19 In the fall of that year John Pic and Robert Oswald went to a military academy where they stayed, except for vacations, until the spring of 1948.20 Lee Oswald remained with his mother and Ekdahl,21 to whom he became quite attached. John Pic testified that he thought Lee found in Ekdahl the father that he never had.22 That situation, however, was short-lived, for the relations between Marguerite Oswald and Ekdahl were stormy and they were finally divorced, after several separations and reunions, in the summer of 1948.23

After the divorce Mrs. Oswald complained considerably about how unfairly she was treated, dwelling on the fact that she was a widow with three children. John Pic, however, did not think her position was worse than that of many other people.24 In the fall of 1948 she told John Pic and Robert Oswald that she could not afford to send them back to the military school and she asked Pic to quit school

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entirely to help support the family, which he did for 4 months in the fall of 1948.25 In order to supplement their income further she falsely swore that Pic was 17 years old so that he could join the Marine Corps Reserves.26 Pic did turn over part of his income to his mother, but he returned to high school in January of 1949, where he stayed until 3 days before he was scheduled to graduate, when he left school in order to get into the Coast Guard.27 Since his mother did not approve of his decision to continue school he accepted the responsibility for that decision himself and signed his mother's name to all his own excuses and report cards.28

Pic thought that his mother overstated her financial problems and was unduly concerned about money. Referring to the period after the divorce from Ekdahl, which was apparently caused in part by Marguerite's desire to get more money from him, Pic said: "Lee was brought up in this atmosphere of constant money problems, and I am sure it had quite an effect on him, and also Robert." 29 Marguerite Oswald worked in miscellaneous jobs after her divorce from Ekdahl.30 When she worked for a time as an insurance saleslady, she would sometimes take Lee with her, apparently leaving him alone in the car while she transacted her business.31 When she worked during the school year, Lee had to leave an empty house in the morning, return to it for lunch and then again at night, his mother having trained him to do that rather than to play with other children.32

An indication of the nature of Lee's character at this time was provided in the spring of 1950, when he was sent to New Orleans to visit the family of his mother's sister, Mrs. Lillian Murret, for 2 or 3 weeks. Despite their urgings, he refused to play with the other children his own age.33 It also appears that Lee tried to tag along with his older brothers but apparently was not able to spend as much time with them as he would have liked, because of the age gaps of 5 and 7 years, which became more significant as the children grew older.34

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New York City

Whatever problems may have been created by Lee's home life in Louisiana and Texas, he apparently adjusted well enough there to have had an average, although gradually deteriorating, school record with no behavior or truancy problems. That was not the case, however, after he and his mother moved to New York in August of 1952, shortly before Lee's 13th birthday. They moved shortly after Robert joined the Marines; they lived for a time with John Pic who was stationed there with the Coast Guard.35 Relations soon became strained, however,36 so in late September Lee and his mother moved to their own apartment in the Bronx.37 Pic and his wife would have been happy to have kept Lee, however, who was becoming quite a disciplinary problem for his mother, having struck her on at least one occasion.38

The short-lived stay with the Pics was terminated after an incident in which Lee allegedly pulled out a pocket knife during an argument

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and threatened to use it on Mrs. Pic. When Pic returned home, Mrs. Oswald tried to play down the event but Mrs. Pic took a different view and asked the Oswalds to leave. Lee refused to discuss the matter with Pic, whom he had previously idolized, and their relations were strained thereafter. 39

On September 30, 1952, Lee enrolled in P.S. 117,40 a junior high school in the Bronx, where the other children apparently teased him because of his "western" clothes and Texas accent.41 He began to stay away from school, preferring to read magazines and watch television at home by himself. 42 This continued despite the efforts of the school authorities and, to a lesser extent, of his mother to have him return to school. 43 Truancy charges were brought against him alleging that he was "beyond the control of his mother insofar as school attendance is concerned." 44 Oswald was remanded for psychiatric observation to Youth House, an institution in which children are kept for psychiatric observation or for detention pending court appearance or commitment to a child-caring or custodial institution such as a training school. 45 He was in Youth House from April 16 to May 7, 1953,46 during which time he was examined by its Chief Psychiatrist, Dr. Renatus Hartogs, and interviewed and observed by other members of the Youth House staff. 47

Marguerite Oswald visited her son at Youth House, where she recalled that she waited in line "with Puerto Ricans and Negroes and everything." 48 She said that her pocketbook was searched "because the children in this home were such criminals, dope fiends, and had been in criminal offenses, that anybody entering this home had to be searched in case the parents were bringing cigarettes or narcotics or anything." 49 She recalled that Lee cried and said, "Mother, I want to get out of here. There are children in here who have killed people, and smoke. I want to get out." 50 Marguerite Oswald said that she had not realized until then in what kind of place her son had been confined. 51

On the other hand, Lee told his probation officer, John Carro, that "while he liked Youth House he miss[ed] the freedom of doing what he wanted. He indicated that he did not miss his mother." 52 Mrs. Evelyn D Siegel, a social worker who interviewed both Lee and his mother while Lee was confined in Youth House, reported that Lee "confided that the worse thing about Youth House was the fact that he had to be with other boys all the time, was disturbed about disrobing in front of them, taking showers with them etc." 53

Contrary to reports that appeared after the assassination, the psychiatric examination did not indicate that Lee Oswald was a potential assassin, potentially dangerous, that "his outlook on life had strongly paranoid overtones" or that he should be institutionalized.54 Dr. Hartogs did find Oswald to be a tense, withdrawn, and evasive boy who intensely disliked talking about himself and his feelings. He noted that Lee liked to give the impression that he did not care for other people but preferred to keep to himself, so that he was not bothered and did not have to make the effort of communicating. Os-

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wald's withdrawn tendencies and solitary habits were thought to be the result of "intense anxiety, shyness, feelings of awkwardness and insecurity." 55 He was reported to have said "I don't want a friend and I don't like to talk to people" and "I dislike everybody." 56 He was also described as having a "Vivid fantasy life, turning around the topics of omnipotence and power, through which he tries to compensate for his present shortcomings and frustrations." 57 Dr. Hartogs summarized his report by stating:

This 13 year old well built boy has superior mental resources and functions only slightly below his capacity level in spite of chronic truancy from school which brought him into Youth House. No finding of neurological impairment or psychotic mental changes could be made. Lee has to be diagnosed as "personality pattern disturbance with schizoid features and passive--aggressive tendencies." Lee has to be seen as an emotionally, quite disturbed youngster who suffers under the impact of really existing emotional isolation and deprivation, lack of affection, absence of family life and rejection by a self involved and conflicted mother.58
Dr. Hartogs recommended that Oswald be placed on probation on condition that he seek help and guidance through a child guidance clinic. There, he suggested, Lee should be treated by a male psychiatrist who could substitute for the lack of a father figure. He also recommended that Mrs. Oswald seek "psychotherapeutic guidance through contact with a family agency." The possibility of commitment was to be considered only if the probation plan was not successful. 59

Lee's withdrawal was also noted by Mrs. Siegel, who described him as a "seriously detached, withdrawn youngster." 60 She also noted that there was "a rather pleasant, appealing quality about this emotionally starved, affectionless youngster which grows as one speaks to him." 61 She thought that he had detached himself from the world around him because "no one in it ever met any of his needs for love." 62 She observed that since Lee's mother worked all day, he made his own meals and spent all his time alone because he didn't make friends with the boys in the neighborhood. She thought that he "withdrew into a completely solitary and detached existence where he did as he wanted and he didn't have to live by any rules or come into contact with people." 63 Mrs. Siegel concluded that Lee "just felt that his mother never gave a damn for him. He always felt like a burden that she simply just had to tolerate." 64 Lee confirmed some of those observations by saying that he felt almost as if there were a veil between him and other people through which they could not reach him, but that he preferred the veil to remain intact. He admitted to fantasies about being powerful and sometimes hurting and killing people, but refused to elaborate on them. He took the position that such matters were his own business. 65

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A psychological human figure-drawing test corroborated the interviewer's findings that Lee was insecure and had limited social contacts. Irving Sokolow, a Youth House psychologist reported that:

The Human Figure Drawings are empty, poor characterizations of persons approximately the same age as the subject. They reflect a considerable amount of impoverishment in the social and emotional areas. He appears to be a somewhat insecure youngster exhibiting much inclination for warm and satisfying relationships to others. There is some indication that he may relate to men more easily than to women in view of the more mature conceptualisation. He appears slightly withdrawn and in view of the lack of detail within the drawings this may assume a more significant characteristic. He exhibits some difficulty in relationship to the maternal figure suggesting more anxiety in this area than in any other.66
Lee scored an IQ of 118 on the Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children. According to Sokolow, this indicated a "present intellectual functioning in the upper range of bright normal intelligence." 67 Sokolow said that although Lee was "presumably disinterested in school subjects he operates on a much higher than average level." 68 On the Monroe Silent Reading Test, Lee's score indicated no retardation in reading speed and comprehension; he had better than average ability in arithmetical reasoning for his age group. 69

Lee told Carro, his probation officer, that he liked to be by himself because he had too much difficulty in making friends. 70 The reports of Carro and Mrs. Siegel also indicate an ambivalent attitude toward authority on Oswald's part. Carro reported that Lee was disruptive in class after he returned to school on a regular basis in the fall of 1953. He had refused to salute the flag and was doing very little, if any, work. It appears that he did not want to do any of the things which the authorities suggested in their efforts to bring him out of the shell into which he appeared to be retreating.71 He told Mrs. Siegel that he would run away if sent to a boarding school. On the other hand he also told her that he wished his mother had been more firm with him in her attempts to get him to return to school. 72

The reports of the New York authorities indicate that Lee's mother gave him very little affection and did not serve as any sort of substitute for a father. Furthermore she did not appear to understand her own relationship to Lee's psychological problems. After her interview with Mrs. Oswald, Mrs. Siegel described her as a smartly dressed, gray haired woman, very self-possessed and alert and superficially affable," but essentially a "defensive, rigid, self-involved person who had real difficulty in accepting and relating to people" and who had "little understanding" of Lee's behavior and of the "protective shell he has drawn around himself." 73 Dr. Hartogs reported that Mrs. Oswald did not understand that Lee's withdrawal was a form of "violent but silent protest against his neglect by her and represents his reac-

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tion to a complete absence of any real family life." 74 Carro reported that when questioned about his mother Lee said, "well I've got to live with her. I guess I love her." 75 It may also be significant that, as reported by John Pic, "Lee slept with my mother until I joined the service in 1950. This would make him approximately 10, well, almost 11 years old." 76

The factors in Lee Oswald's personality which were noted by those who had contact with him in New York indicate that he had great difficulty in adapting himself to conditions in that city. His usual reaction to the problems which he encountered there was simply withdrawal. Those factors indicated a severe inability to enter into relationships with other people. In view of his experiences when he visited his relatives in New Orleans in the spring of 1950, and his other solitary habits, Lee had apparently been experiencing similar problems before going to New York, and as will be shown below, this failure to adapt to. his environment was a dominant trait in his later life.

It would be incorrect, however, to believe that those aspects of Lee's personality which were observed in New York could have led anyone to predict the outburst of violence which finally occurred. Carro was the only one of Oswald's three principal observers who recommended that he be placed in a boy's home or similar institution. 77 But Carro was quite specific that his recommendation was based primarily on the adverse factors in Lee's environment--his lack of friends, the apparent unavailability of any agency assistance and the ineffectualness of his mother--and not on any particular mental disturbance, in the boy himself.78 Carro testified that:

There was nothing that would lead me to believe when I saw him at the age of 12 that them would be seeds of destruction for somebody. I couldn't in all honesty sincerely say such a thing. 79
Mrs. Siegel concluded her report with the statement that:
Despite his withdrawal, he gives the impression that he is not so difficult to reach as he appears and patient, prolonged effort in a sustained relationship with one therapist might bring results. There are indications that he has suffered serious personality damage but if he can receive help quickly this might be repaired to some extent.80
Lee Oswald never received that help. Few social agencies even in New York were equipped to provide the kind of intensive treatment that he needed, and when one of the city's clinics did find room to handle him, for some reason the record does not show, advantage was never taken of the chance afforded to Oswald. When Lee became a disciplinary problem upon his return to school in the fall of 1953, and when his mother failed to cooperate in any way with school authorities, authorities were finally forced to consider placement in a home for boys. Such a placement was postponed, however, perhaps in part at

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east because Lee's behavior suddenly improved. Before the court took any action, the Oswalds left New York 81 in January of 1954, and returned to New Orleans where Lee finished the ninth grade before he left school to work for a year. 82 Then in October of 1956, he joined the Marines. 83

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Return to New Orleans and Joining the Marine Corps

After his return to New Orleans Oswald was teased at school because of the northern accent which he had acquired.84 He concluded that school had nothing to offer him. 85 His mother exercised little control over him and thought he could decide for himself whether to go on in school.86 Neighbors and others who knew him at that time recall an introverted boy who read a great deal.87 He took walks and visited museums, and sometimes rode a rented bicycle in the park on Saturday mornings.88 Mrs. Murret believes that he talked at length with a girl on the telephone, but no one remembers that he had any dates. 89 A friend, Edward Voebel, testified that "he was more bashful about girls than anything else." 90

Several witnesses testified that Lee Oswald was not aggressive. 91 He was, however, involved in some fights. Once a group of white boys beat him up for sitting in the Negro section of a bus, which he apparently did simply out of ignorance. 92 Another time, he fought with two brothers who claimed that he had picked on the younger of them, 3 years Oswald's junior. Two days later, "some big guy, probably from a high school--he looked like a tremendous football player" accosted Oswald on the way home from school and punched him in the mouth, making his lip bleed and loosening a tooth. Voebel took Oswald back to the school to attend to his wounds, and their "mild friendship" stemmed from that incident.93 Voebel also recalled that Oswald once outlined a plan to cut the glass in the window of a store on Rampart Street and steal a pistol, but he was not sure then that Oswald meant to carry out the plan, and in fact they never did. Voebel said that Oswald "wouldn't start any fights, but if you wanted to start one with him, he was going to make sure that he ended it, or you were going to really have one, because he wasn't going to take anything from anybody." 94 In a space for the names of "close friends" on the ninth grade personal history record, Oswald first wrote "Edward Vogel," an obvious misspelling of Voebel's name, and "Arthor Abear," most likely Arthur Hebert, a classmate who has said that he did not know Oswald well. Oswald erased those names, however, and indicated that he had no close friends.95

It has been suggested that this misspelling of names, apparently on a phonetic basis, was caused by a reading-spelling disability from which Oswald appeared to suffer.96 Other evidence of the existence of such a disability is provided by the many other misspellings that appear in Oswald's writings, portions of which are quoted below.

Sometime during this period, and under circumstances to be discussed more fully below, Oswald started to read Communist litera-

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ture, which he obtained from the public library.97 One of his fellow employees, Palmer McBride, stated that Oswald said he would like to kill President Eisenhower because he was exploiting the working class. 98 Oswald praised Khrushchev and suggested that he and McBride join the Communist Party "to take advantage of their social functions." 99 Oswald also became interested in the New Orleans Amateur Astronomy Association, an organization of high school students. The association's then president, William E. Wulf, testified that he remembered an occasion when Oswald

... started expounding the Communist doctrine and saying that he was highly interested in communism, that communism was the only way of life for the worker, et cetera, and then came out with a statement that he was looking for a Communist cell in town to join but he couldn't find any. He was a little dismayed at this, and he said that he couldn't find any that would show any interest in him as a Communist, and subsequently, after this conversation, my father came in and we were kind of arguing back and forth about the situation, and my father came in the room, heard what we were arguing on communism, and that this boy was loud-mouthed, boisterous, and my father asked him to leave the house and politely put him out of the house, and that is the last I have seen or spoken with Oswald. 100
Despite this apparent interest in communism, Oswald tried to join the Marines when he was 16 years old.101 This was 1 year before his actual enlistment and just a little over 2.5 years after he left New York. He wrote a note in his mother's name to school authorities in New Orleans saying that he was leaving school because he and his mother were moving to San Diego. In fact, he had quit school in an attempt to obtain his mother's assistance to join the Marines.102 While he apparently was able to induce his mother to make a false statement about his age he was nevertheless unable to convince the proper authorities that he was really 17 years old.103 There is evidence that Oswald was greatly influenced in his decision to join the Marines by the fact that his brother Robert had done so approximately 3 years before. 104 Robert Oswald had given his Marine Corps manual to his brother Lee, who studied it during the year following his unsuccessful attempt to enlist until "He knew it by heart." 105 According to Marguerite Oswald, "Lee lived for the time that he would become 17 years old to join the Marines--that whole year." 106 In John Pic's view, Oswald was motivated to join the Marines in large part by a desire "to get from out and under ... the yoke of oppression from my mother." 107

Oswald's inability or lack of desire to enter into meaningful relationships with other people continued during this period in New Orleans (1954-56). 108 It probably contributed greatly to the general dissatisfaction which he exhibited with his environment, a dissatisfaction which seemed to find expression at this particular point in his

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intense desire to join the Marines and get away from his surroundings and his mother. His study of Communist literature, which might appear to be inconsistent with his desire to join the Marines, could have been another manifestation of Oswald's rejection of his environment.109

His difficulty in relating to other people and his general dissatisfaction with the world around him continued while he was in the Marine Corps. Kerry Thornley, a marine associate, who, shortly after Oswald's defection, wrote an as yet unpublished novel based in considerable part on Oswald's life, testified that "definitely the Marine Corps was not what he had expected it to be when he joined." He said that Oswald "seemed to guard against developing real close friendships." 110 Daniel Powers, another marine who was stationed with Oswald for part of his marine career, testified that Oswald seemed "always [to be] striving for a relationship, but whenever he did ... his general personality would alienate the group against him." Other marines also testified that Oswald had few friends and kept very much to himself. 112

While there is nothing in Oswald's military records to indicate that he was mentally unstable or otherwise psychologically unfit for duty in the Marine Corps, 113 he did not adjust well to conditions which he found in that service. 114 He did not rise above the rank of private first class, even though he had passed a qualifying examination for the rank of corporal.115 His Marine career was not helped by his attitude that he was a man of great ability and intelligence and that many of his superiors in the Marine Corps were not sufficiently competent to give him orders.116 While Oswald did not seem to object to authority in the abstract, he did think that he should be the one to exercise it. John E. Donovan, one of his former officers, testified that Oswald thought "that authority, particularly the Marine Corps, ought to be able to recognize talent such as his own, without a given magic college degree, and put them in positions of prominence? 117 Oswald manifested this feeling about authority by baiting his officers. He led them into discussions of foreign affairs about which they often knew less than he did, since he had apparently devoted considerable time to a study of such matters.118 When the officers were unable to discuss foreign affairs satisfactorily with him, Oswald regarded them as unfit to exercise command over him.119 Nelson Delgado, one of Oswald's fellow Marines, testified that Oswald tried to "cut up anybody that was high ranking" in those arguments "and make himself come out top dog.". 120 Oswald probably engaged his superiors in arguments on a subject that he had studied in an attempt to attract attention to himself and to support his exaggerated idea of his own abilities.

Thornley also testified that he thought that Oswald's extreme personal sloppiness in the Marine Corps "fitted into a general personality pattern of his: to do whatever was not wanted of him, a recalcitrant trend in his personality." 121 Oswald "seemed to be a person who would go out of his way to get into trouble" 122 and then used the "special treatment" he received as an example of the way in which

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he was being picked on and "as a means of getting or attempting to get sympathy." 123 In Thornley's view, Oswald labored under a persecution complex which he strove to maintain and "felt the Marine Corps kept a pretty close watch on him because of his 'subversive' activities." Thornley added: "I think it was kind of necessary to him to believe that he was being picked on. It wasn't anything extreme. I wouldn't go as far as to call it, call him a paranoid, but a definite tendency there was in that direction, I think." 124

Powers considered Oswald to be meek and easily led,125 an "individual that you would brainwash, and quite easy ... [but] I think once he believed in something ... he stood in his beliefs." 126 Powers also testified that Oswald was reserved and seemed to be "somewhat the frail, little puppy in the litter." 127 He had the nickname "Ozzie Rabbit." 128

Oswald read a good deal, said Powers, but "he would never be reading any of the shoot-em-up westerns or anything like that. Normally, it would be a good type of literature; and the one that I recall was 'Leaves of Grass,' by Wait Whitman." 129 According to Powers, Oswald said: "All the Marine Corps did was to teach you to kill and after you got out of the Marines you might be good gangsters." 130 Powers believed that when Oswald arrived in Japan he acquired a girlfriend, "finally attaining a male status or image in his own eyes." 131 That apparently caused Oswald to become more self-confident, aggressive and even somewhat pugnacious, although Powers "wouldn't say that this guy is a troublemaker." 132 Powers said "now he was Oswald the man rather than Oswald the rabbit." 133 Oswald once told Powers that he didn't care if he returned to the United States at all. 134

While in Japan, Oswald's new found apparent self confidence and pugnaciousness led to an incident in which he spilled a drink on one of his sergeants and abusively challenged him to fight.135 At the court-martial hearing which followed, Oswald admitted that he had been rather drunk when the incident occurred. He testified that he had felt the sergeant had a grudge against him and that he had unsuccessfully sought a transfer from the sergeant's unit. He said that he had simply wanted to discuss the question with the sergeant and the drink had been spilled accidentally. The hearing officer agreed with the latter claim but found Oswald guilty of wrongfully using provoking words and sentenced him to 28 days, canceling the suspension of a 20-day sentence that Oswald had received in an earlier court-martial for possessing an unauthorized pistol with which he had accidentally shot himself.136

At his own request, Oswald was transferred from active duty to the Marine Corps Reserve under honorable conditions in September of 1959, 3 months prior to his regularly scheduled separation date, 137 ostensibly to care for his mother who had been injured in an accident at her work.138 He was undesirably discharged from the Marine Corps Reserve, to which he had been assigned on inactive status following his transfer from active duty, after it was learned that he had

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defected to the Soviet Union.139 In an attempt to have this discharge reversed, Oswald wrote to then Secretary of the Navy Connally on January 30, 1962, stating that he would "employ all means to right this gross mistake or injustice."

Governor Connally had just resigned to run for Governor of Texas, so he advised Oswald that he had forwarded the letter to his successor.141 It is thus clear that Oswald knew that Governor Connally was never directly concerned with his discharge and he must have known that President Kennedy had had nothing to do with it. In that connection, it does not appear that Oswald ever expressed any dissatisfaction of any kind with either the President or Governor Connally.142 Marina Oswald testified that she "had never heard anything bad about Kennedy from Lee. And he never had anything against him." 143 Mrs. Oswald said that her husband did not say anything about Governor Connally after his return to the United States. She testified: "But while we were in Russia he spoke well of him. ... Lee said that when he would return to the United States he would vote for him [for Governor]." 144 Oswald must have already learned that the Governor could not help him with his discharge because he was no longer Secretary of the Navy, at the time he made that remark.

Even though Oswald apparently did not express any hostility against the President or Governor Connally, he continued to be concerned about his undesirable discharge.145 It is clear that he thought he had been unjustly treated. Probably his complaint was due to the fact that his discharge was not related to anything he had done while on active duty and also because he had not received any notice of the original discharge proceedings, since his whereabouts were not known.146 He continued his efforts to reverse the discharge by petitioning the Navy Discharge Review Board, which finally declined to modify the discharge and so advised him in a letter dated July 1963.147

Governor Connally's connection with the discharge, although indirect, caused the Commission to consider whether he might have been Oswald's real target. In that connection, it should be noted that Marina Oswald testified on September 6, 1964, that she thought her husband "was shooting at Connally rather than President Kennedy." In support of her conclusion Mrs. Oswald noted her husband's undesirable discharge and that she could not think of any reason why Oswald would want to kill President Kennedy.148 It should be noted, however, that at the time Oswald fired the shots at the Presidential limousine the Governor occupied the seat in front of the President, and it would have been almost impossible for Oswald to have hit the Governor without hitting the President first. Oswald could have shot the Governor as the car approached the Depository or as it was making the turn onto Elm Street. Once it had started down Elm Street toward the Triple Underpass, however, the President almost completely blocked Oswald's view of the Governor prior to the time the first shot struck the President.150 Furthermore, Oswald would have had other and more favorable opportunities to strike at the Governor than on this occasion

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when, as a member of the President's party, he had more protection than usual. It would appear, therefore, that to the extent Oswald's undesirable discharge affected his motivation, it was more in terms of a general hostility against the government and its representatives rather than a grudge against any particular person.

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Interest in Marxism

As indicated above, Oswald started to read Communist literature after he and his mother left New York and moved to New Orleans.151 He told Aline Mosby, a reporter who interviewed him after he arrived in Moscow:

I'm a Marxist, ... I became interested about the age of 15. From an ideological viewpoint. An old lady handed me a pamphlet about saving the Rosenbergs. ... I looked at that paper and I still remember it for some reason, I don't know why.152
Oswald studied Marxism after he joined the Marines and his sympathies in that direction and for the Soviet Union appear to have been widely known, at least in the unit to which he was assigned after his return from the Far East. His interest in Russia led some of his associates to call him "comrade" 153 or "Oswaldskovitch." 154 He always wanted to play the red pieces in chess because, as he said in an apparently humorous context, he preferred the "Red Army." 155 He studied the Russian language,156 read a Russian language newspaper 157 and seemed interested in what was going on in the Soviet Union.158 Thornley, who thought Oswald had an "irrevocable conviction" that his Marxist beliefs were correct, testified:

I think you could sit down and argue with him for a number of years ... and I don't think you could have changed his mind on that unless you knew why he believed it in the first place. I certainly don't. I don't think with any kind of formal argument you could have shaken that conviction. And that is why I say irrevocable. It was just--never getting back to looking at things from any other way once he had become a Marxist, whenever that was.159
Thornley also testified about an incident which grew out of a combination of Oswald's known Marxist sympathies and George Orwell's book "1984," one of Oswald's favorite books which Thornley read at Oswald's suggestion. Shortly after Thornley finished reading that book the Marine unit to which both men were assigned was required to take part in a Saturday morning parade in honor of some retiring noncommissioned officers, an event which they both approached with little enthusiasm. While waiting for the parade to start they talked briefly about "1984" even though Oswald seemed to be lost in his own thoughts. After a brief period of silence Os-

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wald remarked on the stupidity of the parade and on how angry it made him, to which Thornley replied: "Well, comes the revolution you will change all that." Thornley testified:

At which time he looked at me like a betrayed Caesar and screamed, screamed definitely, "Not you, too, Thornley." And I remember his voice cracked as he said this. He was definitely disturbed at what I had said and I didn't really think I had said that much. ... I never said anything to him again and he never said anything to me again.160
Thornley said that he had made his remark only in the context of "1984" and had not intended any criticism of Oswald's political views which is the way in which, Thornley thought, Oswald took his remarks.161

Lieutenant Donovan testified that Oswald thought that "there were many grave injustices concerning the affairs in the international situation." He recalled that Oswald had a specific interest in Latin America, particularly Cuba, and expressed opposition to the Batista regime and sympathy for Castro, an attitude which, Donovan said, was "not ... unpopular" at that time. Donovan testified that he never heard Oswald express a desire personally to take part in the elimination of injustices anywhere in the world and that he "never heard him in any way, shape or form confess that he was a Communist, or that he ever thought about being a Communist." 162 Delgado testified that Oswald was "a complete believer that our way of government was not quite right" and believed that our Government did not have "too much to offer," but was not in favor of "the Communist way of life." Delgado and Oswald talked more about Cuba than Russia, and sometimes imagined themselves as leaders in the Cuban Army or Government, who might "lead an expedition to some of these other islands and free them too." 163

Thornley also believed that Oswald's Marxist beliefs led to an extraordinary view of history under which:

He looked upon the eyes of future people as some kind of tribunal, and he wanted to be on the winning side so that 10,000 years from-now people would look in the history books and say, "Well, this man was ahead of his time." ... The eyes of the future became ... the eyes of God.... He was concerned with his image in history and I do think that is why he chose ... the particular method [of defecting] he chose and did it in the way he did. It got him in the newspapers. It did broadcast his name out.164
Thornley thought that Oswald not only wanted a place in history but also wanted to live comfortably in the present. He testified that if Oswald could not have that "degree of physical comfort that he expected or sought, I think he would then throw himself entirely on the other thing he also wanted, which was the image in history. ...

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I think he wanted both if he could have them. If he didn't, he wanted to die with the knowledge that, or with the idea that he was somebody." 165

Oswald's interest in Marxism led some people to avoid him, even though as his wife suggested, that interest may have been motivated by a desire to gain attention.166 He used his Marxist and associated activities as excuses for his difficulties in getting along in the world, which were usually caused by entirely different factors. His use of those excuses to present himself to the world as a person who was being unfairly treated is shown most clearly by his employment relations after his return from the Soviet Union. Of course, he made his real problems worse to the extent that his use of those excuses prevented him from discovering the real reasons for and attempting to overcome his difficulties. Of greater importance, Oswald's commitment to Marxism contributed to the decisions which led him to defect to the Soviet Union in 1959, and later to engage in activities on behalf of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee in the summer of 1963, and to attempt to go to Cuba late in September of that year.

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Defection to the Soviet Union

After Oswald left the Marine Corps in September of 1959, ostensibly to care for his mother, he almost immediately left for the Soviet Union where he attempted to renounce his citizenship. At the age of 19, Oswald thus committed an act which was the most striking indication he had yet given of his willingness to act on his beliefs in quite extraordinary ways.

While his defection resulted in part from Oswald's commitment to Marxism, it appears that personal and psychological factors were also involved. On August 17, 1963, Oswald told Mr. William Stuckey, who had arranged a radio debate on Oswald's activities on behalf of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee, that while he had begun to read Marx and Engels at the age of 15, the conclusive thing that made him decide that Marxism was the answer was his service in Japan. He said living conditions over there convinced him something was wrong with the system, and that possibly Marxism was the answer. He said it was in Japan that he made up his mind to go to Russia and see for himself how a revolutionary society operates, a Marxist society.167

On the other hand, at least one person who knew Oswald after his return thought that his defection had a more personal and psychological basis.168 The validity of the latter observation is borne out by some of the things Oswald wrote in connection with his defection indicating that his motivation was at least in part a personal one. On November 26, 1959, shortly after he arrived in the Soviet Union, and probably before Soviet authorities had given him permission to stay indefinitely, he wrote to his brother Robert that the Soviet Union

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was a country which "I have always considered ... to be my own" and that he went there "only to find freedom. ... I could never have been personally happy in the U.S." 169 He wrote in another letter that he would "never return to the United States which is a country I hate." 170 His idea that he was to find "freedom" in the Soviet Union was to be rudely shattered.

Whatever Oswald's reasons for going to the Soviet Union might have been, however, there can be little doubt that his desire to go was quite strong. In addition to studying the Russian language while he was in the Marines, Oswald had managed to save enough money to cover the expenses of his forthcoming trip. While there is no proof that he saved $1,500, as he claimed, it would have taken considerable discipline to save whatever amount was required to finance his defection out of the salary of a low ranking enlisted man.171

The extent of Oswald's desire to go to the Soviet Union and of his initial commitment to that country can best be understood, however, in the context of his concomitant hatred of the United States, which was most clearly expressed in his November 26, 1959, letter to his brother Robert. Addressing himself to the question of why "I and my fellow workers and communist's would like to see the present capitalist government of the U.S. overthrown" Oswald stated that that government supported an economic system "which exploits all its workers" and under which "art, culture and the sprit of man are subjected to commercial enterpraising, [and] religion and education are used as a tool to surpress what would otherwise be a population questioning their government's unfair economic system and plans for war." 172

He complained in his letter about segregation, unemployment, automation, and the use of military forces to suppress other populations. Asking his brother why he supported the American Government and what ideals he put forward, Oswald wrote:

Ask me and I will tell you I fight for communism. ... I will not say your grandchildren will live under communism, look for yourself at history, look at a world map! America is a dicing country, I do not wish to be a part of it, nor do I ever again wish to be used as a tool in its military aggressions.
This should answer your question, and also give you a glimpse of my way of thinking.
So you speak of advantages. Do you think that is why I am here? For personal, material advantages? Happiness is not based on oneself, it does not consist of a small home, of taking and getting, Happiness is taking part in the struggle, where there is no borderline between one's own personal world, and the world in general. I never believed I would find more material advantages at this stage of development in the Soviet Union than I might of had in the U.S. ° ° ° °

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I have been a pro-communist for years and yet I have never met a communist, instead I kept silent and observed, and what I observed plus my Marxist learning brought me here to the Soviet Union. I have always considered this country to be my own.173
Responding to Robert's statement that he had not "renounced" him, Oswald told his brother "on what terms I want this arrangement." He advised Robert that:

In the event of war I would kill any american who put a uniform on in defense of the american government-- any american.
That in my own mind I have no attachment's of any kind in the U.S.
That I want to, and I shall, live a normal happy and peaceful life here in the Soviet Union for the rest of my life.
That my mother and you are (in spite of what the newspaper said) not objects of affection, but only examples of workers in the U.S.
Despite this commitment to the Soviet Union Oswald met disappointments there just as he had in the past. At the outset the Soviets told him that he could not remain. It seems that Oswald immediately attempted suicide--a striking indication of how much he desired to remain in the Soviet Union.175 It shows how willing he was to act dramatically and decisively when he faced an emotional crisis with few readily available alternatives at hand. He was shocked to find that the Soviet Union did not accept him with open arms. The entry in his self-styled "Historic Diary" for October 21, 1959, reports:

I am shocked!! My dreams! ... I have waited for 2 year to be accepted. My fondes dreams are shattered because of a petty official, ... I decide to end it. Soak fist in cold water to numb the pain, Than slash my leftwrist. Than plaug wrist into bathtub of hot water.... Somewhere, a violin plays, as I watch my life whirl away. I think to myself "How easy to Die" and "A Sweet Death, (to violins) ... 176
Oswald was discovered in time to thwart his attempt at suicide. 177 He was taken to a hospital in Moscow where he was kept until October 28, 1959.178

Still intent, however, on staying in the Soviet Union, Oswald went on October 31, to the American Embassy to renounce his U.S. citizenship. Mr. Richard E. Snyder, then Second Secretary and senior consular official at the Embassy, testified that Oswald was extremely sure of himself and seemed "to know what his mission was. He took charge, in a sense, of the conversation right from the beginning." He presented the following signed note:

I Lee Harvey Oswald do hereby request that my present citizenship in the United States of America, be revoked.
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I have entered the Soviet Union for the express purpose of applying for citizenship in the Soviet Union, through the means of naturalization.
My request for citizenship is now pending before the Surprem Soviet of the U.S.S.R.
I take these steps for political reasons. My request for the revoking of my American citizenship is made only after the longest and most serious considerations.
I affirm that my allegiance is to the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics.180 (See Commission Exhibit 913, p. 261.)
As his "principal reason" for renouncing his citizenship Oswald stated: "I am a Marxist." 181 He also alluded to hardships endured by his mother as a worker, referring to them as experiences that he did not intend to have himself,182 even though he stated that he had never held a civilian job.183 He said that his Marine service in Okinawa and elsewhere had given him "a chance to observe 'American imperialism.'" but he also displayed some sensitivity at not having reached a higher rank in the Marine Corps.184 He stated that he had volunteered to give Soviet officials any information that he had concerning Marine Corps operations,185 and intimated that he might know something of special interest.186 Oswald's "Historic Diary" describes the event in part as follows:

I leave Embassy, elated at this showdown, returning to my hotel I feel now my enorgies are not spent in vain. I'm sure Russians will except me after this sign of my faith in them.187
The Soviet authorities finally permitted Oswald to remain in their country.188 No evidence has been found that they used him for any particular propaganda or other political or informational purposes. They sent him to Minsk to work in a radio and television factory as a metal worker.189 The Soviet authorities denied Oswald permission to attend a university in Moscow,190 but they gave him a monthly allowance of 700 rubles a month (old exchange rate)191 in addition to his factory salary of approximately equal amount 192 and considerably better living quarters than those accorded to Soviet citizens of equal age and station.193 The subsidy, apparently similar to those sometimes given to foreigners allowed to remain in the Soviet Union, together with his salary, gave Oswald an income which he said approximated that of the director of the factory in which he worked.194

Even though he received more money and better living quarters than other Russians doing similar work, he envied his wife's uncle, a colonel in the MVD, because of the larger apartment in which he lived. Reminiscent of his attitude toward his superiors in the Marine Corps, Oswald apparently resented the exercise of authority over him and the better treatment afforded to Communist Party officials.195 After he returned to the United States he took the position that the Communist Party officials in the Soviet Union were opportunists who

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were betraying their positions for personal gain. He is reported to have expressed the conclusion that they had "fat stinking politicians over there just like we have over here." 196

Oswald apparently continued to have personal difficulties while he was in Minsk. Although Marina Oswald told the Commission that her husband had good personal relationships in the Soviet Union,197 Katherine Ford, one of the members of the Russian community in Dallas with which the Oswalds became acquainted upon their arrival in the United States, stated that Mrs. Oswald told her everybody in Russia "hated him." 198 Jeanne De Mohrenschildt, another member of that group, said that Oswald told her that he had returned because "I didn't find what I was looking for." 199 George De Mohrenschildt thought that Oswald must have become disgusted with life in the Soviet Union as the novelty of the presence of an American wore off and he began to be less the center of attention.200

The best description of Oswald's state of mind, however, is set forth in his own "Historic Diary." Under the entry for May 1, 1960, he noted that one of his acquaintances "relats many things I do not know about the U.S.S.R.. I begin to feel uneasy inside, its true!" 201 Under the entry for August-September of that year he wrote:

As my Russian improves I become increasingly conscious of just what sort of a society I live in. Mass gymnastics, complusory afterwork meeting, usually political information meeting. Complusory attendance at lectures and the sending of the entire shop collective (except me) to pick potatoes on a Sunday, at a state collective farm: A "patroict duty" to bring in the harvest. The opions of the workers (unvoiced) are that its a great pain in the neck: they don't seem to be esspicialy enthusiastic about any of the "collective" duties a natural feeling. I am increasingly aware of the presence, in all thing, of Lebizen, shop party secretary, fat, fortyish, and jovial on the outside. He is a no-nonsense party regular.202
Finally, the entry of January 4-31 of 1961:

I am stating to reconsider my disire about staying the work is drab the money I get has nowhere to be spent. No night clubs or bowling allys no places of recreation acept the trade union dances I have have had enough.203
Shortly thereafter, less than 18 months after his defection, about 6 weeks before he met Marina Prusakova, Oswald opened negotiations with the U.S. Embassy in Moscow looking toward his return to the United States.204

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Return to the United States

In view of the intensity of his earlier commitment to the Soviet Union, a great change must have occurred in Oswald's thinking to

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induce him to return to the United States. The psychological effects of that change must have been highly unsettling. It should be remembered that he was not yet 20 years old when he went to the Soviet Union with such high hopes and not quite 23 when he returned bitterly disappointed. His attempt to renounce his citizenship had been an open expression of hostility against the United States and a profound rejection of his early life. The dramatic break with society in America now had to be undone. His return to the United States publicly testified to the utter failure of what had been the most important act of his life.

Marina Oswald confirmed the fact that her husband was experiencing psychological difficulties at the time of his return. She said that "immediately after coming to the United States Lee changed. I did not know him as such a man in Russia." 205 She added that while he helped her as he had done before, he became more of a recluse, that "[he] was very irritable, sometimes for a trifle" and that "Lee was very unrestrained and very explosive" during the period from November 19, 1962 to March of 1963.206

After the assassination she wrote that:

In general, our family life began to deteriorate after we arrived in America. Lee was always hot-tempered, and now this trait of character more and more prevented us from living together in harmony. Lee became very irritable, and sometimes some completely trivial thing would drive him into a rage. I myself do not have a particularly quiet disposition, but I had to change my character a great deal in order to maintain a more or less peaceful family life.207
Marina Oswald's judgment of her husband's state of mind may be substantiated by comparing material which he wrote in the Soviet Union with what he wrote while on the way back to the United States and after his return. While in the Soviet Union he wrote his longest and clearest piece of work, "The Collective." This was a fairly coherent description of life in that country, basically centered around the radio and television factory in which he worked.208 While it was apparently intended for publication in the United States, and is in many respects critical of certain aspects of life in the Soviet Union, it appears to be the work of a fairly well organized person. Oswald prefaced his manuscript with a short autobiographical sketch which reads in part as follows:

Lee Harvey Oswald was born in Oct 1939 in New Orleans La. the son of a Insuraen Salesmen whose early death left a far mean streak of indepence brought on by negleck. entering the US Marine corp at 17 this streak of independence was strengthed by exotic journeys to Japan the Philipines and the scores of odd Islands in the Pacific immianly after serving out his 3 years

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This page reproduces photographs of Lee Harvey Oswald.

COMMISSION EXHIBIT 2891: Oswald in Minsk.

COMMISSION EXHIBIT 2892: Oswald in Minsk.

COMMISSION EXHIBIT 2788: Oswald taken after his return from the Soviet Union.

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in the USMC he abonded his american life to seek a new life in the USSR. full of optimism and hope he stood in red square in the fall of 1959 vowing to see his chosen course through, after, however, two years and a lot of growing up I decided to return to the USA. ... 209
"The Collective" contrasts sharply with material which Oswald seems to have written after he left the Soviet Union,210 which appears to be more an expression of his own psychological condition than of a reasoned analysis. The latter material expresses great hostility to both communism and capitalism. He wrote, that to a person knowing both of those systems, "their can be no mediation between those systems as they exist to-day and that person. He must be opposed to their basic foundations and representatives" 211

and yet it is immature to take the sort of attitude which says "a curse on both your houses!" their are two great representative of power in the world, simply expressed, the left and right, and their offspring factions and concerns.
any practical attempt at one alternative must have as its nuclus the triditionall ideological best of both systems, and yet be utterly opposed to both systems.212
Such an alternative was to be opposed both to capitalism and communism because:

No man, having known, having lived, under the Russian Communist and American capitalist system, could possibly make a choice between them, there is no choice, one offers oppresstion the other poverty. Both offer imperilistic injustice, tinted with two brands of slavery.213
Oswald actually did attempt to formulate such an alternative 214 which he planned to "put forward" himself.215 He thought the new alternative would have its best chance to be accepted after "conflict between the two world systems leaves the world country without defense or foundation of government,"216 after which the survivors would "seek a alternative opposed to those systems which have brough them misery." 217 Oswald realized that "their thinking and education will be steeped in the traditions of those systems [and] they would never except a 'new order' complete beyond their understanding." 218 As a result he thought it would be "neccary to oppose the old systems but at the same time support their cherished tractions." 219

Expanding on his ideas on how his alternative to communism and capitalism might be introduced, he wrote of a "readily foreseeable ... economic, political or military crisis, internal or external, [which] will bring about the final destruction of the capitalist. system," 220 and indicated that "preparation in a special party could safeguard an inde-

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pendant course of action after the debacle," 221 which would achieve the goal, which was:

The emplacement of a separate, democratic, pure communist society ... but one with union-communes, democratic socializing of production and without regard to the twisting apart of Marxism Marxist Communism by other powers.222
While "[r]esoufualniss and patient working towards the aforesaid goal's are preferred rather than loud and useless manifestation's of protest," 223 Oswald went on to note:

But these preferred tactics now, may prove to be too limited in the near future, they should not be confused with slowness, indecision or fear, only the intellectually fearless could even be remotely attracted too our doctrine, and yet this doctrine requires the utmost utmost restraint, a state of being in itself majustic in power.224
Oswald's decided rejection of both capitalism and communism seemed to place him in a situation in which he could not live with satisfaction either in the United States or in the Soviet Union. The discussion above has already set forth examples of his expression of hatred for the United States. He also expressed hatred of the Soviet Union and of the Communist Party, U.S.A., even though he later referred to the latter as "trusted long time fighters for progress." 225 He wrote:

The Communist Party of the United States has betrayed itself! it has turned itself into the tradional lever of a foreign power to overthrow the government of the United States; not in the name of freedom or high ideals, but in servile conformity to the wishes of the Soviet Union and in anticipation of Soviet Russia's complete domination of the American continent.226
° ° ° ° ° °
There can be no sympathy for those who have turned the idea of communism into a vill curse to western man.
The Soviets have committed crimes unsurpassed even by their early day capitalist counterparts, the imprisonment of their own peoples, with the mass extermination so typical of Stalin, and the individual surpresstion and regimentation under Krushehev.
The deportations, the purposeful curtailment of diet in the consumer slighted population of Russia, the murder of history, the prositution of art and culture.227
A suggestion that Oswald hated more than just capitalism and communism is provided by the following, which was apparently written either on the ship coming back, or after his return from the Soviet Union:

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I have often wondered why it is that the communist, anarchist capitalist and even the fascist and anarchist elements in american, allways profess patrotistism toward the land and the people, if not the government; although their ideals movements must surly lead to the bitter destruction of all and everything.
I am quite sure these people must hate not only the government but our the peop culture, traditions, heritage and very people itself, and yet they stand up and piously pronouce themselfs patriots, displaying their war medles, that they gained in conflicts long past between themselfs.
I wonder what would happen it somebody was to stand up and say he was utterly opposed not only to the governments, but to the people, too the entire land and complete foundations of his socically.228
Oswald demonstrated his thinking in connection with his return to the United States by preparing two sets of identical questions of the type which he might have thought he would be asked at a press conference when he returned. With either great ambivalence, or cold calculation he prepared completely different answers to the same questions. Judged by his other statements and writings, however, he appears to have indicated his true feelings in the set of answers first presented and to have stated in the second what he thought would be least harmful to him as he resumed life in the United States. For example, in response to his questions about his decision to go to the Soviet Union, his first draft answered "as a mark of discuss and protest against american political policies in foreign countrys, my personal sign of discontent' and horror at the misguided line of resoning of the U.S. Government." 229 His second answer was that he "went as a citizen of the U.S. (as a tourist) residing in a forieng country which I have a perfect fight to do. I went there to see the land, the people and how their system works."

To the question of "Are you a communits?" he first answered "Yes, basically, allthough I hate the USSR and socialist system I still think marxism can work under different circumstances." 231 His second answer to this question was, "No of course not, I have never even know a communist, outside of the ones in the USSR but you can't help that." 282 His first set of questions and answers indicated his belief that there were no outstanding differences between the Soviet Union and the United States, "except in the US, the living standard is a little higher. freedoms are about the same, medical aid and the educational system in the USSR is better than in the USA." In the second simulated transcript which ended with the statement "Newspapers, thank you sir; you are a real patriot!!" he apparently concluded that the United States offered "freedom of speech travel outspoken opposition to unpopular policies freedom to believe in god," while the Soviet Union did not.234

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Despite the hatred that Oswald expressed toward the Soviet Union after his residence there, he continued to be interested in that country after he returned to the United States. Soon after his arrival he wrote to the Soviet Embassy in Washington requesting information on how to subscribe to Russian newspapers and magazines and asked for "any periodicals or bulletins which you may put out for the beneifit of your citizens living, for a time, in the U.S.A.." 235 Oswald subsequently did subscribe to several Soviet journals. 236 While Marina Oswald tried to obtain permission to return to the Soviet Union she testified that she did so at her husband's insistence.237

In July of 1963, Oswald also requested the Soviet Union to provide a visa for his return to that country.238 In August of 1963, he gave the New Orleans police as a reason for refusing to permit his family to learn English, that ~'he hated America and he did not want them to become 'Americanized' and that his plans were to go back to Russia." 239 Even though his primary purpose probably was to get to Cuba, he sought an immediate grant of visa on his trip to Mexico City in late September of 1963.240 He also inquired about visas for himself and his wife in a letter which he wrote to the Soviet Embassy in Washington on November 9, 1963.241

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Personal Relations

Apart from his relatives, Oswald had no friends or close associates in Texas when he returned there in June of 1962, and he did not establish any close friendships or associations, although it appears that he came to respect George De Mohrenschildt.242 Somewhat of a nonconformist,243 De Mohrenschildt was a peripheral member of the so-called Russian community, with which Oswald made contact through Mr. Peter Gregory, a Russian-speaking petroleum engineer whom Oswald met as a result of his contact with the Texas Employment Commission office in Fort Worth.244 Some of the members of that group saw a good deal of the Oswalds through the fall of 1963, and attempted to help Mrs. Oswald particularly, in various ways.245 In general, Oswald did not like the member's of the Russian community.246 In fact, his relations with some of them, particularly George Bouhe, became quite hostile.247 Part of the problem resulted from the fact that, as Jeanne De Mohrenschildt testified, Oswald was "very, very disagreeable and disappointed." 248 He also expressed considerable resentment at the help given to his wife by her Russian-American friends. Jeanne De Mohrenschildt said:

Marina had a hundred dresses given to her ... [and] he objected to that lavish help, because Marina was throwing it into his face.
He was offensive with the people. And I can understand why, ... because that hurt him. He could never give her what the
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people were showering on her. ... no matter how hard he worked--and he worked very hard.249
The relations between Oswald and his wife became such that Bouhe wanted to "liberate" her from Oswald.250 While the exact sequence of events is not clear because of conflicting testimony, it appears that De Mohrenschildt and his wife actually went to Oswald's apartment early in November of 1962 and helped to move the personal effects of Marina Oswald and the baby. Even though it appears that they may have left Oswald a few days before, it seems that he resisted the move as best he could. He even threatened to tear up his wife's dresses and break all the baby things. According to De Mohrenschildt, Oswald submitted to the inevitable, presumably because he was "small, you know, and he was rather a puny individual." 251 De Mohrenschildt said that the whole affair made him nervous since he was "interfering in other people's affairs, after all." 252

Oswald attempted to get his wife to come back and, over Bouhe's protest, De Mohrenschildt finally told him where she was. De Mohrenschildt admitted that:

if somebody did that to me, a lousy trick like that, to take my wife away, and all the furniture, I would be mad as hell, too. I am surprised that he didn't do something worse.253
After about a 2-week separation, Marina Oswald returned to her husband.254 Bouhe thoroughly disapproved of this and as a result almost all communication between the Oswalds and members of the Russian community ceased. Contacts with De Mohrenschildt and his wife did continue and they saw the Oswalds occasionally until the spring of 1963.255

Shortly after his return from the Soviet Union, Oswald severed all relations with his mother; he did not see his brother Robert from Thanksgiving of 1962 until November 23, 1963.256 At the time of his defection, Oswald had said that neither his brother, Robert, nor his mother were objects of his affection, "but only examples of workers in the U.S." He also indicated to officials at the American Embassy in Moscow that his defection was motivated at least in part by so-called exploitation of his mother by the capitalist system.257 Consistent with this attitude he first told his wife that he did not have a mother, but later admitted that he did but that "he didn't love her very much." 258

When they arrived from the Soviet Union, Oswald and his family lived at first with his brother Robert. The latter testified that they "were just together again," as if his brother "had not been to Russia." He also said that he and his family got along well with Marina Oswald and enjoyed showing her American things.259 After about a month with his brother, Oswald and his family lived for a brief period with his mother at her urging, but Oswald soon decided to move out.260

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Marguerite Oswald visited her son and his family at the first apartment which he rented after his return, and tried to help them get settled there. After she had bought some clothes for Marina Oswald and a highchair for the baby, Oswald emphatically told her to stop. As Marguerite Oswald testified, "he strongly put me in my place about buying things for his wife that he himself could not buy." 261 Oswald objected to his mother visiting the apartment and became quite incensed with his wife when she would open the door for her in spite of his instructions to the contrary.262 Oswald moved to Dallas on about October 8, 1962, without telling his mother where he was going. He never saw or communicated with her in any way again until she came to see him after the assassination.263

Even though Oswald cut off relations with his mother, he attempted for the first time to learn something about his family background when he went to New Orleans in April of 1963. He visited some of his father's elderly relatives and the cemetery where his father was buried in an effort to develop the facts of his genealogy.264 While it does not appear that he established any new relationships as a result of his investigation, he did obtain a large picture of his father from one of the elderly relatives with whom he spoke.265 Oswald's interest in such things presents a sharp contrast with his attitude at the time of his defection, when he evidenced no interest in his father and hardly mentioned him, even when questioned.266

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Employment

Oswald's defection, his interest in the Soviet Union, and his activities on behalf of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee not only caused him difficulties in his employment relations, but they also provided him with excuses for employment failures which were largely of his own making. Oswald experienced some difficulty finding employment. Perhaps this was partially because of his lack of any specific skill or training.267 Some of his acquaintances, feeling that Oswald tried to impress people with the fact that he had lived and worked in Russia, were led to the belief that his employment difficulties were caused by his telling prospective employers that he had last been employed in Minsk.268 While he might have expected difficulty from such an approach, in fact the evidence indicates that Oswald usually told his prospective employers and employment counselors that he had recently been discharged from the Marine Corps.269

Oswald obtained a job in July of 1962 as a sheet metal worker with a company in Fort Worth. His performance for that company was satisfactory.270 Even though he told his wife that he had been fired, he voluntarily left on October 8, 1962, and moved to Dallas.271

On October 9, 1962 he went to the Dallas office of the Texas Employment Commission where he expressed a reluctance to work in the industrial field.272 He indicated an interest in writing. An employment counselor testified, on the basis of a general aptitude test Oswald had taken, that he had some aptitude in that area, "because the verbal score

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is high and the clerical score is high." 273 While that counselor found that he was qualified to handle many different types of jobs, because of his need for immediate employment she attempted to obtain for him any job that was available at the time. Oswald made qualifying marks in 19 of 23 categories included on the general aptitude examination and scored 127 on the verbal test, as compared with 50 percent of the people taking it who score less than 100. The counselor testified that there was some indication that Oswald was capable of doing college work and noted that Oswald's verbal and clerical potential was "outstanding." 274 Employment Commission records concerning Oswald stated: "Well-groomed & spoken, business suit, alert replies--Expresses self extremely well." 275 Oswald said that he hoped eventually to develop qualifications for employment as a junior executive through a work-study program at a local college. He indicated, however, that he would have to delay that program because of his immediate financial needs and responsibilities.276

On October 11, 1962, the Employment Commission referred Oswald to a commercial advertising photography firm in Dallas,277 where he was employed as a trainee starting October 12, 1962.278 Even though Oswald indicated that he liked photographic work,279 his employer found that he was not an efficient worker. He was not able to produce photographic work which adhered with sufficient precision to the job specifications and as a result too much of his work had to be redone.280 He also had difficulty in working with the other employees. This was at least in part because of the close physical confines in which some of the work had to be done.281 He did not seem to be able to make the accommodations necessary when people work under such conditions and as a result became involved in conflicts, some of which were fairly heated, with his fellow employees.282

In February or March of 1963, it began to appear that Oswald was having considerable difficulty doing accurate work and in getting along with the other employees. It appears that his discharge was hastened by the fact that he brought a Russian language newspaper to work.283 It is not possible to tell whether Oswald did this to provide an excuse for his eventual discharge, or whether he brought the Russian language newspaper with him one day after his other difficulties became clear. It is possible that his immediate supervisor noticed the newspaper at that time because his attention had otherwise been drawn more directly to Oswald. In any event, Oswald was discharged on April 6, 1963, ostensibly because of his inefficiency and difficult personality. His supervisor admitted, however, that while he did not fire Oswald because of the newspaper incident or even weigh it heavily in his decision, "it didn't do his case any good." 284

Upon moving to New Orleans on April 24, 1963, Oswald's employment problems became more difficult. He left his wife and child at the home of a friend, Mrs. Ruth Paine, of Irving, Tex.285 In New Orleans he obtained work as a greaser and oiler of coffee processing machines for the William B. Reily Co., beginning May 10, 1963.286

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After securing this job and an apartment, Oswald asked his wife to join him. Mrs. Paine brought Oswald's family to New Orleans.287 Refusing to admit that he could only get work as a greaser, Oswald told his wife and Mrs. Paine that he was working as a commercial photographer.288 He lost his job on July 19, 1963, because his work was not satisfactory 289 and because he spent too much time loitering in the garage next door, where he read rifle and hunting magazines.290 Oswald apparently concluded that his Fair Play for Cuba Committee activities were not related to his discharge.291 The correct-ness of that conclusion is supported by the fact that he does not seem to have been publicly identified with that organization until August 9, 1963, almost a month after he lost his job.292

His Fair Play for Cuba Committee activities, however, made it more difficult for him to obtain other employment. A placement interviewer of the Louisiana Department of Labor who had previously interviewed Oswald, saw him on television and heard a radio debate in which he engaged on August 21, 1963. He consulted with his supervisor and "it was determined that we should not undertake to furnish employment references for him." 293 Ironically, he failed to get a job in another photographic firm after his return to Dallas in October of 1963, because the president of the photographic firm for which he had previously worked told the prospective employer that Oswald was "kinda peculiar sometimes and that he had some knowledge of the Russian language," and that he "may be a damn Communist. I can't tell you. If I was you, I wouldn't hire him." 294 The plant superintendent of the new firm testified that, one of the employees of the old firm "implied that Oswald's fellow employees did not like him because he was propagandizing and had been seen reading a foreign newspaper." As a result Oswald was not hired.295 He subsequently found a job with the Texas School Book Depository for which he performed his duties satisfactorily.296

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Attack on General Walker

The Commission has concluded that on April 10, 1963, Oswald shot at Maj. Gen. Edwin A. Walker (Resigned, U.S. Army), demonstrating once again his propensity to act dramatically and, in this instance violently, in furtherance of his beliefs. The shooting occurred 2 weeks before Oswald moved to New Orleans and a few days after he had been discharged by the photographic firm. As indicated in chapter IV, Oswald had been planning his attack on General Walker for at least 1297 and perhaps as much as 2 months.298 He outlined his plans in a notebook and studied them at considerable length before his attack.299 He also studied Dallas bus schedules to prepare for his later use of buses to travel to and from General Walker's house.300 Sometime after March 27, but according to Marina Oswald, prior to April 10, 1963,301 Oswald posed for two pictures with his recently acquired rifle and pistol, a copy of the March 24, 1963, issue of the Worker, and the March 11, 1963, issue of the

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Militant.302 He told his wife that he wanted to send the pictures to the Militant and he also asked her to keep one of the pictures for his daughter, June.303

Following his unsuccessful attack on Walker, Oswald returned home. He had left a note for his wife telling her what to do in case he were apprehended, as well as his notebook and the pictures of himself holding the rifle.304 She testified that she was agitated because she had found the note in Oswald's room, where she had gone, contrary to his instructions, after she became, worried about his absence.305 She indicated that she had no advance knowledge of Oswald's plans, that she became quite angry when Oswald told her what he had done, and that she made him promise never to repeat such a performance. She said that she kept the note to use against him "if something like that should be repeated again." 306 When asked if Oswald requested the note back she testified that:

He forgot about it. But apparently after he thought that what he had written in his book might be proof against him, and he destroyed it. [the book] 307
She later gave the following testimony [*indicates that the witness answered without using the interpreter]:

Q. After he brought the rifle home, then, he showed you the book?
*A. Yes.
Q. And you said it was not a good idea to keep this book ?
*A. Yes.
Q. And then he burned the book?
*A. Yes.
Q. Did you ask him why he had not destroyed the book before he actually went to shoot General Walker?
A. It never came to me, myself, to ask him that question.308
Marina Oswald's testimony indicates that her husband was not particularly concerned about his continued possession of the most incriminating sort of evidence.309 If he had been successful and had been apprehended even for routine questioning, his apartment would undoubtedly have been searched, and his role would have been made clear by the evidence which he had left behind. Leaving the note and picture as he did would seem to indicate that he had considered the possibility of capture. Possibly he might have wanted to be caught, and wanted his involvement made clear if he was in fact apprehended. Even after his wife told him to destroy the notebook he removed at least some of the pictures which had been pasted in it and saved them among his effects, where they were found after the assassination.310 His behavior was entirely consistent with his wife's testimony that:

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I asked him what for he was making all these entries in the book and he answered that he wanted to leave a complete record so that all the details would be in it.
I am guessing that perhaps he did it to appear to be a brave man in case he were arrested, but that is my supposition. ... 311
The attempt on General Walker's life deserves close attention in any consideration of Oswald's possible motive for the assassination and the trail of evidence he left behind him on that occasion. While there are differences between the two events as far as Oswald's actions and planning are concerned, there are also similarities that should be considered. The items which Oswald left at home when he made his attack on Walker suggest a strong concern for his place in history. If the attack had succeeded and Oswald had been caught, the pictures showing him with his rifle and his Communist and Socialist Worker's Party newspapers would probably have appeared on the front pages of newspapers or magazines all over the country, as, in fact, one of them did appear after the assassination.312 The circumstances of the attack on Walker coupled with other indications that Oswald was concerned about his place in history 313 and with the circumstances surrounding the assassination, have led the Commission to believe that such concern is an important factor to consider in assessing possible motivation for the assassination.

In any event, the Walker incident indicates that in spite of the belief among those who knew him that he was apparently not dangerous,314 Oswald did not lack the determination and other traits required to carry out a carefully planned killing of another human being and was willing to consummate such a purpose if he thought there was sufficient reason to do so. Some idea of what he thought was sufficient reason for such an act may be found in the nature of the motive that he stated for his attack on General Walker. Marina Oswald indicated that her husband had compared General Walker to Adolph Hitler. She testified that Oswald said that General Walker "was a very bad man, that he was a fascist, that he was the leader of a fascist organization, and when I said that even though all of that might be true, just the same he had no right to take his life, he said if someone had killed Hitler in time it would have saved many lives." 315

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Political Activities

Oswald's political activities after his return to the United States center around his interest in Cuba and in the Fair Play for Cuba Committee. Although, as indicated above, the Commission has been unable to find any credible evidence that he was involved in any conspiracy, his political activities do provide insight into certain aspects of Oswald's character and into his possible motivation for the assassination. While it appears that he may have distributed

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ctober 12, 1962.278 Even though Oswald indicated that he liked photographic work,279 his employer found that he was not an efficient worker. He was not able to produce photographic work which adhered with sufficient precision to the job specifications and as a result too much of his work had to be redone.280 He also had difficulty in working with the other employees. This was at least in part because of the close physical confines in which some of the work had to be done.281 He did not seem to be able to make the accommodations necessary when people work under such conditions and as a result became involved in conflicts, some of which were fairly heated, with his fellow employees.282

In February or March of 1963, it began to appear that Oswald was having considerable difficulty doing accurate work and in getting along with the other employees. It appears that his discharge was hastened by the fact that he brought a Russian language newspaper to work.283 It is not possible to tell whether Oswald did this to provide an excuse for his eventual discharge, or whether he brought the Russian language newspaper with him one day after his other difficulties became clear. It is possible that his immediate supervisor noticed the newspaper at that time because his attention had otherwise been drawn more directly to Oswald. In any event, Oswald was discharged on April 6, 1963, ostensibly because of his inefficiency and difficult personality. His supervisor admitted, however, that while he did not fire Oswald because of the newspaper incident or even weigh it heavily in his decision, "it didn't do his case any good." 284

Upon moving to New Orleans on April 24, 1963, Oswald's employment problems became more difficult. He left his wife and child at the home of a friend, Mrs. Ruth Paine, of Irving, Tex.285 In New Orleans he obtained work as a greaser and oiler of coffee processing machines for the William B. Reily Co., beginning May 10, 1963.286

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After securing this job and an apartment, Oswald asked his wife to join him. Mrs. Paine brought Oswald's family to New Orleans.287 Refusing to admit that he could only get work as a greaser, Oswald told his wife and Mrs. Paine that he was working as a commercial photographer.288 He lost his job on July 19, 1963, because his work was not satisfactory 289 and because he spent too much time loitering in the garage next door, where he read rifle and hunting magazines.290 Oswald apparently concluded that his Fair Play for Cuba Committee activities were not related to his discharge.291 The correct-ness of that conclusion is supported by the fact that he does not seem to have been publicly identified with that organization until August 9, 1963, almost a month after he lost his job.292

His Fair Play for Cuba Committee activities, however, made it more difficult for him to obtain other employment. A placement interviewer of the Louisiana Department of Labor who had previously interviewed Oswald, saw him on television and heard a radio debate in which he engaged on August 21, 1963. He consulted with his supervisor and "it was determined that we should not undertake to furnish employment references for him." 293 Ironically, he failed to get a job in another photographic firm after his return to Dallas in October of 1963, because the president of the photographic firm for which he had previously worked told the prospective employer that Oswald was "kinda peculiar sometimes and that he had some knowledge of the Russian language," and that he "may be a damn Communist. I can't tell you. If I was you, I wouldn't hire him." 294 The plant superintendent of the new firm testified that, one of the employees of the old firm "implied that Oswald's fellow employees did not like him because he was propagandizing and had been seen reading a foreign newspaper." As a result Oswald was not hired.295 He subsequently found a job with the Texas School Book Depository for which he performed his duties satisfactorily.296

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Attack on General Walker

The Commission has concluded that on April 10, 1963, Oswald shot at Maj. Gen. Edwin A. Walker (Resigned, U.S. Army), demonstrating once again his propensity to act dramatically and, in this instance violently, in furtherance of his beliefs. The shooting occurred 2 weeks before Oswald moved to New Orleans and a few days after he had been discharged by the photographic firm. As indicated in chapter IV, Oswald had been planning his attack on General Walker for at least 1297 and perhaps as much as 2 months.298 He outlined his plans in a notebook and studied them at considerable length before his attack.299 He also studied Dallas bus schedules to prepare for his later use of buses to travel to and from General Walker's house.300 Sometime after March 27, but according to Marina Oswald, prior to April 10, 1963,301 Oswald posed for two pictures with his recently acquired rifle and pistol, a copy of the March 24, 1963, issue of the Worker, and the March 11, 1963, issue of the

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Militant.302 He told his wife that he wanted to send the pictures to the Militant and he also asked her to keep one of the pictures for his daughter, June.303

Following his unsuccessful attack on Walker, Oswald returned home. He had left a note for his wife telling her what to do in case he were apprehended, as well as his notebook and the pictures of himself holding the rifle.304 She testified that she was agitated because she had found the note in Oswald's room, where she had gone, contrary to his instructions, after she became, worried about his absence.305 She indicated that she had no advance knowledge of Oswald's plans, that she became quite angry when Oswald told her what he had done, and that she made him promise never to repeat such a performance. She said that she kept the note to use against him "if something like that should be repeated again." 306 When asked if Oswald requested the note back she testified that:

He forgot about it. But apparently after he thought that what he had written in his book might be proof against him, and he destroyed it. [the book] 307
She later gave the following testimony [*indicates that the witness answered without using the interpreter]:

Q. After he brought the rifle home, then, he showed you the book?
*A. Yes.
Q. And you said it was not a good idea to keep this book ?
*A. Yes.
Q. And then he burned the book?
*A. Yes.
Q. Did you ask him why he had not destroyed the book before he actually went to shoot General Walker?
A. It never came to me, myself, to ask him that question.308
Marina Oswald's testimony indicates that her husband was not particularly concerned about his continued possession of the most incriminating sort of evidence.309 If he had been successful and had been apprehended even for routine questioning, his apartment would undoubtedly have been searched, and his role would have been made clear by the evidence which he had left behind. Leaving the note and picture as he did would seem to indicate that he had considered the possibility of capture. Possibly he might have wanted to be caught, and wanted his involvement made clear if he was in fact apprehended. Even after his wife told him to destroy the notebook he removed at least some of the pictures which had been pasted in it and saved them among his effects, where they were found after the assassination.310 His behavior was entirely consistent with his wife's testimony that:

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I asked him what for he was making all these entries in the book and he answered that he wanted to leave a complete record so that all the details would be in it.
I am guessing that perhaps he did it to appear to be a brave man in case he were arrested, but that is my supposition. ... 311
The attempt on General Walker's life deserves close attention in any consideration of Oswald's possible motive for the assassination and the trail of evidence he left behind him on that occasion. While there are differences between the two events as far as Oswald's actions and planning are concerned, there are also similarities that should be considered. The items which Oswald left at home when he made his attack on Walker suggest a strong concern for his place in history. If the attack had succeeded and Oswald had been caught, the pictures showing him with his rifle and his Communist and Socialist Worker's Party newspapers would probably have appeared on the front pages of newspapers or magazines all over the country, as, in fact, one of them did appear after the assassination.312 The circumstances of the attack on Walker coupled with other indications that Oswald was concerned about his place in history 313 and with the circumstances surrounding the assassination, have led the Commission to believe that such concern is an important factor to consider in assessing possible motivation for the assassination.

In any event, the Walker incident indicates that in spite of the belief among those who knew him that he was apparently not dangerous,314 Oswald did not lack the determination and other traits required to carry out a carefully planned killing of another human being and was willing to consummate such a purpose if he thought there was sufficient reason to do so. Some idea of what he thought was sufficient reason for such an act may be found in the nature of the motive that he stated for his attack on General Walker. Marina Oswald indicated that her husband had compared General Walker to Adolph Hitler. She testified that Oswald said that General Walker "was a very bad man, that he was a fascist, that he was the leader of a fascist organization, and when I said that even though all of that might be true, just the same he had no right to take his life, he said if someone had killed Hitler in time it would have saved many lives." 315

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Political Activities

Oswald's political activities after his return to the United States center around his interest in Cuba and in the Fair Play for Cuba Committee. Although, as indicated above, the Commission has been unable to find any credible evidence that he was involved in any conspiracy, his political activities do provide insight into certain aspects of Oswald's character and into his possible motivation for the assassination. While it appears that he may have distributed

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Fair Play for Cuba Committee materials on one uneventful occasion in Dallas sometime during the period April 6-24, 1963,316 Oswald's first public identification with that cause was in New Orleans. There, in late May and early June of 1963, under the name Lee Osborne, he had printed a handbill headed in large letters "Hands Off Cuba," an application form for, and a membership card in, the New Orleans branch of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee.317 He first distributed his handbills and other material uneventfully in the vicinity of the U.S.S. Wasp, which was berthed at the Dumaine Street wharf in New Orleans, on June 16, 1963.318 He distributed literature in downtown New Orleans on August 9, 1963, and was arrested because of a dispute with three anti-Castro Cuban exiles, and again on August 16, 1963.319 Following his arrest, he was interviewed by the police, and at his own request, by an agent of the FBI.320 On August 17, 1963, he appeared briefly on a radio program a and on August 21, 1963, he debated over radio station WDSU, New Orleans, with Carlos Bringuier, one of the Cuban exiles who bad been arrested with him on August 9.322 Bringuier claimed that on August 5, 1963, Oswald had attempted to infiltrate an anti-Castro organization with which he was associated.323

While Oswald publicly engaged in the activities described above, his "organization" was a product of his imagination.324 The imaginary president of the nonexistent chapter was named A. J. Hidell,325 the name that Oswald used when he purchased the assassination weapon.326 Marina Oswald said she signed that name, apparently chosen because it rhymed with "Fidel," 327 to her husband's membership card in the New Orleans chapter. She testified that he threatened to beat her if she did not do so.328 The chapter had never been chartered by the national FPCC organization.329 It appears to have been a solitary operation on Oswald's part in spite of his misstatements to the New Orleans police that it had 35 members, 5 of which were usually present at meetings which were held once a month.330

Oswald's Fair Play for Cuba activities may be viewed as a very shrewd political operation in which one man single handedly created publicity for his cause or for himself. It is also evidence of Oswald's reluctance to describe events accurately and of his need to present himself to others as well as to himself in a light more favorable than was justified by reality. This is suggested by his misleading and sometime untruthful statements in his letters to Mr. V. T. Lee, then national director of FPCC. In one of those letters, dated August 1. 1963, Oswald wrote that an office which he had previously claimed to have rented for FPCC activities had been "promply closed 3 days later for some obsure reasons by the renters, they said something about remodeling ect., I'm sure you understand." 331 He wrote that "thousands of circulars were distrubed" 332 and that he continued to receive inquiries through his post office box which he endeavored "to keep ansewering to the best of my ability." 333 In his letter to V. T. Lee, he stated that he was then alone in his efforts on behalf of FPCC, but he attributed his lack of support to an attack by Cuban

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exiles in a street demonstration and being "officialy cautioned" by the police, events which "robbed me of what support I had leaving me alone." 334

In spite of those claims, the Commission has not been able to uncover any evidence that anyone ever attacked any street demonstration in which Oswald was involved, except for the Bringuier incident mentioned above, which occurred 8 days after Oswald wrote the above letter to V. T. Lee.335 Bringuier, who seemed to be familiar with many anti-Castro activities in New Orleans, was not aware of any such incident.336 Police reports also fail to reflect any activity on Oswald's part prior to August 9, 1963, except for the uneventful distribution of literature at the Dumaine Street wharf in June.337 Furthermore, the general tenor of Oswald's next letter to V. T. Lee, in which he supported his report on the Bringuier incident with a copy of the charges made against him and a newspaper clipping reporting the event, suggests that his previous story of an attack by Cuban exiles was at least greatly exaggerated.338 While the legend "FPCC 544 Camp St. NEW ORLEANS, LA." was stamped on some literature that Oswald had in his possession at the time of his arrest in New Orleans, extensive investigation was not able to connect Oswald with that address, although it did develop the fact that an anti-Castro organization had maintained offices there for a period ending early in 1962.339 The Commission has not been able to find any other indication that Oswald had rented an office in New Orleans. In view of the limited amount of public activity on Oswald's part before August 9, 1963, there also seems to be no basis for his claim that he had distributed "thousands" of circulars, especially since he had claimed to have printed only 2,000 and actually had only 1,000 printed. In addition, there is no evidence that he received any substantial amount of materials from the national headquarters.340

In another letter to V. T. Lee, dated August 17, 1963, Oswald wrote that he had appeared on Mr. William Stuckey's 15-minute television program over WDSU-TV called "Latin American Focus" as a result of which he was "flooded with callers and invitations to debate's ect. as well as people interested in joining the F.P.C.C. New Orleans branch." 341 WDSU has no program of any kind called "Latin American Focus." 342 Stuckey had a radio program called "Latin Listening Post," on which Oswald was heard for less than 5 minutes on August 17, 1963.343 It appears that Oswald had only one caller in response to all of his FPCC activities, an agent of Bringuier's attempting to learn more about the true nature of the alleged FPCC "organization" in New Orleans.344

Oswald's statements suggest that he hoped to be flooded with callers and invitations to debate. This would have made him a real center of attention as he must have been when he first arrived in the Soviet Union and as he was to some extent when he returned to the United States. The limited notoriety that Oswald received as a result of the street fracas and in the subsequent radio debate was apparently not enough to satisfy him. He exaggerated in his letters to V. T. Lee in an appar-

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This page reproduces a photograph of Oswald distributing Fair Play for Cuba handbills in New Orleans, August 16, 1963 --Insets show samples of his handbills on which he had stamped his name and the name of "A J Hidell." (COMMISSION EXHIBIT 2966 A, COMMISSION EXHIBIT 2966 B, and GARNER DEPOSITION EXHIBIT 1.)

Handbills read:

HANDS OFF CUBA! Join the Fair Play for Cuba Committee. NEW ORLEANS CHARTER MEMBER BRANCH. Free Literature, Lectures LOCATION: [Stamps of Oswald/Hidell address]. EVERYONE WELCOME!
Page 410

ent attempt to make himself and his activities appear far more important than they really were.

His attempt to express himself through his Fair Play for Cuba activities, however, was greatly impeded by the fact that the radio debate over WDSU on August 21, 1963, brought out the history of his defection to the Soviet Union.345 The basic facts of the event were uncovered independently by William Stuckey, who arranged the debate, and Edward Butler, executive director of the Information Council of the Americas, who also appeared on the program.346 Oswald was confronted with those facts at the beginning of the debate and was so thrown on the defensive by this that he was forced to state that Fair Play for Cuba was "not at all Communist controlled regardless of the fact that I had the experience of living in Russia."

Stuckey testified that uncovering Oswald's defection was very important:

I think that we finished him on that program. ... because we had publicly linked the Fair Play for Cuba Committee with a fellow who had lived in Russia for 3 years and who was an admitted Marxist.
The interesting thing, or rather the danger involved, was the fact that Oswald seemed like such a nice, bright boy and was extremely believable before this. We thought the fellow could probably get quite a few members if he was really indeed serious about getting members. We figured after this broadcast of August 21, why, that was no longer possible.348
In spite of the fact that Oswald had been surprised and was on the defensive throughout the debate, according to Stuckey: "Mr. Oswald handled himself very well, as usual." 349 Stuckey thought Oswald "appeared to be a very logical, intelligent fellow," and "was arrested by his cleancutness." 350 He did not think Oswald looked like the "type" that he would have expected to find associating with a group such as the Fair Play for Cuba Committee.351 Stuckey thought that Oswald acted very much as would a young attorney.352

Following the disclosure of his defection, Oswald sought advice from the Communist Party, U.S.A., concerning his Fair Play for Cuba activity.358 He had previously sent, apparently unsolicited, to the Party newspaper, the Worker, samples of his photographic work, offering to contribute that sort of service without charge.354 The Worker replied: "Your kind offer is most welcomed and from time to time we shall call on you." 355 He later wrote to another official of the Worker, seeking employment, and mentioning the praise he had received for submitting his photographic work.356 He presented Arnold Johnson, Gus Hall, and Benjamin J. Davis honorary membership cards in his nonexistent New Orleans chapter of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee, and advised them of some of his activities on behalf of the organization.357 Arnold Johnson, director of the in-

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formation and lecture bureau of the Communist Party, U.S.A., replied stating:

It is good to know that movements in support of fair play for Cuba has developed in New Orleans as well as in other cities. We do not have any organizational ties with the Committee, and yet there is much material that we issue from time to time that is important for anybody who is concerned about developments in Cuba.358
Marina Oswald said that such correspondence from people he considered important meant much to Oswald. After he had begun his Cuban activity in New Orleans "he received a letter from somebody in New York, some Communist--probably from New York--I am not sure from where--from some Communist leader and he was very happy, he felt that this was a great man that he had received the letter from." 359 Since he seemed to feel that no one else understood his political views, the letter was of great value to him for it "was proof ... that there were people who' understood his activity." 360

He anticipated that the full disclosure of his defection would hinder him in "the struggle for progress and freedom in the United States" 361 into which Oswald, in his own words, had "thrown" himself. He sought advice from the central committee of the Communist Party, U.S.A., in a letter dated August 28, 1963, about whether he could "continue to fight, handicapped as it were, by my past record ... [and] compete with anti-progressive forces, above-ground or weather in your opinion I should always remain in the background, i.e. underground." 362 Stating that he had used his "position" with what he claimed to be the local branch of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee to "foster communist ideals," Oswald wrote that he felt that he might have compromised the FPCC and expressed concern lest "Our opponents could use my background of residence in the U.S.S.R. against any cause which I join, by association, they could say the organization of which I am a member, is Russian controled, ect." 363 In reply Arnold Johnson advised Oswald that, while as an American citizen he had a right to participate in such organizations as he wished, "there are a number of organizations, including possibly Fair Play, which are of a very broad character, and often it is advisable for some people to remain in the background, not underground." 364

By August of 1963, after a short 3 months in New Orleans, the city in which he had been born and had lived most of his early life, Oswald had fallen on difficult times. He had not liked his job as a greaser of coffee processing machinery and he held it for only a little over 2 months.365 He had not found another job. His wife was expecting their second child in October and there was concern about the cost which would be involved.366 His brief foray on behalf of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee had failed to win any support. While he had drawn some attention to himself and had actually

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appeared on two radio programs, he had been attacked by Cuban exiles and arrested, an event which his wife thought upset him and as a result of which "he became less active, he cooled off a little." 367 More seriously, the facts of his defection had become known, leaving him open to almost unanswerable attack by those who opposed his views. It would not have been possible to have followed Arnold Johnson's advice to remain in the background, since there was no background to the New Orleans FPCC "organization," which consisted solely of Oswald. Furthermore, he had apparently not received any letters from the national headquarters of FPCC since May 29, 1963,368 even though he had written four detailed letters since that time to Mr. V. T. Lee 369 and had also kept the national headquarters informed of each of his changes of mailing address.370 Those events no doubt had their effects on Oswald.

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Interest in Cuba

By August of 1963, Oswald had for some time been considering the possibility of leaving the United States again. On June 24, 1963, he applied for a new passport 371 and in late June or early July he told his wife that he wanted to return to the Soviet Union with her. She said that he was extremely upset, very unhappy, and that he actually wept when he told her that.372 He said that nothing kept him in the United States, that he would not lose anything if he returned to the Soviet Union, that he wanted to be with her and that it would be better to have less and not have to be concerned about tomorrow.373

As a result of that conversation, Marina Oswald wrote the Soviet Embassy in Washington concerning a request she had first made on February 17, 1963, for permission for herself and June to return to the Soviet Union.374 While that first request, made according to Marina Oswald at her husband's insistence, specifically stated that Oswald was to remain in the United States, she wrote in her letter of July 1963, that things are improving due to the fact that my husband expresses a sincere wish to return together with me to the USSR." 375 Unknown to his wife, however, Oswald apparently enclosed a note with her letter of July in which he requested the Embassy to rush his wife's entrance visa because of the impending birth of the second child but stated that: "As for my return entrance visa please consider it separtably." 376

Thus while Oswald's real intentions, assuming that they were known to himself, are not clear, he may not have intended to go to the Soviet Union directly, if at all.377 It appears that he really wanted to go to Cuba. In his wife's words:

I only know that his basic desire was to get to Cuba by any means, and that all the rest of it was window dressing for that purpose.378
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Marina Oswald testified that her husband engaged in Fair Play for Cuba Committee activities "primarily for purposes of self-advertising. He wanted to be arrested. I think he wanted to get into the newspapers, so that he would be known." 379 According to Marina Oswald, he thought that would help him when he got to Cuba.380 He asked his wife to help him to hijack an airplane to get there, but gave up that scheme when she refused.381

During this period Oswald may have practiced opening and closing the bolt on his rifle in a screened porch in his apartment.382 In September he began to review Spanish.333 He approved arrangements for his family to return to Irving, Tex., to live with Mrs. Ruth Paine.384 On September 20, 1963, Mrs. Paine and her two children arrived in New Orleans from a trip to the East Coast 385 and left for Irving with Marina Oswald and June and most of the Oswalds' effects 3 days later.386 While Marina Oswald knew of her husband's plan to go to Mexico and thence to Cuba if possible,387 Mrs. Paine was told that Oswald was going to Houston and possibly to Philadelphia to look for work.388

Oswald left for Mexico City on September 25, 1963, and arrived on September 27, 1963. He went almost directly to the Cuban Embassy and applied for a visa to Cuba in transit to Russia.389 Representing himself as the head of the New Orleans branch of the "organization called 'Fair Play for Cuba,' he stated his desire that he should be accepted as a 'friend' of the Cuban Revolution." 390 He apparently based his claim for a visa in transit to Russia on his previous residence, his work permit for that country, and several unidentified letters in the Russian language. The Cubans would not, however, give him a visa until he had received one from the Soviets, which involved a delay of several months. When faced with that situation Oswald became greatly agitated, and although he later unsuccessfully attempted to obtain a Soviet visa at the Soviet Embassy in Mexico City, he insisted that he was entitled to the Cuban visa because of his background, partisanship, and personal activities on behalf of the Cuban movement. He engaged in an angry argument with the consul who finally told him that "as far as he was concerned he would not give him a visa" and that "a person like him [Oswald] in place of aiding the Cuban Revolution, was doing it harm." 391

Oswald must have been thoroughly disillusioned when he left Mexico City on October 2, 1963. In spite of his former residence in the Soviet Union and his Fair Play for Cuba Committee activities he had been rebuffed by the officials of both Cuba and the Soviet Union it. Mexico City. Now there appeared to be no chance to get to Cuba, where he had thought he might find his communist ideal. The U.S. Government would not permit travel there and as far as the perform- ante of the Cubans themselves was concerned, he was "disappointed at not being able to get to Cuba, and he didn't have any great desire to do so any more because he had run into, as he himself said--into bureaucracy and red tape." 392

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Oswald's attempt to go to Cuba was another act which expressed his hostility toward the United States and its institutions as well as a concomitant attachment to a country in which he must have thought were embodied the political principles to which he had been committed for so long. It should be noted that his interest in Cuba seems to have increased along with the sense of frustration which must have developed as he experienced successive failures in his jobs, in his political activity, and in his personal relationships. In retrospect his attempt to go to Cuba or return to the Soviet Union may well have been Oswald's last escape hatch, his last gambit to extricate himself from the mediocrity and defeat which plagued him throughout most of his life.

Oswald's activities with regard to Cuba raise serious questions as to how much he might have been motivated in the assassination by a desire to aid the Castro regime, which President Kennedy so out-spokenly criticized. For example, the Dallas Times Herald of November 19, 1963, prominently reported President Kennedy as having "all but invited the Cuban people today to overthrow Fidel Castro's Communist regime and promised prompt U.S. aid if they do." 393 The Castro regime severely attacked President Kennedy in connection with the Bay of Pigs affair, the Cuban missile crisis, the ban on travel to Cuba, the economic embargo against that country, and the general policy of the United States with regard to Cuba. An examination of the Militant, to which Oswald subscribed,394 for the 3-month period prior to the assassination reflects an extremely critical attitude toward President Kennedy and his administration concerning Cuban policy in general as well as on the issues of automation and civil rights, issues which appeared to concern Oswald a great deal.395 The Militant also reflected a critical attitude toward President Kennedy's attempts to reduce tensions between the United States and the Soviet Union. It also dealt with the fear of the Castro regime that such a policy might result in its abandonment by the Soviet Union.

The October 7, 1963, issue of the Militant reported Castro as saying Cuba could not accept a situation where at the same time the United States was trying to ease world tensions it also. "was increasing its efforts to 'tighten the noose' around Cuba." 396 Castro's opposition to President Kennedy's attempt to reduce world tensions was also reported in the October 1, 1963, issue of the Worker, to which Oswald also subscribed.397 In this connection it should be noted that in speaking of the Worker, Oswald told Michael Paine, apparently in all seriousness, that "you could tell what they wanted you to do ... by reading between the lines, reading the thing and doing a little reading between the lines.." 398

The general conflict of views between the United States and Cuba was, of course, reflected in other media to such an extent that there can be no doubt that Oswald was aware generally of the critical attitude that Castro expressed about President Kennedy. Oswald was asked during the New Orleans radio debate in which he engaged on August 21, 1963, whether or not he agreed with Castro that President

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Kennedy was a "ruffian and a thief." He replied that he "would not agree with that particular wording." 399 It should also be noted, however, that one witness testified that shortly before the assassination Oswald had expressed approval of President Kennedy's active role in the area of civil rights.400

Although Oswald could possibly have been motivated in part by his sympathy for the Castro government, it should be remembered that his wife testified that he was disappointed with his failure to get to Cuba and had lost his desire to do so because of the bureaucracy and red tape which he had encountered.401 His unhappy experience with the Cuban consul seems thus to have reduced his enthusiasm for the Castro regime and his desire to go to Cuba.

While some of Castro's more severe criticisms of President Kennedy might have led Oswald to believe that he would be well received in Cuba after he had assassinated the American President, it does not appear that he had any plans to go there. Oswald was carrying only $13.87 at the time of his arrest, although he had left, apparently by design, $170 in a wallet in his wife's room in Irving.402 If there was no conspiracy which would help him escape, the possibility of which has been considered in chapter VI, it is unlikely that a reasoning person would plan to attempt to travel from Dallas, Tex., to Cuba with $13.87 when considerably greater resources were available to him. The fact that Oswald left behind the funds which might have enabled him to reach Cuba suggests the absence of any plan to try to flee there and raises serious questions as to whether or not he ever expected to escape.

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Possible Influence of Anti-Kennedy Sentiment in Dallas

It has been suggested that one of the motivating influences operating on Lee Oswald was the atmosphere in the city of Dallas, especially an atmosphere of extreme opposition to President Kennedy that was present in some parts of the Dallas community and which received publicity there prior to the assassination.403 Some of that feeling was expressed in the incident involving then vice-presidential candidate Johnson during the 1960 campaign, in the treatment of Ambassador Adlai Stevenson late in October of 1963 and in the extreme anti-Kennedy newspaper advertisement and handbills that appeared in Dallas at the time of the President's visit there.404

The Commission has found no evidence that the extreme views expressed toward President Kennedy by some rightwing groups centered in Dallas or any other general atmosphere of hate or rightwing extremism which may have existed in the city of Dallas had any connection with Oswald's actions on November 22, 1963. There is, of course, no way to judge what the effect of the general political ferment present in that city might have been, even though Oswald was aware of it. His awareness is shown by a letter that he wrote to Arnold Johnson of the Communist Party U.S.A., which Johnson said he did not receive until after the assassination. The letter said in part:

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On October 23rd, I had attened a ultra-right meeting headed by General Edwin A. Walker, who lives in Dallas.
This meeting preceded by one day the attack on A. E. Stevenson at the United Nations Day meeting at which he spoke
As you can see, political friction between "left" and "right" is very great here.
Could you advise me as to the general view we have on the American Civil Liberties Union? 405
In any event, the Commission has been unable to find any credible evidence that Oswald had direct contact or association with any of the personalities or groups epitomizing or representing the so-called rightwing, even though he did, as he told Johnson, attend a meeting at which General Walker spoke to approximately 1,300 persons.406 Oswald's writings and his reading habits indicate that he had an extreme dislike of the rightwing, an attitude most clearly reflected by his attempt to shoot General Walker.

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Relationship With Wife

The relations between Lee and Marina Oswald are of great importance in any attempt to understand Oswald's possible motivation. During the period from Oswald's return from Mexico to the assassination, he and his wife spent every weekend but one together at the Irving, Tex., home of Mrs. Ruth Paine, who was then separated from her husband. The sole exception was the weekend of November 16-17, 1963, the weekend before the assassination, when his wife asked Oswald not to come to Irving. During the week, Oswald lived in a roominghouse in Dallas, but he usually called his wife on the telephone twice a day.407 She testified that after his return from Mexico Oswald "changed for the better. He began to treat me better. ... He helped me more--although he always did help. But he was more attentive." 408 Marina Oswald attributed that to their living apart and to the imminent birth of their second child. She testified that Oswald "was very happy" about the birth of the child.409

While those considerations no doubt had an effect on Oswald's attitude toward his family it would seem that the need for support and sympathy after his recent rebuffs in Mexico City might also have been important to him. It would not have been the first time that Oswald sought closer ties with his family in time of adversity.410

His past relationships with his wife had been stormy, however, and it did not seem that she respected him very much. They had been married after a courtship of only about 6 weeks, a part of which Oswald spent in the hospital. Oswald's diary reports that he married his wife shortly after his proposal of marriage to another girl had been rejected. He stated that the other girl rejected him partly because he was an American, a fact that he said she had exploited. He stated that "In spite of fact I married Marina to hurt Ella [the girl that had rejected him] I found myself in love with Marina." 411

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Many of the people with whom the Oswalds became acquainted after their arrival in the United States thought that Marina Oswald had married her husband primarily in the hope that she would be able to leave the Soviet Union. Marina Oswald has denied this.412

Marina Oswald expressed one aspect of her husband's attitude toward her when she testified that:

... Lee wanted me to go to Russia, and I told him that if he wanted me to go then that meant that he didn't love me, and that in that case what was the idea of coming to the United States in the first place. Lee would say that it would be better for me if I went to Russia. I did not. know why. I did not know what he had in mind. He said he loved me but that it would be better for me if I went to Russia, and what he had in mind I don't know.413
On the other hand, Oswald objected to the invitation that his wife had received to live with Mrs. Ruth Paine, which Mrs. Paine had made in part to give her an alternative to returning to the Soviet Union.414 Marina Oswald wrote to Mrs. Paine that: "Many times

[Oswald] has recalled this matter to me and said that I am just waiting for an opportunity to hurt him. It has been the cause of many of our arguments." 415 Oswald claimed that his wife preferred others to him.416 He said this about members of the Russian-speaking group in the Dallas-Ft. Worth area, whom she said he tried to forbid her from seeing,417 and also about Mrs. Paine.418 He specifically made that claim when his wife refused to come to live with him in Dallas as he asked her to do on the evening of November 21, 1963.419
The instability of their relations was probably a function of the personalities of both people. Oswald was overbearing in relations with his wife. He apparently attempted to be "the Commander" by dictating many of the details of their married life.420 While Marina Oswald said that her husband wanted her to learn English,421 he made no attempt to help her and there are other indications that he did not want her to learn that language. Oswald apparently wished to continue practicing his own Russian with her.422 Lieutenant Martello of the New Orleans police testified that Oswald stated that he did not speak English in his family because he did not want them to become Americanized.423 Marina Oswald's inability to speak English also made it more difficult, for her to have an independent existence in this country. Oswald struck his wife on occasion,424 did not want her to drink, smoke or wear cosmetics 425 and generally treated her with lack of respect in the presence of others.426

The difficulties which Oswald's problems would have caused him in any relationship were probably not reduced by his wife's conduct. Katherine Ford, with whom Marina Oswald stayed during her separation from her husband in November of 1962, thought that Marina Oswald was immature in her thinking and partly responsible for the difficulties that the Oswalds were having at that time.427 Mrs. Ford

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said that Marina Oswald admitted that she provoked Oswald on occasion.428 There can be little doubt that some provocation existed. Oswald once struck his wife because of a letter which she wrote to a former boy friend in Russia. In the letter Marina Oswald stated that her husband had changed a great deal and that she was very lonely in the United States. She was "sorry that I had not married him [the Russian boy friend] instead, that it would have been much easier for me." 429 The letter fell into Oswald's hands when it was returned to his post office box because of insufficient postage, which apparently resulted from an increase in postal rates of which his wife had been unaware.430 Oswald read the letter, but refused to believe that it was sincere, even though his wife insisted to him that it was. As a result Oswald struck her, as to which she testified: "Generally, I think that was right, for such things that is the right thing to do. There was some grounds for it.431

Although she denied it in some of her testimony before the Commission,432 it appears that Marina Oswald also complained that her husband was not able to provide more material things for her.433 On that issue George De Mohrenschildt, who was probably as close to the Oswalds as anyone else during their first stay in Dallas, said that:

She was annoying him all the time--"Why don't you make some money?" ... Poor guy was going out of his mind. ... We told her she should not annoy him--poor guy, he is doing his best, "Don't annoy him so much." 434
The De Mohrenschildts also testified that "right in front" of Oswald Marina Oswald complained about Oswald's inadequacy as a husband.435 Mrs. Oswald told another of her friends that Oswald was very cold to her, that they very seldom had sexual relations and that Oswald "was not a man." 436 She also told Mrs. Paine that she was not satisfied with her sexual relations with Oswald.437

Marina Oswald also ridiculed her husband's political views, thereby tearing down his view of his own importance. He was very much interested in autobiographical works of outstanding statesmen of the United States, to whom his wife thought he compared himself.438 She said he was different from other people in "At, least his imagination, his fantasy, which was quite unfounded, as to the fact that he was an outstanding man." 439 She said that she "always tried to point out to him that he was a man like any others who were around us. But he simply could not understand that? 440 Jeanne De Mohrenschildt, however, thought that Marina Oswald "said things that will hurt men's pride." 441 She said that if she ever spoke to her husband the way Marina Oswald spoke to her husband, "we would not last long." 442 Mrs. De Mohrenschildt thought that Oswald, whom she compared to "a puppy dog that everybody kicked," 443 had a lot of good qualities, in spite of the fact that "Nobody said anything good about him." 444 She had "the impression that he was just pushed, pushed, pushed, and she [Marina Oswald] was probably nagging, nag-

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ging, nagging." 445 She thought that he might not have become involved in the assassination if people had been kinder to him.446

In spite of these difficulties, however, and in the face of the economic problems that were always with them, things apparently went quite smoothly from the time Oswald returned from Mexico until the weekend of November 16-17, 1963.447 Mrs. Paine was planning a birthday party for one of her children on that weekend and her husband, Michael, was to be at the house. Marina Oswald said that she knew her husband did not like Michael Paine and so she asked him not to come out that weekend, even though he wanted to do so. She testified that she told him "that he shouldn't come every week, that perhaps it is not convenient for Ruth that the whole family be there, live there." She testified that he responded: "As you wish. If you don't want me to come, I won't." 448 Ruth Paine testified that she heard Marina Oswald tell Oswald about the birthday party.449

On Sunday, November 17, 1963, Ruth Paine and Marina Oswald decided to call Oswald 450 at the place where he was living, unbeknownst to them, under the name of O. H. Lee.451 They asked for Lee Oswald who was not called to the telephone because he was known by the other name.452 When Oswald called the next day his wife became very angry about his use of the alias.453 He said that he used it because "he did not want his landlady to know his real name because she might read in the paper of the fact that he had been in Russia and that he had been questioned." 454 Oswald also said that he did not want the FBI to know where he lived "Because their visits were not very pleasant for him and he thought that he loses jobs because the FBI visits the place of his employment." 455 While the facts of his defection had become known in New Orleans as a result of his radio debate with Bringuier,456 it would appear to be unlikely that his landlady in Dallas would see anything in the newspaper about his defection, unless he engaged in activities similar to those which had led to the disclosure of his defection in New Orleans. Furthermore, even though it appears that at times Oswald was really upset by visits of the FBI, it does not appear that he ever lost his job because of its activities, although he may well not have been aware of that fact.457

While Oswald's concern about the FBI had some basis in fact, in that FBI agents had interviewed him in the past and had renewed their interest to some extent after his Fair Play for Cuba Committee activities had become known, he exaggerated their concern for him. Marina Oswald thought he did so in order to emphasize his importance.458 For example, in his letter of November 9, 1963, to the Soviet Embassy in Washington, he asked about the entrance visas for which he and his wife had previously applied. He absolved the Soviet Embassy in Mexico City of any blame for his difficulties there. He advised the Washington Embassy that the FBI was "not now" interested in his Fair Play for Cuba Committee activities, but noted that the FBI "has visited us here in Dallas, Texas, on November 1. Agent James P. Hasty warned me that if I engaged in F.P.C.C. activities in Texas

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the F.B.I. will again take an 'interrest' in me." 459 Neither Hosty nor any other agent of the FBI spoke to Oswald on any subject from August 10, 1963, to the time of the assassination.460 The claimed warning was one more of Oswald's fabrications. Hosty had come to the Paine residence on November 1 and 5, 1963, but did not issue any such warning or suggest that Marina Oswald defect from the Soviet Union and remain in the United States under FBI protection, as Oswald went on to say.461 In Oswald's imagination "I and my wife strongly protested these tactics by the notorious F.B.I." 462 In fact, his wife testified that she only said that she would prefer not to receive any more visits from the Bureau because of the "very exciting and disturbing effect" they had upon her husband,463 who was not even present at that time.464

The arguments he used to justify his use of the alias suggest that Oswald may have come to think that the whole world was becoming involved in an increasingly complex conspiracy against him. He may have felt he could never tell when the FBI was going to appear on the scene or who else was going to find out about his defection and use it against him as had been done in New Orleans.465 On the other hand, the concern he expressed about the FBI may have been just another story to support the objective he sought in his letter.

Those arguments, however, were not persuasive to Marina Oswald, to whom "it was nothing terrible if people were to find out that he had been in Russia." 466 She asked Oswald: "After all, when will all your foolishness come to an end? All of these comedies. First one thing and then another. And now this fictitious name." 467 She said: "On Monday [November 18, 1963] he called several times, but after I hung up on him and didn't want to talk to him he did not call again. He then arrived on Thursday [November 21, 1963]." 468

The events of that evening can best be appreciated through Marina Oswald's testimony:

Q. Did your husband give any reason for coming home on Thursday?

A. He said that he was lonely because he hadn't come the pre- ceding weekend, and he wanted to make his peace with me.

Q. Did you say anything to him then?

A. He tried to talk to me but I would not answer him, and he was very upset.

Q. Were you upset with him?

A. I was angry, of course. He was not angry--he was upset. I was angry. He tried very hard to please me. He spent quite a bit of time putting away diapers and played with the children on the street.

Q. How did you indicate to him that you were angry with him?

A. By not talking to him.

Q. And how did he show that he was upset?

A. He was upset over the fact that I would not answer him. He tried to start a conversation with me several times, but I

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would not answer. And he said that he didn't want me to be angry at him because this upsets him.

On that day, he suggested that we rent an apartment in Dallas. He said that he was tired of living alone and perhaps the reason for my being so angry was the fact that we were not living together. That if I want to he would rent an apartment in Dallas tomorrow--that he didn't want me to remain with Ruth any longer, but wanted me to live with him in Dallas.

He repeated this not once but several times, but I refused. And he said that once again I was preferring my friends to him, and that I didn't need him.

Q. What did you say to that?

A. I said it would be better if I remained with Ruth until the holidays, he would come, and we would all meet together. That this was better because while he was living alone and I stayed with Ruth, we were spending less money. And I told him to buy me a washing machine, because two children it became too difficult to wash by hand.

Q. What did he say to that?

A. He said he would buy me a washing machine.

Q. What did you say to that?

A. Thank you. That it would be better if he bought something for himself--that I would manage.469

That night Oswald went to bed before his wife retired. She did not speak to him when she joined him there, although she thought that he was still awake. The next morning he left for work before anyone else arose.470 For the first time he left his wedding ring in a cup on the dresser in his room.471 He also left $170 in a wallet in one of the dresser drawers. He took with him $13.87 472 and the long brown package that Frazier and Mrs. Randle saw him carry and which he was to take to the School Book Depository.473

The Unanswered Questions

No one will ever know what passed through Oswald's mind during the week before November 22, 1963. Instead of returning to Irving on November 15 for his customary weekend visit, he remained in Dallas at his wife's suggestion because of the birthday party. He had argued with her over the use of an alias and had not called her after that argument, although he usually telephoned once or twice a day. Then on Thursday morning, November 21, he asked Frazier for a ride to Irving that night, stating falsely that he wanted to pick up some curtain rods to put in an apartment.474

He must have planned his attack at the very latest prior to Thursday morning when he spoke to Frazier. There is, of course, no way to determine the degree to which he was committed to his plan at that time. While there is no way to tell when he first began to think specifically of assassinating the President it should be noted that mention of

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the Trade Mart as the expected site of the Presidential luncheon appeared in The Dallas Times Herald on November 15, 1963.475 The next day that paper announced the final approval of the Trade Mart as the luncheon site and stated that the motorcade "apparently will loop through the downtown area, probably on Main Street, en route from Dallas Love Field" on its way to the Trade Mart on Stemmons Freeway. 476 Anyone who was familiar with that area of Dallas would have known that the motorcade would probably pass the Texas School Book Depository to get from Main Street onto the Stemmons Freeway. That fact was made precisely clear in subsequent news stories on November 19, 20, and 22. 477

On November 15, 1963, the same day that his wife told him not to come to Irving, Oswald could have assumed that the Presidential motorcade would pass in front of his place of work. Whether he thought about assassinating the President over the weekend can never be known, but it is reasonably certain that over the weekend he did think about his wife's request that he not come to Irving, which was prompted by the birthday party being held at the Paine home. Oswald had a highly exaggerated sense of his own importance, but he had failed at almost everything he had ever tried to do. He had great difficulty in establishing meaningful relations with other people. Except for his family he was completely alone. Even though he had searched--in the Marine Corps, in his ideal of communism, in the Soviet Union and in his attempt to get to Cuba--he had never found anything to which he felt he could really belong.

After he returned from his trip to Mexico where his application to go to Cuba had been sharply rejected, it must have appeared to him that he was unable to command even the attention of his family. He could not keep them with him in Dallas, where at least he could see his children whom, several witnesses testified, he seemed to love.478 His family lived with Mrs. Paine, ostensibly because Oswald could not afford to keep an apartment in Dallas, but it was also, at least in part, because his wife did not want to live there with him.479 Now it appeared that he was not welcome at the Paine home, where he had spent every previous weekend since his return from Mexico and his wife was once again calling into question his judgment, this time concerning his use of an alias.

The conversation on Monday, November 18, 1963, ended when Marina Oswald hung up and refused to talk to him. Although he may long before have decided on the course he was to follow and may have told his wife the things he did on the evening of November 21, 1963, merely to disarm her and to provide a justification of sorts, both she and Mrs. Paine thought he had come home to make up after the fight on Monday. 480 Thoughts of his personal difficulties must have been at least partly on his mind when he went to Irving on Thursday night and told his wife that he was lonely, that he wanted to make peace with her and bring his family to Dallas where they could live with him again.

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The Commission does not believe that the relations between Oswald and his wife caused him to assassinate the President. It is unlikely that the motivation was that simple. The feelings of hostility and aggression which seem to have played such an important, part in Oswald's life were part of his character long before he met his wife and such a favorable opportunity to strike at a figure as great as the President would probably never have come to him again.

Oswald's behavior after the assassination throws little light on his motives. The fact that he took so little money with him when he left Irving in the morning indicates that he did not expect to get very far from Dallas on his own and suggests the possibility, as did his note to his wife just prior to the attempt on General Walker, that he did not expect to escape at all. On the other hand, he could have traveled some distance with the money he did have and he did return to his room where he obtained his revolver. He then killed Patrolman Tippit when that police officer apparently tried to question him after he had left his roominghouse and he vigorously resisted arrest when he was finally apprehended in the Texas Theatre. Although it is not fully corroborated by others who were present, two officers have testified that at the time of his arrest Oswald said something to the effect that "it's all over now." 481

Oswald was overbearing and arrogant throughout much of the time between his arrest and his own death.482 He consistently refused to admit involvement in the assassination or in the killing of Patrolman Tippit.483 While he did become enraged at at least one point. in his interrogation, the testimony of the officers present indicates that he handled himself with considerable composure during his questioning. He admitted nothing that would damage him but discussed other matters quite freely. 484 His denials under questioning, which have no probative value in view of the many readily demonstrable lies he told at that time 485 and in the face of the overwhelming evidence against him which has been set forth above, only served to prolong the period during which he was the center of the attention of the entire world.

Conclusion

Many factors were undoubtedly involved in Oswald's motivation for the assassination, and the Commission does not believe that it can ascribe to him any one motive or group of motives. It is apparent, however, that Oswald was moved by an overriding hostility to his environment. He does not appear to have been able to establish meaningful relationships with other people. He was perpetually discontented with the world around him. Long before the assassination he expressed his hatred for American society and acted in protest against it. Oswald's search for what he conceived to be the perfect society was doomed from the start. He sought for himself a place in history--a role as the "great man" who would be recognized as having been in advance of his times. His commitment to Marxism and communism appears to have been another important factor in his motivation. He

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also had demonstrated a capacity to act decisively and without regard to the consequences when such action would further his aims of the moment. Out of these and the many other factors which may have molded the character of Lee Harvey Oswald there emerged a man capable of assassinating President Kennedy.

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IN THE 100 years since 1865 four Presidents of the United States have been assassinated--Abraham Lincoln, James A. Garfield, William McKinley, and John F. Kennedy. During this same period there were three other attacks on the life of a President, a President-elect, and a candidate for the Presidency, which narrowly failed: on Theodore Roosevelt while campaigning in October of 1912; on President-elect Franklin Delano Roosevelt, when visiting Miami on February 15, 1933; and on President Harry S. Truman on November 1, 1950, when his temporary residence, Blair House, was attacked by Puerto Rican Nationalists.1 One out of every five Presidents since 1865 has been assassinated; there have been attempts on the lives of one out of every three.

Prompted by these dismaying statistics, the Commission has inquired into the problems and methods of Presidential protection in effect at the time of President Kennedy's assassination. This study has led the Commission to conclude that the public interest might be served by any contribution it can make to the improvement of protective arrangements. The Commission has not undertaken a comprehensive examination of all facets of this subject; rather, it has devoted its time and resources to those broader aspects of Presidential protection to which the events of last November called attention.

In this part of its inquiry the Commission has had full access to a major study of all phases of protective activities prepared by the Secret Service for the Secretary of the Treasury following the assassination. As a result of this study, the Secretary of the Treasury has prepared a planning document dated August 27, 1964, which recommends additional personnel and facilities to enable the Secret Service to expand its protection capabilities. The Secretary of the Treasury submitted this planning document on August 31, 1964, to the Bureau of the Budget for review and approval. This planning document has been made a part of the Commission's published record; the underlying staff and consultants' reports reviewed by the Commission have not, since a disclosure of such detailed information relating to protective measures might undermine present methods of protecting the President. However, all information considered by

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the Commission which pertains to the protective function as it was carried out in Dallas has been published as part of this report.



The protection of the President of the United States is an immensely difficult and complex task. It is unlikely that measures can be devised to eliminate entirely the multitude of diverse dangers that may arise, particularly when the President is traveling in this country or abroad. The protective task is further complicated by the reluctance of Presidents to take security precautions which might interfere with the performance of their duties, or their desire to have frequent and easy access to the people. The adequacy of existing procedures can fairly be assessed only after full consideration of the difficulty of the protective assignment, with particular attention to the diverse roles which the President is expected to fill. After reviewing this aspect of the matter this chapter will set forth the Commission's conclusions regarding certain protective measures in force at the time of the Dallas trip and propose recommendations for improvements.

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THE NATURE OF THE PROTECTIVE ASSIGNMENT

The President is Head of State, Chief Executive, Commander in Chief, and leader of a political party. As the ceremonial head of the Government the President must discharge a wide range of public duties, not only in Washington but throughout the land. In this role he appears to the American people, in the words of William Howard Taft, as "the personal embodiment and representative of their dignity and majesty."2 As Chief Executive, the President controls the exercise of the vast, almost incalculable powers of the executive branch of the Federal Government. As Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces, he must maintain ultimate authority over the development and disposition of our military power. Finally, in accordance with George Washington's maxim that Americans have a government "of accommodation as well as a government of laws," 3 it is the President's right and duty to be the active leader of his party, as when he seeks to be reelected or to maintain his party in power.

In all of these roles the President must go to the people. Exposure of the President to public view through travel among the people of this country is a great and historic tradition of American life. Desired by both the President and the public, it is an indispensable means of communication between the two. More often than not, Presidential journeys have served more than one purpose at' the same time: ceremonial, administrative, political.

From George Washington to John F. Kennedy, such journeys have been a normal part of the President's activities. To promote nation-wide acceptance of his administration Washington made grand tours that, served also to excite interest in the Presidency.4 In recent years, Presidential journeys have been frequent and extensive, partly be-

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cause of the greater speed and comfort of travel and partly because of the greater demands made on the President. It is now possible for Presidents to travel the length and breadth of a land far larger than the United States in 1789 in less time than it took George Washington to travel from New York to Mount Vernon or Thomas Jefferson from Washington to Monticello. During his Presidency, Franklin D. Roosevelt made almost 400 journeys and traveled more than 350,000 miles. 5 Since 1945, Roosevelt's successors have ranged the world, and their foreign journeys have come to be accepted as normal rather than extraordinary.

John F. Kennedy's journey to Texas in November 1963 was in this tradition. His friend and Special Assistant Kenneth O'Donnell, who accompanied him on his last visit to Dallas, stated the President's views of his responsibilities with simplicity and clarity:
The President's views of his responsibilities as President of the United States were that he meet the people, that he go out to their homes and see them, and allow them to see him, and discuss, if possible, the views of the world as he sees it, the problems of the country as he sees them. And he felt that leaving Washington for the President of the United States was a most necessary--not only for the people, but for the President himself, that he expose himself to the actual basic problems that were disturbing the American people. It helped him in his job here, he was able to come back here with a fresh view of many things. I think he felt very strongly that the President ought to get out of Washington, and go meet the people on a regular basis. 6
Whatever their purposes Presidential journeys have greatly enlarged and complicated the task of protecting the President. The Secret Service and the Federal, State, and local law enforcement agencies which cooperate with it, have been confronted in recent years with increasingly difficult problems, created by the greater exposure of the President during his travels and the greater diversity of the audiences he must face in a world torn by conflicting ideologies.

If the sole goal were to protect the life of the President, it could be accomplished with reasonable assurance despite the multiple roles he must play. But his very position as representative of the people prevents him from effectively shielding himself from the people. He cannot and will not take the precautions of a dictator or a sovereign. Under our system, measures must be sought to afford security without impeding the President's performance of his many functions. The protection of the President must be thorough but inconspicuous to avoid even the suggestion of a garrison state. The rights of private individuals must not be infringed. If the protective job is well done, its performance will be evident only in the unexceptional fact of its success. The men in charge of protecting the President, confronted by complex problems and limited as they are in the measures they may

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employ, must depend upon the utmost cooperation and understanding from the public and the President.

The problem and the reasonable approach to its solution were ably stated in a memorandum prepared by FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover for the President soon after the assassination:
The degree of security that can be afforded the President of the United States is dependent to a considerable extent upon the degree of contact with the general public desired by the President. Absolute security is neither practical nor possible. An approach to complete security would require the President to operate in a sort of vacuum, isolated from the general public and behind impregnable barriers. His travel would be in secret; his public appearances would be behind bulletproof glass.
A more practical approach necessitates compromise. Any travel, any contact with the general public, involves a calculated risk on the part of the President and the men responsible for his protection. Such risks can be lessened when the President recognizes the security problem, has confidence in the dedicated Secret Service men who are ready to lay down their lives for him and accepts the necessary security precautions which they recommend. Many Presidents have been understandably impatient with the security precautions which many years of experience dictate because these precautions reduce the President's privacy and the access to him of the people of the country. Nevertheless the procedures and advice should be accepted if the President wishes to have any security.7
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EVALUATION OF PRESIDENTIAL PROTECTION AT THE TIME OF THE ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT KENNEDY

The history of Presidential protection shows growing recognition over the years that the job must be done by able, dedicated, thoroughly professional personnel, using the best technical equipment that can be devised.8 The assassination of President Kennedy demands an examination of the protective measures employed to safe guard him and an inquiry whether improvements can be made which will reduce the risk of another such tragedy. This section considers first the means used to locate potential sources of danger to the President in time to take appropriate precautions. In this connection the information available to Federal agencies about Lee Harvey Oswald is set out and the reasons why this information was not furnished to the Secret Service appraised. Second, the adequacy of other advance preparations for the security of the President, during his visit to Dallas, largely measures taken by the Secret Service, is considered. Finally, the performance of those charged with the immediate responsibility of protecting the President on November 22 is reviewed.

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Intelligence Functions Relating to Presidential Protection at the Time of the Dallas Trip

A basic element of Presidential protection is the identification and elimination of possible sources of danger to the President before the danger becomes actual. The Secret Service has attempted to perform this function through the activities of its Protective Research Section and requests to other agencies, Federal and local, for useful information. The Commission has concluded that at the time of the assassination the arrangements relied upon by the Secret Service to perform this function were seriously deficient.

Adequacy of preventive intelligence operations of the Secret Service.--The main job of the Protective Research Section (PRS) is to collect, process, and evaluate information about persons or groups who may be a danger to the President. In addition to this function, PRS is responsible for such tasks as obtaining clearance of some categories of White House employees and all tradesmen who service the White House, the security processing of gifts sent to the President, and technical inspections against covert listening devices.9 At the time of the assassination PRS was a very small group, comprised of 12 specialists and 3 clerks.10

Many persons call themselves to the attention of PRS by attempting to visit, the President for bizarre reasons or by writing or in some other way attempting to communicate with him in a threatening or abusive manner or with undue persistence. Robert I. Bouck, special agent in charge of PRS, estimated that most of the material received by his office originated in this fashion or from the occasional investigations initiated by the Secret Service, while the balance was furnished to PRS by other Federal agencies, with primary source being the FBI.11 The total volume of information received by PRS has risen steadily. In 1943 PRS received approximately 9,000 items of information; in 1953 this had increased to more than 17,000 items; in 1963 the total exceeded 32,000 items.12 Since many items may pertain to a single case, these figures do not show the caseload. In the period from November 1961 to November 1963, PRS received items in 8,709 cases.13

Before the assassination of President Kennedy, PRS expressed its interest in receiving information on suspects in very general terms. For example, PRS instructed the White House mailroom, a source of much PRS data, to refer all communications on identified existing cases and, in addition, any communication "that in any way indicates anyone may have possible intention of harming the President." 14 Slightly more specific criteria were established for PRS personnel processing White House mail referred by the White House mailroom, but again the standards were very general.15 These instructions to PRS personnel appear to be the only instance where an effort was made to reduce the criteria to writing. 16 When requested to provide a specific statement of the standards employed by PRS in deciding what information to seek and retain, the Secret Service responded:

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The criteria in effect prior to November 22, 1963, for determining whether to accept material for the PRS general files were broad and flexible. All material is and was desired, accepted, and filed if it indicated or tended to indicate that the safety of the President is or might be in danger, either at the present or in the future.... There are many actions, situations, and incidents that may indicate such potential danger. Some are specific, such as threats; danger may be implied from others, such as membership or activity in an organization which believes in assassination as a political weapon. All material received by PRS was separately screened and a determination made as to whether the information might indicate possible harm to the President. If the material was evaluated as indicating some potential danger to the President--no matter how small--it was indexed in the general PRS files under the name of the individual or group of individuals to whom that material related. 17
The general files of PRS consist of folders on individuals, card indexed by name. The files are manually maintained, without use of any automatic data-processing techniques. 18 At the time of the assassination, the active PRS general files contained approximately 50,000 cases accumulated over a 20-year period,19 some of which included more than one individual. A case file was established if the information available suggested that the subject might be a danger to the President. Many of these cases were not investigated by PRS. The case file served merely as a repository for information until enough had accumulated to warrant an investigation.20 During the period November 1961 to November 1963, PRS investigated 34 newly established or reactivated cases concerning residents of Texas.21 Most of these cases involved persons who used threatening language in communications to or about the President. An additional 115 cases concerning Texas residents were established but not investigated.22

When PRS learns of an individual whose conduct warrants scrutiny, it requests an investigation by the closest Secret Service field office,23 of which there are 65 throughout the country. If the field office determines that the case should be subject to continuing review, PRS establishes a file which requires a checkup at least, every 6 months.24 This might involve a personal interview or interviews with members of the person's household. 25 Wherever possible, the Secret. Service arranges for the family and friends of the individual, and local law enforcement officials, to advise the field office if the subject displays signs of increased danger or plans to leave his home area. At the time of the assassination there were approximately 400 persons throughout the country who were subject to periodic review. 26

If PRS concludes after investigation that an individual presents a significant danger to the life of the President, his name is placed in a "trip index file" which is maintained on a geographical field office basis. 27 At the time of the assassination the names of about 100 persons were in this index, all of whom were included in the group of

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400 being reviewed regularly. 28 PRS also maintains an album of photographs and descriptions of about 12 to 15 individuals who are regarded as clear risks to the President and who do not have a fixed place of residence. 29 Members of the White House detail of the Secret Service have copies of this album.30

Individuals who are regarded as dangerous to the President and who are in penal or hospital custody are listed only in the general files of PRS, but there is a system for the immediate notification of the Secret Service by the confining institution when a subject is released or escapes. 31 PRS attempts to eliminate serious risks by hospitalization or, where necessary, the prosecution of persons who have committed an offense such as threatening the President. 32 In June 1964 PRS had arrangements to be notified about the release or escape of approximately 1,000 persons. 33

In summary, at the time of the assassination PRS had received, over a 20-year period, basic information on some 50,000 cases; it had arrangements to be notified about release from confinement in roughly 1,000 cases; it had established periodic regular review of the status of 400 individuals; it regarded approximately 100 of these 400 cases as serious risks and 12 to 15 of these cases as highly dangerous risks. Members of the White House detail were expected to familiarize themselves with the descriptions and photographs of the highest risk cases. The cases subject to periodic review and the 100 or so cases in the higher risk category were filed on a geographic basis, and could conveniently be reviewed by a Secret Service agent preparing for a Presidential trip to a particular part of the country. These were the files reviewed by PRS on November 8, 1963, at the request of Special Agent Lawson, advance agent for President Kennedy's trip to Dallas.34 The general files of PRS were not indexed by geographic location and were of little use in preparing for a Presidential visit to a specific locality.

Secret Service requests to other agencies for intelligence information were no more specific than the broad and general instructions its own agents and the White House mailroom. The head of PRS testified that the Secret Service requested other agencies to provide "any and all information that they may come in contact with that would indicate danger to the President." 35 These requests were communicated in writing by the Secret Service; rather, the Service depended on the personal liaison maintained by PRS with the headquarters of the Federal intelligence agencies, particularly the FBI, and at the working level with personnel of the field offices of the various agencies.36 The Service frequently participated in the training programs of other law enforcement agencies, and agents from other agencies attended the regular Secret. Service training schools. Presidential protection was an important topic in these training programs. 37

In the absence of more specific instructions, other Federal agencies interpreted the Secret Service's informal requests to relate principally to overt threats to harm the President or other specific manifestations of hostility. For example, at the time of the assassination, the FBI

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Handbook, which is in the possession of every Bureau special agent, provided:
Threats against the President of the U.S., members of his immediate family, the President-elect, and the Vice-President
Investigation of threats against the President of the United States, members of his immediate family, the President-Elect, and the Vice-President is within the exclusive jurisdiction of the U.S. Secret Service. Any information indicating the possibility of an attempt against the person or safety of the President, members of the immediate family of the President, the President-Elect or the Vice-President must be referred immediately by the most expeditious means of communication to the nearest office of the U.S. Secret Service. Advise the Bureau at the same time by teletype of the information so furnished to the Secret Service and the fact that it has been so disseminated. The above action should be taken without delay in order to attempt to verify the information and no evaluation of the information should be at tempted. When the threat is in the form of a written communication, give a copy to. local Secret Service and forward the original to the Bureau where it will be made available to Secret Service headquarters in Washington. The referral of the copy to local Secret, Service should not delay the immediate referral of the information by the fastest available means of communication to Secret Service locally.38
The State Department advised the Secret Service of all crank and threat letter mail or crank visitors and furnished reports concerning any assassination or attempted assassination of a ruler or other major official anywhere in the world. 39 The several military intelligence agencies reported crank mail and similar threats involving the President. 40 According to Special Agent in Charge Bouck, the Secret Service had no standard procedure for the systematic review of its requests for and receipt of information from other Federal agencies. 41

The Commission believes that the facilities and procedures of the Protective Research Section of the Secret Service prior to November 22, 1963, were inadequate. Its efforts appear to have been too largely directed at the "crank" threat. Although the Service recognized that its advance preventive measures must encompass more than these most obvious dangers, it made little effort to identify factors in the activities of an individual or an organized group, other than specific threats, which suggested a source of danger against which timely precautions could be taken. Except for its special "trip index" file of 400 names, none of the cases in the PRS general files was available for systematic review on a geographic basis when the President planned a particular trip.

As reported in chapter II, when the special file was reviewed on November 8, it contained the names of no persons from the entire

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Dallas-Fort Worth area, notwithstanding the fact that Ambassador Stevenson had been abused by pickets in Dallas less than a month before. Bouck explained the failure to try to identify the individuals involved in the Stevenson incident after it occurred on the ground that PRS required a more direct indication of a threat to the President, and that there was no such indication until the President's scheduled visit to that area became known. 42 Such an approach seriously undermines the precautionary nature of PRS work; if the presence in Dallas of the Stevenson pickets might have created a danger for the President on a visit to that city, PRS should have investigated and been prepared to guard against it.

Other agencies occasionally provided information to the Secret Service concerning potentially dangerous political groups. This was done in the case of the Nationalist Party of Puerto Rico, for example, but only after members of the group had resorted to political violence. 43 However, the vague requests for information which the Secret Service made to Federal intelligence and law enforcement agencies were not well designed to elicit information from them about persons other than those who were obvious threats to the President. The requests shifted the responsibility for evaluating difficult cases from the Service, the agency most responsible for performing that task, to the other agencies. No specific guidance was provided. Although the CIA had on file requests from the Treasury Department for information on the counterfeiting of U.S. currency and certain smuggling matters,44 it had no written specification of intelligence information collected by CIA abroad which was desired by the Secret Service in advance of Presidential trips outside the United States.

Information known about Lee Harvey Oswald prior to the assassination.--No information concerning Lee Harvey Oswald appeared in PRS files before the President's trip to Dallas. Oswald was known to other Federal agencies with which the Secret Service maintained intelligence liaison. The FBI had been interested in him, to some degree at least, since the time of his defection in October 1959. It had interviewed him twice shortly after his return to the United States, again a year later at his request and was investigating him at the time of the assassination. The Commission has taken the testimony of Bureau agents who interviewed Oswald after his return from the Soviet Union and prior to November 22, 1963, the agent who was assigned his case at the time of the assassination, the Director of the FBI, and the Assistant to the Director in charge of all investigative activities under the Director and Associate Director.45 In addition, the Director and Deputy Director for Plans of the CIA testified concerning that Agency's limited knowledge of Oswald before the assassination. 46 Finally, the Commission has reviewed the complete files on Oswald, as they existed at the time of the assassination, of the Department of State, the Office of Naval Intelligence, the FBI and the CIA. The information known to the FBI is summarized below.

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From defection to return to Fort Worth.--The FBI opened a file on Oswald in October 1959,47 when news reports appeared of his defection to the Soviet Union.48 The file was opened "for the purpose of correlating information inasmuch as he was considered a possible security risk in the event he returned to this country." 49 Oswald's defection was also the occasion for the opening of files by the Department of State, CIA, and the Office of Naval Intelligence. Until April 1960, FBI activity consisted of placing in Oswald's file in formation regarding his relations with the U.S. Embassy in Moscow and background data relating largely to his prior military service, provided by other agencies. In April 1960, Mrs. Marguerite Oswald and Robert Oswald were interviewed in the course of a routine FBI investigation of transfers of small sums of money from Mrs. Oswald to her son in Russia. 50

During the next 2 years the FBI continued to accumulate information, and kept itself informed on Oswald's status by periodic reviews of State Department and Office of Naval Intelligence files. In this way, it learned that when Oswald had arrived in the Soviet Union he had attempted to renounce his U.S. citizenship and applied for Soviet citizenship, had described himself as a Marxist, had said he would give the Soviet Union any useful information he had acquired as a marine radar technician and had displayed an arrogant and aggressive attitude at the U.S. Embassy; it learned also that Oswald had been discharged from the Marine Corps Reserve as undesirable in August 1960.51 In June 1962, the Bureau was advised by the Department of State of Oswald's plan to return to the United States. The Bureau made arrangements to be advised by immigration authorities of his return, and instructed the Dallas office to interview him when he got back to determine whether he had been recruited by a Soviet intelligence service. 52 Oswald's file at the Department of State Passport Office was reviewed in June 1962. It revealed his letter of January 30, 1962, to Secretary of the Navy Connally, in which he protested his discharge and declared that he would use "all means" to correct it. The file reflected the Department's determination that Oswald had not expatriated himself.53

From return to Fort Worth to move to New Orleans.--Oswald was first interviewed by FBI Agents John W. Fain and B. Tom Carter on June 26, 1962, in Fort Worth.54 Agent Fain reported to headquarters that Oswald was impatient and arrogant, and unwilling to answer questions regarding his motive for going to the Soviet Union. Oswald "denied that he bad ever denounced his U.S. citizenship, and ... that he had ever applied for Soviet citizenship specifically." 55 Oswald was, however, willing to discuss his contacts with Soviet authorities. He denied having any involvement with Soviet intelligence agencies and promised to advise the FBI if he heard from them.56

Agent Fain was not satisfied by this interview and arranged to see Oswald again on August 16, 1962.57 According to Fain's contemporaneous memorandum and his present recollection, while Oswald remained somewhat evasive at this interview, he was not antagonistic

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and seemed generally to be settling down.58 (Marina Oswald, however, recalled that her husband was upset by this interview.)59 Oswald again agreed to advise the FBI if he were approached under suspicious circumstances; however, he deprecated the possibility of this happening, particularly since his employment did not involve any sensitive information. 60 Having concluded that Oswald was not a security risk or potentially dangerous or violent, Fain determined that nothing further remained to be done at that time and recommended that the case be placed in a closed status.61 This is an administrative classification indicating that no further work has been scheduled. It does not preclude the agent in charge of the case from reopening it if he feels that further work should be done.62

From August 1962 until March 1963, the FBI continued to accumulate information regarding Oswald but engaged in no active investigation. Agent Fain retired from the FBI in October 1962, and the closed Oswald case was not reassigned.63 However, pursuant to a regular Bureau practice of interviewing certain immigrants from Iron Curtain countries, Fain had been assigned to see Marina Oswald at an appropriate time.64 This assignment was given to Agent James P. Hosty, Jr. of the Dallas office upon Fain's retirement. In March 1963, while attempting to locate Marina Oswald, Agent Hosty was told by Mrs. M. F. Tobias, a former landlady of the Oswalds at 602 Elsbeth Street in Dallas, that other tenants had complained because Oswald was drinking to excess and beating his wife.65 This information led Hosty to review Oswald's file, from which he learned that Oswald had become a subscriber to the Worker, a Communist Party publication. Hosty decided that the Lee Harvey Oswald case should be reopened because of the alleged personal difficulties and the contact with the Worker, and his recommendation was accepted.66 He decided, however, not to interview Marina Oswald at that time, and merely determined that the Oswalds were living at 214 Neely Street in Dallas. 67

On April 21, 1963, the FBI field office in New York was advised that Oswald was in contact with the Fair Play for Cuba Committee in New York, and that he had written to the committee stating that he had distributed its pamphlets on the streets of Dallas.68 This information did not reach Agent Hosty in Dallas until June.69 Hosty considered the information to be "stale" by that time, and did not attempt to verify Oswald's reported statement. 70 Under a general Bureau request to be on the alert for activities of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee Hosty had inquired earlier and found no evidence that it was functioning in the Dallas area.71

In New Orleans.--In the middle of May of 1963, Agent Hosty checked Oswald's last known residence and found that he had moved.72 Oswald was tentatively located in New Orleans in June, and Hosty asked the New Orleans FBI office to determine Oswald's address and what he was doing.73 The New Orleans office investigated and located Oswald, learning his address and former place of employment on August 5, 1963. 74 A confidential informant advised the FBI that Oswald

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was not known to be engaged in Communist Party activities in New Orleans. 75

On June 24, Oswald applied in New Orleans for a passport, stating that he planned to depart by ship for an extended tour of Western European countries, the Soviet Union, Finland, and Poland. The Passport Office of the Department of State in Washington had no listing for Oswald requiring special treatment, and his application was approved on the following day. 76 The FBI had not asked to be informed of any effort by Oswald to obtain a passport, as it might have under existing procedures, and did not know of his application. 77 According to the Bureau,
We did not request the State Department to include Oswald on a list which would have resulted in advising us of any application for a passport inasmuch as the facts relating to Oswald's activities at that time did not warrant such action. Our investigation of Oswald had disclosed no evidence that Oswald was acting under the instructions or on behalf of any foreign government or instrumentality thereof.78
On August 9, 1963, Oswald was arrested and jailed by the New Orleans Police Department for disturbing the peace, in connection with a street fight which broke out when he was accosted by anti-Castro Cubans while distributing leaflets on behalf of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee. On the next day, he asked the New Orleans police to arrange for him to be interviewed by the FBI. The police called the local FBI office and an agent, John L. Quigley, was sent to the police station. 79 Agent Quigley did not know of Oswald's prior FBI record when he interviewed him, inasmuch as the police had not given Oswald's name to the Bureau when they called the office. 80

Quigley recalled that Oswald was receptive when questioned about his general background but less than completely truthful or cooperative when interrogated about the Fair Play for Cuba Committee. Quigley testified:
When I began asking him specific details with respect to his activities in the Fair Play for Cuba Committee in New Orleans as to where meetings were held, who was involved, what occurred, he was reticent to furnish information, reluctant and actually as far as I was concerned, was completely evasive on them. 81
In Quigley's judgment, Oswald "was probably making a self-serving statement in attempting to explain to me why he was distributing this literature, and for no other reason, and when I got to questioning him further then he felt that his purpose had been served and he wouldn't say anything further." 82

During the interview Quigley obtained background information from Oswald which was inconsistent with information already in the Bureau's possession. When Quigley returned to his office, he learned

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that another Bureau agent, Milton R. Kaack, had been conducting a background investigation of Oswald at the request of Agent Hosty in Dallas. Quigley advised Knack of his interview and gave him a detailed memorandum. 83 Knack was aware of the facts known to the FBI and recognized Oswald's false statements.84 For example, Oswald claimed that his wife's maiden name was Prossa and that they had been married in Fort Worth and lived there until coming to New Orleans.85 He had told the New Orleans arresting officers that he had been born in Cuba.86

Several days later, the Bureau received additional evidence that Oswald had lied to Agent Quigley. On August 22, it learned that Oswald had appeared on a radio discussion program on August 21. 87 William Stuckey, who had appeared on the radio program with Oswald, told the Bureau on August 30 that Oswald had told him that he had worked and been married in the Soviet Union.88 Neither these discrepancies nor the fact that Oswald had initiated the FBI interview was considered sufficiently unusual to necessitate another interview. 89 Alan H. Belmont, Assistant to the Director of the FBI, stated the Bureau's reasoning in this way:
Our interest in this man at this point was to determine whether his activities constituted a threat to the internal security of the country. It was apparent that he had made a self-serving statement to Agent Quigley. It became a matter of record in our files as a part of the case, and if we determined that the course of the investigation required us to clarify or face him down with this information, we would do it at the appropriate time.
In other words, he committed no violation of the law by telling us something that wasn't true, and unless this required further investigation at that time, we would handle it in due course, in accord with the whole context of the investigation. 90
On August 21, 1963, Bureau headquarters instructed the New Orleans and Dallas field offices to conduct an additional investigation of Oswald in view of the activities which had led to his arrest. 91 FBI informants in the New Orleans area, familiar with pro-Castro or Communist Party activity there, advised the Bureau that Oswald was unknown in such circles. 92

In Dallas.--In early September 1963 the FBI transferred the principal responsibility for the Oswald case from the Dallas office to the New Orleans office.93 Soon after, on October 1, 1963, the FBI was advised by the rental agent for the Oswalds' apartment in New Or]cans that they had moved again.94 According to the information received by the Bureau they had vacated their apartment, and Marina Oswald had departed with their child in a station wagon with Texas registration. 95 On October 3, Hosty reopened the case in Dallas to assist the New Orleans office.96 He checked in Oswald's old neighborhood and throughout the Dallas-Fort Worth area but was unable to locate Oswald. 97

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The next word about Oswald's location was a communication from the CIA to the FBI on October 10, advising that an individual tentatively identified as Oswald had been in touch with the Soviet. Embassy in Mexico City in early October of 1963. 98 The Bureau had no earlier information suggesting that Oswald had left. the United States. The possible contact with the Soviet Embassy in Mexico intensified the FBI's interest in learning Oswald's whereabouts. 99 The FBI representative in Mexico City arranged to follow up this information with the CIA and to verify Oswald's entry into Mexico.100 The CIA message was sent also to the Department of State where it was reviewed by personnel of the Passport Office, who knew from Oswald's file that he had sought and obtained a passport on June 25, 1963.101 The Department of State did not advise either the CIA or the FBI of these facts.102

On October 25, the New Orleans office of the FBI learned that in September Oswald had given a forwarding address of 2515 West Fifth Street, Irving, Tex.103 After receiving this information on October 29, Agent Hosty attempted to locate Oswald. On the same day Hosty interviewed neighbors on Fifth Street and learned that the address was that of Mrs. Ruth Paine.104 He conducted a limited background investigation of the Paines, intending to interview Mrs. Paine and ask her particularly about Oswald's whereabouts.105

Having determined that Mrs. Paine was a responsible and reliable citizen, Hosty interviewed her on November 1. The interview lasted about 20-25 minutes.106 In response to Hosty's inquiries, Mrs. Paine
... readily admitted that Mrs. Marina Oswald and Lee Oswald's two children were staying with her. She said that Lee Oswald was living somewhere in Dallas. She didn't know where. She said it was in the Oak Cliff area but she didn't have his address.
I asked her if she knew where he worked. After a moment's hesitation, she told me that he worked at the Texas School Book Depository near the downtown area of Dallas. She didn't have the exact address, and it is my recollection that we went to the phone book and looked it up, found it to be 411 Elm Street.107
Mrs. Paine told Hosty also that Oswald was living alone in Dallas because she did not want him staying at her house, although she was willing to let Oswald visit his wife and children.108 According to Hosty, Mrs. Paine indicated that she thought she could find out where Oswald was living and would let him know.109 At this point in the interview, Hosty gave Mrs. Paine his name and office telephone number on a piece of paper.110 At the end of the interview, Marina Oswald came into the room. When he observed that she seemed "quite alarmed" about the visit, Hosty assured her, through Mrs. Paine as interpreter, that the FBI would not harm or harass her.111

On November 4, Hosty telephoned the Texas School Book Depository and learned that Oswald was working there and that he had given

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as his address Mrs. Paine's residence in Irving.112 Hosty took the necessary steps to have the Dallas office of the FBI, rather than the New Orleans office, reestablished as the office with principal responsibility.113 On November 5, Hosty was traveling near Mrs. Paine's home and took the occasion to stop by to ask whether she had any further information. Mrs. Paine had nothing to add to what she had already told him, except that during a visit that past weekend, Oswald had said that he was a "Trotskyite Communist," and that she found this and similar statements illogical and somewhat amusing.114 On this occasion Hosty was at the Paine residence for only a few minutes.115

During neither interview did Hosty learn Oswald's address or telephone number in Dallas. Mrs. Paine testified that she learned Oswald's telephone number at the Beckley Street roominghouse in the middle of October shortly after Oswald rented the room on October 14. As discussed in chapter VI, she failed to report this to Agent Hosty because she thought the FBI was in possession of a great deal of information and certainly would find it very easy to learn where Oswald was living.116

Hosty did nothing further in connection with the Oswald case until after the assassination. On November 1, 1963, he had received a copy of the report of the New Orleans office which contained Agent Quigley's memorandum of the interview in the New Orleans jail on August 10,117 and realized immediately that Oswald had given false biographic information.118 Hosty knew that he would eventually have to investigate this, and "was quite interested in determining the nature of his contact with the Soviet Embassy in Mexico City." 119 When asked what his next step would have been, Hosty replied:
Well, as I had previously stated, I have between 25 and 40 cases assigned to me at any one time. I had other matters to take care of. I had now established that Lee Oswald was not employed in a sensitive industry. I can now afford to wait until New Orleans forwarded the necessary papers to me to show me I now had all the information. It was then my plan to interview Marina Oswald in detail concerning both herself and her husband's background.

Q. Had you planned any steps beyond that point?

A. No. I would have to wait until I had talked to Marina to see what I could determine, and from there I could make my plans.

Q. Did you take any action on this case between November 5 and November 22?

A. No, sir.120
The official Bureau files confirm Hosty's statement that from November 5 until the assassination, no active investigation was conducted.121 On November 18 the FBI learned that Oswald recently had been in communication with the Soviet Embassy in Washington and so advised the Dallas office in the ordinary course of business.

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Hosty received this information on the afternoon of November 22, 1963.122

Nonreferral of Oswald to the Secret Service.--The Commission has considered carefully the question whether the FBI, in view of all the information concerning Oswald in its files, should have alerted the Secret Service to Oswald's presence in Dallas prior to President Kennedy's visit. The Secret Service and the FBI differ as to whether Oswald fell within the category of "threats against the President" which should be referred to the Service.

Robert I Bouck, special agent in charge of the Protective Research Section, testified that the information available to the Federal Government about Oswald before the assassination would, if known to PRS, have made Oswald a subject of concern to the Secret Service.123 Bouck pointed to a number of characteristics besides Oswald's defection the cumulative effect of which would have been to alert the Secret Service to potential danger:
I would think his continued association with the Russian Embassy after his return, his association with the Castro groups would have been of concern to us, a knowledge that he had, I believe, been courtmartialed for illegal possession of a gun, of a hand gun in the Marines, that he had owned a weapon and did a good deal of hunting or use of it, perhaps in Russia, plus a number of items about his disposition and unreliability of character, I think all of those, if we had them altogether, would have added up to pointing out a pretty bad individual, and I think that, together, had we known that he had a vantage point would have seemed somewhat serious to us, even though I must admit, that none of these in themselves would be--would meet our specific criteria, none of them alone.
But, it is when you begin adding them up to some degree that you begin to get criteria that, are meaningful.124
Mr. Bouck pointed out, however, that he had no reason to believe that any one Federal agency had access to all this information, including the significant fact that Oswald was employed in a building which overlooked the motorcade route.125

Agent Hosty testified that he was fully aware of the pending Presidential visit to Dallas. He recalled that the special agent in charge of the Dallas office of the FBI, J. Gordon Shanklin, had discussed the President's visit on several occasions, including the regular biweekly conference on the morning of November 22:

Mr. Shanklin advised us, among other things, that in view of the President's visit to Dallas, that if anyone had any indication of any possibility of any acts of violence or any demonstrations against the President, or Vice President, to immediately notify the Secret Service and confirm it in writing. He had made the

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same statement about a week prior at another special conference which we had held. I don't recall the exact date. It was about a week prior.126

In fact, Hosty participated in transmitting to the Secret Service two pieces of information pertaining to the visit.127 Hosty testified that he did not know until the evening of Thursday, November 21, that there was to be a motorcade, however, and never realized that the motorcade would pass the Texas School Book Depository Building. He testified that he did not read the newspaper story describing the motorcade route in detail, since he was interested only in the fact that the motorcade was coming up Main Street, "where maybe I could watch it if I had a chance." 128

Even if he had recalled that Oswald's place of employment was on the President's route, Hosty testified that he would not have cited him to the Secret Service as a potential threat to the President.129 Hosty interpreted his instructions as requiring "some indication that the person planned to take some action against the safety of the President of the United States or the Vice President." 130 In his opinion, none of the information in the FBI files-- Oswald's defection, his Fair Play for Cuba activities in New Orleans, his lies to Agent Quigley, his recent visit to Mexico City--indicated that Oswald was capable of violence.131 Hosty's initial reaction on hearing that Oswald was a suspect in the assassination, was "shock, complete surprise," because he had no reason to believe that Oswald "was capable or potentially an assassin of the President of the United States." 132

Shortly after Oswald was apprehended and identified, Hosty's superior sent him to observe the interrogation of Oswald.133 Hosty parked his car in the basement of police headquarters and there met an acquaintance, Lt. Jack Revill of the Dallas police force. The two men disagree about the conversation which took place between them. They agree that Hosty told Revill that the FBI had known about Oswald and, in particular, of his presence in Dallas and his employment at the Texas School Book Depository Building.134 Revill testified that Hosty said also that the FBI had information that Oswald was "capable of committing this assassination." 135 According to Revill, Hosty indicated that he was going to tell this to Lieutenant Wells of the homicide and robbery bureau.136 Revill promptly made a memorandum of this conversation in which the quoted statement appears.137 His secretary testified that she prepared such a report for him that afternoon 138 and Chief of Police Jesse E. Curry and District Attorney Henry M. Wade both testified that they saw it later that day.139

Hosty has unequivocally denied, first by affidavit and then in his testimony before the Commission, that he ever said that Oswald was capable of violence, or that he had any information suggesting this.140 The only witness to the conversation was Dallas Police Detective V. J. Brian, who was accompanying Revill. Brian did not hear Hosty make any statement concerning Oswald's capacity to be an

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assassin but he did not hear the entire conversation because of the commotion at police headquarters and because he was not within hearing distance at all times.141

Hosty's interpretation of the prevailing FBI instructions on referrals to the Secret Service was defended before the Commission by his superiors. After summarizing the Bureau's investigative interest in Oswald prior to the assassination, J. Edgar Hoover concluded that "There was nothing up to the time of the assassination that gave any indication that this man was a dangerous character who might do harm to the President or to the Vice President." 142 Director Hoover emphasized that the first indication of Oswald's capacity for violence was his attempt on General Walker's life, which did not become known to the FBI until after the assassination.143 Both Director Hoover and his assistant, Alan H. Belmont, stressed also the decision by the Department of State that Oswald should be permitted to return to the United States.144 Neither believed that the Bureau investigation of him up to November 22 revealed any information which would have justified referral to the Secret Service. According to Belmont, when Oswald returned from the Soviet Union,
... he indicated that he had learned his lesson, was disenchanted with Russia, and had a renewed concept--I am paraphrasing, a renewed concept--of the American free society.
We talked to him twice. He likewise indicated he was disenchanted with Russia. We satisfied ourselves that we had met our requirement, namely to find out whether he had been recruited by Soviet intelligence. The case was closed.
We again exhibited interest on the basis of these contacts with The Worker, Fair Play for Cuba Committee, which are relatively inconsequential.
His activities for the Fair Play for Cuba Committee in New Orleans, we knew, were not of real consequence as he was not connected with any organized activity there.
The interview with him in jail is not significant from the standpoint of whether he had a propensity for violence.
Q. This is the Quigley interview you are talking about?

A. Yes; it was a self-serving interview.
The visits with the Soviet Embassy were evidently for the purpose of securing a visa, and he had told us during one of the interviews that he would probably take his wife back to Soviet Russia some time in the future. He had come back to Dallas. Hosty had established that he had a job, he was working, and had told Mrs. Paine that when he got the money he was going to take an apartment, when the baby was old enough, he was going to take an apartment, and the family would live together.
He gave evidence of settling down. Nowhere during the course of this investigation or the information that came to us from other agencies was there any indication of a potential for violence on his part.
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Consequenty, there was no basis for Hosty to go to Secret Service and advise them of Oswald's presence.... 145
As reflected in this testimony, the officials of the FBI believed that there was no data in its files which gave warning that Oswald was a source of danger to President Kennedy. While he had expressed hostility at times toward the State Department, the Marine Corps, and the FBI as agents of the Government,146 so far as the FBI knew he had not shown any potential for violence. Prior to November 22, 1963, no law enforcement agency had any information to connect Oswald with the attempted shooting of General Walker. It was against this background and consistent with the criteria followed by the FBI prior to November 22 that agents of the FBI in Dallas did not consider Oswald's presence in the Texas School Book Depository Building overlooking the motorcade route as a source of danger to the President and did not inform the Secret Service of his employment in the Depository Building.

The Commission believes, however, that the FBI took an unduly restrictive view of its responsibilities in preventive intelligence work, prior to the assassination. The Commission appreciates the large volume of cases handled by the FBI (636,371 investigative matters during fiscal year 1963).147 There were no Secret Service criteria which specifically required the referral of Oswald's case to the Secret Service; nor was there any requirement to report the names of defectors. However, there was much material in the hands of the FBI about Oswald: the knowledge of his defection, his arrogance and hostility to the United States, his pro-Castro tendencies, his lies when interrogated by the FBI, his trip to Mexico where he was in contact with Soviet authorities, his presence in the School Book Depository job and its location along the route of the motorcade. All this does seem to amount to enough to have induced an alert agency, such as the FBI, possessed of this information to list Oswald as a potential threat to the safety of the President. This conclusion may be tinged with hindsight, but it stated primarily to direct the thought of those responsible for the future safety of our Presidents to the need for a more imaginative and less narrow interpretation of their responsibilities.

It is the conclusion of the Commission that, even in the absence of Secret Service criteria which specifically required the referral of such a case as Oswald's to the Secret Service, a more alert and carefully considered treatment of the Oswald case by the Bureau might have brought about such a referral. Had such a review been undertaken by the FBI, there might conceivably have been additional investigation of the Oswald case between November 5 and November 22. Agent Hosty testified that several matters brought to his attention in late October and early November, including the visit to the Soviet Embassy in Mexico City, required further attention. Under proper procedures knowledge of the pending Presidential visit might have prompted Hosty to have made more vigorous efforts to locate

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Oswald's roominghouse address in Dallas and to interview him regarding these unresolved matters.

The formal FBI instructions to its agents outlining the information to be referred to the Secret Service were too narrow at the time of the assassination. While the Secret Service bears the principal responsibility for this failure, the FBI instructions did not reflect fully the Secret Service's need for information regarding potential threats. The handbook referred thus to "the possibility of an attempt against the person or safety of the President." 148 It is clear from Hosty's testimony that this was construed, at least by him, as requiring evidence of a plan or conspiracy to injure the President.149 Efforts made by the Bureau since the assassination, on the other hand, reflect keen awareness of the necessity of communicating a much wider range of intelligence information to the Service.150

Most important, notwithstanding that both agencies have professed to the Commission that the liaison between them was close and fully sufficient,151 the Commission does not believe that the liaison between the FBI and the Secret Service prior to the assassination was as effective as it should have been. The FBI Manual of Instructions provided:
Liaison With Other Government Agencies
To insure adequate and effective liaison arrangements, each SAC should specifically designate an Agent (or Agents) to be responsible for developing and maintaining liaison with other Federal Agencies. This liaison should take into consideration FBI-agency community of interests, location of agency head quarters, and the responsiveness of agency representatives. In each instance, liaison contacts should be developed to include a close friendly relationship, mutual understanding of FBI and agency jurisdictions, and an indicated willingness by the agency representative to coordinate activities and to discuss problems of mutual interest. Each field office should determine those Federal agencies which are represented locally and with which liaison should be conducted.152
The testimony reveals that liaison responsibilities in connection with the President's visit were discussed twice officially by the special agent in charge of the FBI office in Dallas. As discussed in chapter II, some limited information was made available to the Secret Service.153 But there was no fully adequate liaison between the two agencies. Indeed, the Commission believes that the liaison between all Federal agencies responsible for Presidential protection should be improved.

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Other Protective Measures and Aspects of Secret Service Performance

The President's trip to Dallas called into play many standard operating procedures of the Secret Service in addition to its preventive

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intelligence operations. Examination of these procedures shows that in most respects they were well conceived and ably executed by the personnel of the Service. Against the background of the critical events of November 22, however, certain shortcomings and lapses from the high standards which the Commission believes should prevail in the field of Presidential protection are evident.

Advance preparations.--The advance preparations in Dallas by Agent Winston G. Lawson of the White House detail have been described in chapter II. With the assistance of Agent in Charge Sorrels of the Dallas field office of the Secret Service, Lawson was responsible for working out a great many arrangements for the President's trip. The Service prefers to have two agents perform advance preparations. In the case of Dallas, because President Kennedy had scheduled visits to five Texas cities and had also scheduled visits to other parts of the country immediately before the Texas trip, there were not enough men available to permit two agents to be assigned to all the advance work. Consequently, Agent. Lawson did the advance work alone from November 13 to November 18, when he was joined by Agent David B. Grant, who had just completed advance work on the President's trip to Tampa.

The Commission concludes that the most significant advance arrangements for the President's trip were soundly planned. In particular, the Commission believes that the motorcade route selected by Agent Lawson, upon the advice of Agent in Charge Sorrels and with the concurrence of the Dallas police, was entirely appropriate, in view of the known desires of the President. There were far safer routes via freeways directly to the Trade Mart, but these routes would not have been in accordance with the White House staff instructions given the Secret Service for a desirable motorcade route.154 Much of Lawson's time was taken with establishing adequate security over the motorcade route and at the two places where the President would stop, Love Field and the Trade Mart. The Commission concludes that the arrangements worked out at the Trade Mart by these Secret Service agents with the cooperation of the Dallas police and other local law enforcement agents, were carefully executed. Since the President was to be at the Trade Mart longer than at any other location in Dallas and in view of the security hazards presented by the building, the Secret Service correctly gave particular attention in the advance preparations to those arrangements. The Commission also regards the security arrangements worked out by Lawson and Sorrels at Love Field as entirely adequate.

The Commission believes, however, that the Secret Service has inadequately defined the responsibilities of its advance agents, who have been given broad discretion to determine what matters require attention in making advance preparations and to decide what action to take. Agent Lawson was not given written instructions concerning the Dallas trip or advice about any peculiar problems which it might involve; all instructions from higher authority were communicated to him orally. He did not have a checklist of the tasks he was expected to

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accomplish, either by his own efforts or with the cooperation of local authorities.155 The only systematic supervision of the activities of the advance agent has been that provided by a requirement that he file interim and final reports on each advance assignment. The interim report must be in the hands of the agent supervising the protective group traveling with the President long enough before his departure to apprise him of any particular problems encountered and the responsive action taken.156 Agent Lawson's interim report was received by Agent Kellerman on November 20, the day before departure on the Texas trip.157

The Secret Service has advised the Commission that no unusual precautions were taken for the Dallas trip, and that "the precautions taken for the President's trip were the usual safeguards employed on trips of this kind in the United States during the previous year."158 Special Agent in Charge Sorrels testified that the advance preparations followed on this occasion were "pretty much the same" as those followed in 1936 during a trip to Dallas by President Roosevelt, which was Sorrels' first important assignment in connection with Presidential work.159

In view of the constant change in the nature of threats to the President and the diversity of the dangers which may arise in the various cities within the United States, the Commission believes that standard procedures in use for many years and applied in all parts of the country may not be sufficient. There is, for example, no Secret Service arrangement for evaluating before a trip particular difficulties that might be anticipated, which would bring to bear the judgment and experience of members of the White House detail other than the advance agent. Constant reevaluation of procedures, with attention to special problems and the development of instructions specific to particular trips, would be a desirable innovation.

Liaison with local law enforcement authorities.-- In the description of the important aspects of the advance preparations, there have been references to the numerous discussions between Secret Service representatives and the Dallas Police Department. The wholehearted support of these local authorities was indispensable to the Service in carrying out its duties. The Service had 28 agents participating in the Dallas visit.160 Agent Lawson's advance planning called for the deployment of almost 600 members of the Dallas Police Department, Fire Department, County Sheriff's Department, and the Texas Department of Public Safety.161 Despite this dependence on local authorities, which would be substantially the same on a visit by the President to any large city, the Secret Service did not at the time of the assassination have any established procedure governing its relationships with them.162 It had no prepared checklist of matters to be covered with local police on such visits to metropolitan areas and no written description of the role the local police were expected to perform. Discussions with the Dallas authorities and requests made of them were entirely informal.

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The Commission believes that a more formal statement of assigned responsibilities, supplemented in each case to reflect the peculiar conditions of each Presidential trip, is essential. This would help to eliminate varying interpretations of Secret Service instructions by different local law enforcement representatives. For example, while the Secret Service representatives in Dallas asked the police to station guards at each overpass to keep "unauthorized personnel" off, this term was not defined. At some overpasses all persons were excluded, while on the overpass overlooking the assassination scene railroad and yard terminal workmen were permitted to remain under police supervision, as discussed in chapter III.163 Assistant Chief Batchelor of the Dallas police noted the absence of any formal statement by the Secret Service of specific work assigned to the police and suggested the desirability of such a statement.164 Agent Lawson agreed that such a procedure would assist him and other agents in fulfilling their responsibilities as advance agents.165

Check of buildings along route of motorcade.--Agent Lawson did not arrange for a prior inspection of buildings along the motorcade route, either by police or by custodians of the buildings, since it was not the usual practice of the Secret Service to do so.166 The Chief of the Service has provided the Commission a detailed explanation of this policy:
Except for inauguration or other parades involving foreign dignitaries accompanied by the President in Washington, it has not been the practice of the Secret Service to make surveys or checks of buildings along the route of a Presidential motorcade. For the inauguration and certain other parades in Washington where the traditional route is known to the public long in advance of the event, buildings along the route can be checked by teams of law enforcement officers, and armed guards are posted along the route as appropriate. But on out-of-town trips where the route is decided on and made public only a few days in advance, buildings are not checked either by Secret Service agents or by any other law enforcement officers at the request of the Secret Service. With the number of men available to the Secret Service and the time available, surveys of hundreds of buildings and thousands of windows is not practical.
In Dallas the route selected necessarily involved passing through the principal downtown section between tall buildings. While certain streets thought to be too narrow could be avoided and other choices made, it was not practical to select a route where the President could not be seen from roofs or windows of buildings. At the two places in Dallas where the President would remain for a period of time, Love Field and the Trade Mart, arrangements were made for building and roof security by posting police officers where appropriate. Similar arrangements for a motorcade of ten miles, including many blocks of tall commercial buildings is not practical. Nor is it practical to prevent
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people from entering such buildings, or to limit access in every building to those employed or having business there. Even if it were possible with a vastly larger force of security officers to do so, many observers have felt that such a procedure would not be consistent with the nature and purpose of the motorcade to let the people see their President and to welcome him to their city.
In accordance with its regular procedures, no survey or other check was made by the Secret Service, or by any other law enforcement agency at its request, of the Texas School Book Depository Building or those employed there prior to the time the President was shot.167
This justification of the Secret Service's standing policy is not persuasive. The danger from a concealed sniper on the Dallas trip was of concern to those who had considered the problem. President Kennedy himself had mentioned it that morning.168 as had Agent Sorrels when he and Agent Lawson were fixing the motorcade route.169 Admittedly, protective measures cannot ordinarily be taken with regard to all buildings along a motorcade route. Levels of risk can be determined, however, as has been confirmed by building surveys made since the assassination for the Department of the Treasury.170 An attempt to cover only the most obvious points of possible ambush along the route in Dallas might well have included the Texas School Book Depository Building.

Instead of such advance precautions, the Secret Service depended in part on the efforts of local law enforcement personnel stationed along the route. In addition, Secret Service agents riding in the motorcade were trained to scan buildings as part of their general observation of the crowd of spectators.171 These substitute measures were of limited value. Agent Lawson was unable to state whether he had actually instructed the Dallas police to scan windows of buildings lining the motorcade route, although it was his usual practice to do so.172 If such instructions were in fact given, they were not effectively carried out. Television films taken of parts of the motorcade by a Dallas television station show the foot patrolmen facing the passing motorcade, and not the adjacent crowds and buildings, as the procession passed.173

Three officers from the Dallas Police Department were assigned to the intersection of Elm and Houston during the morning of November 22 prior to the motorcade.174 All received their instructions early in the morning from Capt. P. W. Lawrence of the traffic division.175 According to Captain Lawrence:
I then told the officers that their primary duty was traffic and crowd control and that they should be alert for any persons who might attempt to throw anything and although it was not a violation of the law to carry a placard, that they were not to tolerate any actions such as the Stevenson incident and arrest any person who might attempt to throw anything or try to get at the Presi-

[Blake]

James Dungy is in hell, tbh

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dent and his party; paying particular attention to the crowd for any unusual activity. I stressed the fact that this was our President and he should be shown every respect due his position and that it was our duty to see that this was done.176
Captain Lawrence was not instructed to have his men watch buildings along the motorcade route and did not mention the observation of buildings to them.177 The three officers confirm that their primary concern was crowd and traffic control, and that they had no opportunity to scan the windows of the Depository or any other building in the vicinity of Elm and Houston when the motorcade was passing. They had, however, occasionally observed the windows of buildings in the area before the motorcade arrived, in accordance with their own understanding of their function.178

As the motorcade approached Elm Street there were several Secret Service agents in it who shared the responsibility of scanning the windows of nearby buildings. Agent Sorrels, riding in the lead car, did observe the Texas School Book Depository Building as he passed by, at least for a sufficient number of seconds to gain a "general impression" of the lack of any unusual activity.179 He was handicapped, however, by the fact. that he was riding in a closed car whose roof at times obscured his view.180 Lawson, also in the lead car, did not scan any buildings since an important part of his job was to look backward at the President's car.181 Lawson stated that he "was looking back a good deal of the time, watching his car, watching the sides, watching the crowds, giving advice or asking advice from the Chief and also looking ahead to the known hazards like overpasses, under-passes, railroads, et cetera." 182 Agent Roy H. Kellerman, riding in the front seat of the Presidential car, stated that he scanned the Depository Building, but not sufficiently to be alerted by anything in the windows or on the roof.183 The agents in the follow-up car also were expected to scan adjacent buildings. However, the Commission does not believe that agents stationed in a car behind the Presidential car, who must concentrate primarily on the possibility of threats from crowds along the route, provide a significant safeguard against dangers in nearby buildings.

Conduct of Secret Service agents in Fort Worth on November 22.--In the early morning hours on November 22, 1963, in Fort Worth, there occurred a breach of discipline by some members of the Secret Service who were officially traveling with the President. After the President had retired at his hotel, nine agents who were off duty went to the nearby Fort Worth Press Club at midnight or slightly thereafter, expecting to obtain food; they had little opportunity to eat during the day.184 No food was available at the Press Club. All of the agents stayed for a drink of beer, or in several cases, a mixed drink. According to their affidavits, the drinking in no case amounted to more than three glasses of beer or 1 1/2 mixed drinks, and others who were present say that no agent was inebriated or acted improperly. The statements of the agents involved are supported by

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statements of members of the Fort Worth press who accompanied or observed them and by a Secret Service investigation.185

According to their statements, the agents remained at the Press Club for periods varying from 30 minutes to an hour and a half, and the last agent left the Press Club by 2 a.m.186 Two of the nine agents returned to their rooms. The seven others proceeded to an establishment called the Cellar Coffee House, described by some as a beatnik place arid by its manager as "a unique show place with continuous light entertainment all night [serving] only coffee, fruit juices and no hard liquors or beer." 187 There is no indication that any of the agents who visited the Cellar Coffee House had any intoxicating drink at that establishment.188 Most of the agents were there from about 1:30 or 1:45 a.m. to about 2:45 or 3 a.m.; one agent was there from 2 until 5 a.m.189

The lobby of the hotel and the areas adjacent to the quarters of the President were guarded during the night by members of the midnight to 8 a.m. shift of the White House detail. These agents were each relieved for a half hour break during the night.190 Three members of this shift separately took this opportunity to visit the Cellar Coffee House.191 Only one stayed as long as a half hour, and none had any beverage there.191 Chief Rowley testified that agents on duty in such a situation usually stay within the building during their relief, but that their visits to the Cellar were "neither consistent nor inconsistent" with their duty.193

Each of the agents who visited the Press Club or the Cellar Coffee House (apart from the three members of the midnight shift) had duty assignments beginning no later than 8 a.m. that morning. President Kennedy was scheduled to speak across the street from his hotel in Fort Worth at 8:30 a.m.,194 and then at a breakfast, after which the entourage would proceed to Dallas. In Dallas, one of the nine agents was assigned to assist in security measures at Love Field, and four had protective assignments at the Trade Mart. The remaining four had key responsibilities as members of the complement of the follow-up car in the motorcade. Three of these agents occupied positions on the running boards of the car, and the fourth was seated in the car.195

The supervisor of each of the off-duty agents who visited the Press Club or the Cellar Coffee House advised, in the course of the Secret Service investigation of these events, that each agent reported for duty on time, with full possession of his mental and physical capabilities and entirely ready for the performance of his assigned duties.196 Chief Rowley testified that, as a result of the investigation he ordered, he was satisfied that each of the agents performed his duties in an entirely satisfactory manner and that their conduct the night before did not impede their actions on duty or in the slightest way prevent them from taking any action that might have averted the tragedy.197 However, Chief Rowley did not condone the action of the off-duty agents, particularly since it violated a regulation of the Secret Service, which provides:

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Liquor, use of.--a. Employees are strictly enjoined to refrain from the use of intoxicating liquor during the hours they are officially employed at their post of duty, or when they may reasonably expect that they may be called upon to perform an official duty. During entire periods of travel status, the special agent is officially employed and should not use liquor, until the completion of all of his official duties for the day, after which time a very moderate use of liquor will not be considered a violation. However, all members of the White House Detail and special agents cooperating with them on Presidential and similar protective assignments are considered to be subject to call for official duty at any time while in travel status. Therefore, the use of intoxicating liquor of any kind, including beer and wine, by members of the White House Detail and special agents cooperating with them, or by special agents on similar assignments, while they are in a travel status, is prohibited. 198
The regulations provide further that "violation or slight disregard" of these provisions "will be cause for removal from the Service." 199

Chief Rowley testified that under ordinary circumstances he would have taken disciplinary action against those agents who had been drinking in clear violation of the regulation. However, he felt that any disciplinary action might have given rise to an inference that the violation of the regulation had contributed to the tragic events of November 22. Since he was convinced that this was not the case, he believed that it would be unfair to the agents and their families to take explicit disciplinary measures. He felt that each agent recognized the seriousness of the infraction and that there was no danger of a repetition. 200

The Commission recognizes that the responsibilities of members of the White House detail of the Secret Service are arduous. They work long, hard hours, under very great strain, and must travel frequently. It might seem harsh to circumscribe their opportunities for relaxation. Yet their role of protecting the President is so important to the well-being of the country that it is reasonable to expect them to meet very high standards of personal conduct, so that nothing can interfere with their bringing to their task the finest qualities and maximum resources of mind and body. This is the salutary goal to which the Secret Service regulation is directed, when it absolutely forbids drinking by any agent accompanying the President on a trip. Nor is this goal served when agents remain out until early morning hours, and lose the opportunity to get a reasonable amount of sleep. It is conceivable that those men who had little sleep, and who had consumed alcoholic beverages, even in limited quantities, might have been more alert in the Dallas motorcade if they had retired promptly in Fort Worth. However, there is no evidence that these men failed to take any action in Dallas within their power that would have averted the tragedy. As will be seen, the instantaneous and heroic

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response to the assassination of some of the agents concerned was in the finest tradition of Government service.

The motorcade in Dallas.--Rigorous security precautions had been arranged at Love Field with the local law enforcement authorities by Agents Sorrels and Lawson. These precautions included reserving a ceremonial area for the Presidential party, stationing police on the rooftops of all buildings overlooking the reception area, and detailing police in civilian clothes to be scattered throughout the sizable crowd.201 When President and Mrs. Kennedy shook hands with members of the public along the fences surrounding the reception area, they were closely guarded by Secret Service agents who responded to the unplanned event with dispatch.202

As described in chapter II, the President directed that his car stop on two occasions during the motorcade so that he could greet members of the public.203 At these stops, agents from the Presidential follow-up car stood between the President and the public, and on one occasion Agent Kellerman left the front seat of the President's car to take a similar position. The Commission regards such impromptu stops as presenting an unnecessary danger, but finds that the Secret Service agents did all that could have been done to take protective measures.

The Presidential limousine.--The limousine used by President Kennedy in Dallas was a convertible with a detachable, rigid plastic "bubble" top which was neither bulletproof nor bullet resistant.204 The last Presidential vehicle with any protection against small-arms fire left the White House in 1953. It was not then replaced because the state of the art did not permit the development of a bulletproof top of sufficiently light weight to permit its removal on those occasions when the President wished to ride in an open car. The Secret Service believed that it was very doubtful that any President would ride regularly in a vehicle with a fixed top, even though transparent.205 Since the assassination, the Secret Service, with the assistance of other Federal agencies and of private industry, has developed a vehicle for the better protection of the President.206

Access to passenger compartment of Presidential car.--On occasion the Secret Service has been permitted to have an agent riding in the passenger compartment with the President. Presidents have made it clear, however, that they did not favor this or any other arrangement which interferes with the privacy of the President and his guests. The Secret Service has therefore suggested this practice only on extraordinary occasions.207 Without attempting to prescribe or recommend specific measures which should be employed for the future protection of Presidents, the Commission does believe that there are aspects of the protective measures employed in the motorcade at Dallas which deserve special comment.

The Presidential vehicle in use in Dallas, described in chapter II, had no special design or equipment which would have permitted the Secret Service agent riding in the driver's compartment to move into the passenger section without hindrance or delay. Had the vehicle been so designed it is possible that an agent riding in the front seat

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could have reached the President in time to protect him from the second and fatal shot to hit the President. However, such access to the President was interfered with both by the metal bar some 15 inches above the back of the front seat and by the passengers in the jump seats. In contrast, the Vice Presidential vehicle, although not specially designed for that purpose, had no passenger in a jump seat between Agent Youngblood and Vice President Johnson to interfere with Agent Youngblood's ability to take a protective position in the passenger compartment before the third shot was fired. 208

The assassination suggests that it would have been of prime importance in the protection of the President if the Presidential car permitted immediate access to the President by a Secret Service agent at the first sign of danger. At that time the agents on the framing boards of the follow-up car were expected to perform such a function. However, these agents could not reach the President's car when it was traveling at an appreciable rate of speed. Even if the car is traveling more slowly, the delay involved in reaching the President may be crucial. It is clear that at the time of the shots in Dallas, Agent Clinton J. Hill leaped to the President's rescue as quickly as humanly possible. Even so, analysis of the motion picture films taken by amateur photographer Zapruder reveals that Hill first placed his hand on the Presidential car at frame 343, 30 frames and therefore approximately 1.6 seconds after the President was shot in the head. 209 About 3.7 seconds after the President received this wound, Hill had both feet on the car and was climbing aboard to assist President and Mrs. Kennedy.210

Planning for motorcade contingencies.--In response to inquiry by the Commission regarding the instructions to agents in a motorcade of emergency procedures to be taken in a contingency such as that which actually occurred, the Secret Service responded:
The Secret Service has consistently followed two general principles in emergencies involving the President. All agents are so instructed. The first duty of the agents in the motorcade is to attempt to cover the President as closely as possible and practicable and to shield him by attempting to place themselves between the President and any source of danger. Secondly, agents are instructed to remove the President as quickly as possible from known or impending danger. Agents are instructed that it is not their responsibility to investigate or evaluate a present danger, but to consider any untoward circumstances as serious and to afford the President maximum protection at all times. No responsibility rests upon those agents near the President for the identification or arrest of any assassin or an attacker. Their primary responsibility is to stay with and protect the President.

Beyond these two principles the Secret Service believes a detailed contingency or emergency plan is not feasible because the variations possible preclude effective planning. A number of steps are taken, however, to permit appropriate steps to be taken
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in an emergency. For instance, the lead car always is manned by Secret Service agents familiar with the area and with local law enforcement officials; the radio net in use in motorcades is elaborate and permits a number of different means of communication with various local points. A doctor is in the motorcade.211
This basic approach to the problem of planning for emergencies is sound. Any effort to prepare detailed contingency plans might well have the undesirable effect of inhibiting quick and imaginative responses. If the advance preparation is thorough, and the protective devices and techniques employed are sound, those in command should be able to direct the response appropriate to the emergency.

The Commission finds that the Secret Service agents in the motorcade who were immediately responsible for the President's safety reacted promptly at the time the shots were fired. Their actions demonstrate that the President and the Nation can expect courage and devotion to duty from the agents of the Secret Service.

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RECOMMENDATIONS

The Commission's review of the provisions for Presidential protection at the time of President Kennedy's trip to Dallas demonstrates the need for substantial improvements. Since the assassination, the Secret Service and the Department of the Treasury have properly taken the initiative in reexamining major aspects of Presidential protection. Many changes have already been made and others are contemplated, some of them in response to the Commission's questions and informal suggestions.

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Assassination a Federal Crime

There was no Federal criminal jurisdiction over the assassination of President Kennedy. Had there been reason to believe that the assassination was the result of a conspiracy, Federal jurisdiction could have been asserted; it has long been a Federal crime to conspire to injure any Federal officer, on account of, or while he is engaged in, the lawful discharge of the duties of his office.212 Murder of the President has never been covered by Federal law, however, so that once it became reasonably clear that the killing was the act of a single person, the State of Texas had exclusive jurisdiction.

It is anomalous that Congress has legislated in other ways touching upon the safety of the Chief Executive or other Federal officers, without making an attack on the President a crime. Threatening harm to the President is a Federal offense, 213 as is advocacy of the overthrow of the Government by the assassination of any of its officers.214 The murder of Federal judges, U.S. attorneys and marshals, and a number of other specifically designated Federal law enforcement officers is a Federal crime.215 Equally anomalous are statutory provisions which

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specifically authorize the Secret Service to protect the President, without authorizing it to arrest anyone who harms him. The same provisions authorize the Service to arrest without warrant persons committing certain offenses, including counterfeiting and certain frauds involving Federal checks or securities.216 The Commission agrees with the Secret Service 217 that it should be authorized to make arrests without warrant for all offenses within its jurisdiction, as are FBI agents and Federal marshals.218

There have been a number of efforts to make assassination a Federal crime, particularly after the assassination of President McKinley and the attempt on the life of President-elect Franklin D. Roosevelt.219 In 1902 bills passed both Houses of Congress but failed of enactment when the Senate refused to accept the conference report.220 A number of bills were introduced immediately following the assassination of President Kennedy.221

The Commission recommends to the Congress that it adopt legislation which would:
Punish the murder or manslaughter of, attempt or conspiracy to murder, kidnaping of and assault upon
the President, Vice President, or other officer next in the order of succession to the Office of President, the President- elect and the Vice-President-elect,
whether or not the act is committed while the victim is in the performance of his official duties or on account of such performance.
Such a statute would cover the President and Vice President or, in the absence of a Vice President, the person next in order of succession. During the period between election and inauguration, the President-elect and Vice-President-elect would also be covered. Restricting the coverage in this way would avoid unnecessary controversy over the inclusion or exclusion of other officials who are in the order of succession or who hold important governmental posts. In addition, the restriction would probably eliminate a need for the requirement which has been urged as necessary for the exercise of Federal power, that the hostile act occur while the victim is engaged in or because of the performance of official duties.222 The governmental consequences of assassination of one of the specified officials give the United States ample power to act for its own protection.223 The activities of the victim at the time an assassination occurs and the motive for the assassination bear no relationship to the injury to the United States which follows from the act. This point was ably made in the 1902 debate by Senator George F. Hoar, the sponsor of the Senate bill:
... what this bill means to punish is the crime of interruption of the Government of the United States and the destruction of its security by striking down the life of the person who is actually in the exercise of the executive power, or of such persons as have been
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constitutionally and lawfully provided to succeed thereto in case of a vacancy. It is important to this country that the interruption shall not take place for an hour ... 224
Enactment of this statute would mean that the investigation of any of the acts covered and of the possibility of a further attempt would be conducted by Federal law enforcement officials, in particular, the FBI with the assistance of the Secret Service.225 At present, Federal agencies participate only upon the sufferance of the local authorities. While the police work of the Dallas authorities in the early identification and apprehension of Oswald was both efficient and prompt, FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover, who strongly supports such legislation, testified that the absence of clear Federal jurisdiction over the assassination of President Kennedy led to embarrassment and confusion in the subsequent investigation by Federal and local authorities.226 In addition, the proposed legislation will insure that any suspects who are arrested will be Federal prisoners, subject to Federal protection from vigilante justice and other threats. 227

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Committee of Cabinet Officers

As our Government has become more complex, agencies other than the Secret Service have become involved in phases of the overall problem of protecting our national leaders. The FBI is the major domestic investigating agency of the United States, while the CIA has the primary responsibility for collecting intelligence overseas to supplement information acquired by the Department of State. The Secret Service must rely in large part upon the investigating capacity and experience of these and other agencies for much of its information regarding possible dangers to the President. The Commission believes that it is necessary to improve the cooperation among these agencies and to emphasize that the task of Presidential protection is one of broad national concern.

The Commission suggests that consideration might be given to assigning to a Cabinet-level committee or the National Security Council (which is responsible for advising the President respecting the coordination of departmental policies relating to the national security) 228 the responsibility to review and oversee the protective activities of the Secret Service and the other Federal agencies that assist in safeguarding the President. The Committee should include the Secretary of the Treasury and the Attorney General, and, if the Council is used, arrangements should be made for the attendance of the Secretary of the Treasury and the Attorney General at any meetings which are concerned with Presidential protection.229 The Council already includes, in addition to the President and Vice President, the Secretaries of State and Defense and has a competent staff.

The foremost assignment of the Committee would be to insure that the maximum resources of the Federal Government are fully engaged

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in the job of protecting the President, by defining responsibilities clearly and overseeing their execution. Major needs of personnel or other resources might be met more easily on its recommendation than they have been in the past.

The Committee would be able to provide guidance in defining the general nature of domestic and foreign dangers to Presidential security. As improvements are recommended for the advance detection of potential threats to the President, it could act as a final review board. The expert assistance and resources which it could draw upon would be particularly desirable in this complex and sensitive area.

This arrangement would provide a continuing high-level contact for agencies that may wish to consult respecting particular protective measures. For various reasons the Secret Service has functioned largely as an informal part of the White House staff, with the result that it has been unable, as a practical matter, to exercise sufficient influence over the security precautions which surround Presidential activities. A Cabinet-level committee which is actively concerned with these problems would be able to discuss these matters more effectively with the President.

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Responsibilities for Presidential Protection

The assignment of the responsibility of protecting the President to an agency of the Department of the Treasury was largely an historical accident.230 The Secret Service was organized as a division of the Department of the Treasury in 1865, to deal with counterfeiting. In 1894, while investigating a plot to assassinate President Cleveland, the Service assigned a small protective detail of agents to the White House. Secret Service men accompanied the President and his family to their vacation home in Massachusetts and special details protected him in Washington, on trips, and at special functions. These informal and part-time arrangements led to more systematic protection in 1902, after the assassination of President McKinley; the Secret Service, then the only Federal investigative agency, assumed full-time responsibility for the safety of the President. Since that time, the Secret Service has had and exercised responsibility for the physical protection of the President and also for the preventive investigation of potential threats against the President.

Although the Secret Service has had the primary responsibility for the protection of the President, the FBI, which was established within the Department of Justice in 1908, has had in recent years an increasingly important role to play. In the appropriations of the FBI there has recurred annually an item for the "protection of the person of the President of the United States," which first appeared in the appropriation of the Department of Justice in 1910 under the heading "Miscellaneous Objects."231 Although the FBI is not charged with the physical protection of the President, it does have an assignment, as do other Government agencies, in the field of preventive investigation in regard to the President's security. As discussed above, the Bureau has

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attempted to meet its responsibilities in this field by spelling out in its Handbook the procedures which its agents are to follow in connection with information received "indicating the possibility of an attempt against the person or safety of the President" or other protected persons.

With two Federal agencies operating in the same general field of preventive investigation, questions inevitably arise as to the scope of each agency's authority and responsibility. As the testimony of J. Edgar Hoover and other Bureau officials revealed, the FBI did not believe that its directive required the Bureau to notify the Secret Service of the substantial information about Lee Harvey Oswald which the FBI had accumulated before the President reached Dallas. On the other hand, the Secret Service had no knowledge whatever of Oswald, his background, or his employment at the Book Depository, and Robert I. Bouck, who was in charge of the Protective Research Section of the Secret Service, believed that the accumulation of the facts known to the FBI should have constituted a sufficient basis to warn the Secret Service of the Oswald risk.

The Commission believes that both the FBI and the Secret Service have too narrowly construed their respective responsibilities. The Commission has the impression that too much emphasis is placed by both on the investigation of specific threats by individuals and not enough on dangers from other sources. In addition, the Commission has concluded that the Secret Service particularly tends to be the passive recipient of information regarding such threats and that its Protective Research Section is not adequately staffed or equipped to conduct the wider investigative work that is required today for the security of the President.

During the period the Commission was giving thought to this situation, the Commission received a number of proposals designed to improve current arrangements for protecting the President. These proposals included suggestions to locate exclusive responsibility for all phases of the work in one or another Government agency, to clarify the division of authority between the agencies involved, and to retain the existing system but expand both the scope and the operations of the existing agencies, particularly those of the Secret Service and the FBI.

It has been pointed out that the FBI, as our chief investigative agency, is properly manned and equipped to carry on extensive information gathering functions within the United States. It was also suggested that it would take a substantial period of time for the Secret Service to build up the experience and skills necessary to meet the problem. Consequently the suggestion has been made, on the one hand, that all preventive investigative functions relating to the security of the President should be transferred to the FBI, leaving with the Secret Service only the responsibility for the physical protection of the President, that is, the guarding function alone.

On the other hand, it is urged that all features of the protection of the President and his family should be committed to an elite and independent corps. It is also contended that the agents should be intimately

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associated with the life of the Presidential family in all its ramifications and alert to every danger that might befall it, and ready at any instant to hazard great danger to themselves in the performance of their tremendous responsibility. It is suggested that an organization shorn of its power to investigate all the possibilities of danger to the President and becoming merely the recipient of information gathered by others would become limited solely to acts of physical alertness and personal courage incident to its responsibilities. So circumscribed, it could not maintain the esprit de corps or the necessary alertness for this unique and challenging responsibility.

While in accordance with its mandate this Commission has necessarily examined into the functioning of the various Federal agencies concerned with the tragic trip of President Kennedy to Dallas and while it has arrived at certain conclusions in respect thereto, it seems clear that it was not within the Commission's responsibility to make specific recommendations as to the long-range organization of the President's protection, except as conclusions flowing directly from its examination of the President's assassination can be drawn. The Commission was not asked to apply itself as did the Hoover Commission in 1949, for examples to a determination of the optimum organization of the President's protection. It would have been necessary for the Commission to take considerable testimony, much of it extraneous to the facts of the assassination of President Kennedy, to put it in a position to reach final conclusions in this respect. There are always dangers of divided responsibility, duplication, and confusion of authority where more than one agency is operating in the same field; but on the other hand the protection of the President is in a real sense a Government-wide responsibility which must necessarily assumed by the Department of State, the FBI, the CIA, and the military intelligence agencies as well as the Secret Service. Moreover, a number of imponderable questions have to be weighed if any change in the intimate association now established between the Secret Service and the President and his family is contemplated.

These considerations have induced the Commission to believe that the determination of whether or not there should be a relocation of responsibilities and functions should be left to the Executive and the Congress, perhaps upon recommendations based on further studies by the Cabinet-level committee recommended above or the National Security Council.

Pending any such determination, however, this Commission is convinced of the necessity of better coordination and direction of the activities of all existing agencies of Government which are in a position to and do, furnish information and services related to the security of the President. The Commission feels the Secret Service and the FBI, as well as the State Department and the CIA when the President travels abroad, could improve their existing capacities and procedures so as to lessen the chances of assassination. Without, therefore, coming to final conclusions respecting the long-range organization of the President's security, the Commission believes

[monosylab1k]

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that the facts of the assassination of President Kennedy point to certain measures which, while assuming no radical relocation of responsibilities, can and should be recommended by this Commission in the interest of the more efficient protection of the President. These, recommendations are reviewed below.

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General Supervision of the Secret Service

The intimacy of the Secret Service's relationship to the White House and the dissimilarity of its protective functions to most activities of the Department of the Treasury have made it difficult for the Treasury to maintain close and continuing supervision. The Commission believes that the recommended Cabinet-level committee will help to correct many of the major deficiencies of supervision disclosed by the Commission's investigation. Other measures should be taken as well to improve the overall operation of the Secret Service.

Daily supervision of the operations of the Secret Service within the Department of the Treasury should be improved. The Chief of the Service now reports to the Secretary of the Treasury through an Assistant Secretary whose duties also include the direct supervision of the Bureau of the Mint and the Department's Employment Policy Program, and who also represents the Secretary of the Treasury on various committees and groups.232 The incumbent has no technical qualifications in the area of Presidential protection.233 The Commission recommends that the Secretary of the Treasury appoint a special assistant with the responsibility of supervising the Service. This special assistant should be required to have sufficient stature and experience in law enforcement, intelligence, or allied fields to be able to provide effective continuing supervision, and to keep the Secretary fully informed regarding all significant developments relating to Presidential protection.

This report has already pointed out several respects in which the Commission believes that the Secret Service has operated with insufficient planning or control. Actions by the Service since the assassination indicate its awareness of the necessity for substantial improvement in its administration. A formal and thorough description of the responsibilities of the advance agent is now in preparation by the Service.234 Work is going forward toward the preparation of formal understandings of the respective roles of the Secret Service and other agencies with which it collaborates or from which it derives assistance and support. The Commission urges that the Service continue this effort to overhaul and define its procedures. While manuals and memoranda are no guarantee of effective operations, no sizable organization can achieve efficiency without the careful analysis and demarcation of responsibility that is reflected in definite and comprehensive operating procedures.

The Commission also recommends that the Secret Service consciously set about the task of inculcating and maintaining the highest standard of excellence and esprit, for all of its personnel. This

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involves tight and unswerving discipline as well as the promotion of an outstanding degree of dedication and loyalty to duty. The Commission emphasizes that it finds no causal connection between the assassination and the breach of regulations which occurred on the night of November 21 at Fort Worth. Nevertheless, such a breach, in which so many agents participated, is not consistent with the standards which the responsibilities of the Secret Service require it to meet.

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Preventive Intelligence

In attempting to identify those individuals who might prove a danger to the President, the Secret Service has largely been the passive recipient of threatening communications to the President and reports from other agencies which independently evaluate their information for potential sources of danger. This was the consequence of the Service's lack of an adequate investigative staff, its inability to process large amounts of data, and its failure to provide specific descriptions of the kind of information it sought.235

The Secret Service has embarked upon a complete overhaul of its research activities.236 The staff of the Protective Research Section (PRS) has been augmented, and a Secret Service inspector has been put in charge of this operation. With the assistance of the President's Office of Science and Technology, and of the Advanced Research Projects Agency of the Department of Defense, it has obtained the services of outside consultants, such as the Rand Corp., International Business Machines Corp., and a panel of psychiatric and psychological experts. It has received assistance also from data processing experts at the CIA and from a specialist in psychiatric prognostication at Walter Reed Hospital.237 As a result of these studies, the planning document submitted by the Secretary of the Treasury to the Bureau of the Budget on August 31, 1964, makes several significant recommendations in this field.238 Based on the Commission's investigation, the following minimum goals for improvements are indicated:

Broader and more selective criteria.--Since the assassination, both the Secret Service and the FBI have recognized that the PRS files can no longer be limited largely to persons communicating actual threats to the President. On December 26, 1963, the FBI circulated additional instructions to all its agents, specifying criteria for information to be furnished to the Secret Service in addition to that covered by the former standard, which was the possibility of an attempt against the person or safety of the President. The new instructions require FBI agents to report immediately information concerning:
Subversives, ultrarightists, racists and fascists (a) possessing emotional instability or irrational behavior, (b) who have made threats of bodily harm against officials or employees of Federal, state or local government or officials of a foreign government, (c) who express or have expressed strong or violent anti-U.S. sentiments and who have been involved in bombing or bomb-making
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or whose past conduct indicates tendencies toward violence, and (d) whose prior acts or statements depict propensity for violence and hatred against organized government.239
Alan IH. Belmont, Assistant to the Director of the FBI, testified that this revision was initiated by the FBI itself.240 The volume of references to the Secret Service has increased substantially since the new instructions went into effect; more than 5,000 names were referred to the Secret Service in the first 4 months of 1964.241 According to Chief Rowley, by mid-June 1964, the Secret Service had received from the FBI some 9,000 reports on members of the Communist Party.242 The FBI now transmits information on all defectors, 243 a category which would, of course, have included Oswald.

Both Director Hoover and Belmont expressed to the Commission the great concern of the FBI, which is shared by the Secret Service, that referrals to the Secret Service under the new criteria might, if not properly handled, result in some degree of interference with the personal liberty of those involved.244 They emphasized the necessity that the information now being furnished be handled with judgment and care. The Commission shares this concern. The problem is aggravated by the necessity that the Service obtain the assistance of local law enforcement officials in evaluating the information which it receives and in taking preventive steps.

In June 1964, the Secret Service sent to a number of Federal law enforcement and intelligence agencies guidelines for an experimental program to develop more detailed criteria. 245 The suggestions of Federal agencies for revision of these guidelines were solicited. The new tentative criteria are useful in making clear that the interest of the Secret Service goes beyond information on individuals or groups threatening to cause harm or embarrassment to the President.246 Information is requested also concerning individuals or groups who have demonstrated an interest in the President or "other high government officials in the nature of a complaint coupled with an expressed or implied determination to use a means, other than legal or peaceful, to satisfy any grievance, real or imagined. 247 Under these criteria, whether the case should be referred to the Secret Service depends on the existence of a previous history of mental instability, propensity toward violent action, or some similar characteristic, coupled with some evaluation of the capability of the individual or group to further the intention to satisfy a grievance by unlawful means.248

While these tentative criteria are a step in the right direction, they seem unduly restrictive in continuing to require some manifestation of animus against a Government official. It is questionable whether such criteria would have resulted in the referral of Oswald to the Secret Service. Chief Rowley believed that they would, because of Oswald's demonstrated hostility toward the Secretary of the Navy in his letter of January 30, 1962.249

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I shall employ all means to right this gross mistake or injustice to a bonified U.S. citizen and ex-service man. The U.S. government has no charges or complaints against me. I ask you to look into this case and take the necessary steps to repair the damage done to me and my family.250
Even with the advantage of hindsight, this letter does not appear to express or imply Oswald's "determination to use a means, other than legal or peaceful, to satisfy [his] grievance" within the meaning of the new criteria.251

It is apparent that a good deal of further consideration and experimentation will be required before adequate criteria can be framed. The Commission recognizes that no set of meaningful criteria will yield the names of all potential assassins. Charles J. Guiteau, Leon F. Czolgosz, John Schrank, and Guiseppe Zangara--four assassins or would-be assassins--were all men who acted alone in their criminal acts against our leaders.252 None had a serious record of prior violence. Each of them was a failure in his work and in his relations with others, a victim of delusions and fancies which led to the conviction that society and its leaders had combined to thwart him. It will require every available resource of our Government to devise a practical system which has any reasonable possibility of revealing such malcontents.

Liaison with other agencies regarding intelligence.--The Secret Service's liaison with the agencies that supply information to it has been too casual. Since the assassination, the Service has recognized that these relationships must be far more formal and each agency given clear understanding of the assistance which the Secret Service expects.258

Once the Secret Service has formulated its new standards for collection of information, it should enter into written agreements with each Federal agency and the leading State and local agencies that might be a source of such information. Such agreements should describe in detail the information which is sought, the manner in which it will be provided to the Secret Service, and the respective responsibilities for any further investigation that may be required.

This is especially necessary with regard to the FBI and CIA, which carry the major responsibility for supplying information about potential threats, particularly those arising from organized groups, within their special jurisdiction. Since these agencies are already obliged constantly to evaluate the activities of such groups, they should be responsible for advising the Secret Service if information develops indicating the existence of an assassination plot and for reporting such events as a change in leadership or dogma which indicate that the group may present a danger to the President. Detailed formal agreements embodying these arrangements should be worked out between the Secret Service and both of these agencies.

It should be made clear that the Secret Service will in no way seek to duplicate the intelligence and investigative capabilities of the

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agencies now operating in this field but will continue to use the data developed by these agencies to carry out its special duties. Once experience has been gained in implementing such agreements with the Federal and leading State and local agencies, the Secret Service, through its field offices, should negotiate similar arrangements with such other State and local law enforcement agencies as may provide meaningful assistance. Much useful information will come to the attention of local law enforcement agencies in the regular course of their activities, and this source should not be neglected by undue concentration on relationships with other Federal agencies. Finally, these agreements with Federal and local authorities will be of little value unless a system is established for the frequent formal review of activities thereunder.

In this regard the Commission notes with approval several recent measures taken and proposed by the Secret Service to improve its liaison arrangements. In his testimony Secretary of the Treasury C. Douglas Dillon informed the Commission that an interagency committee has been established to develop more effective criteria. According to Secretary Dillon, the Committee will include representatives of the President's Office of Science and Technology, Department of Defense, CIA, FBI, and the Secret Service.254 In addition, the Department of the Treasury has requested five additional agents for its Protective Research Section to serve as liaison officers with law enforcement and intelligence agencies.255 On the basis of the Department's review during the past several months, Secretary Dillon testified that the use of such liaison officers is the only effective way to insure that adequate liaison is maintained.256 As a beginning step to improve liaison with local law enforcement officials, the Secret Service on August 26, 1964, directed its field representatives to send a form request for intelligence information to all local, county, and State law enforcement agencies in their districts.257 Each of these efforts appears sound, and the Commission recommends that these and the other measures suggested by the Commission be pursued vigorously by Secret Service.

Automatic data processing.--Unless the Secret Service is able to deal rapidly and accurately with a growing body of data, the increased information supplied by other agencies will be wasted. PRS must develop the capacity to classify its subjects on a more sophisticated basis than the present geographic breakdown. Its present manual filing system is obsolete; it makes no use of the recent developments in automatic data processing which are widely used in the business world and in other Government offices.

The Secret Service and the Department of the Treasury now recognize this critical need. In the planning document currently under review by the Bureau of the Budget, the Department recommends that it be permitted to hire five qualified persons "to plan and develop a workable and efficient automated file and retrieval system."258 Also the Department requests the sum of $100,000 to conduct a detailed feasibility study; this money would be used to compensate

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consultants, to lease standard equipment or to purchase specially designed pilot equipment.259 On the basis of such a feasibility study, the Department hopes to design a practical system which will fully meet the needs of the Protective Research Section of the Secret Service.

The Commission recommends that prompt and favorable consideration be given to this request. The Commission further recommends that the Secret Service coordinate its planning as closely as possible with all of the Federal agencies from which it receives information. The Secret Service should not and does not plan to develop its own intelligence gathering facilities to duplicate the existing facilities of other Federal agencies. In planning its data processing techniques, the Secret Service should attempt to develop a system compatible with those of the agencies from which most of its data will come.*

Protective Research participation in advance arrangements.--Since the assassination, Secret Service procedures have been changed to require that a member of PRS accompany each advance survey team to establish liaison with local intelligence gathering agencies and to provide for the immediate evaluation of information received from them.260 This PRS agent will also be responsible for establishing an informal local liaison committee to make certain that all protective intelligence activities are coordinated. Based on its experience during this period, the Secret Service now recommends that additional personnel be made available to PRS so that these arrangements can be made permanent without adversely affecting the operations of the Service's field offices.261 The Commission regards this as a most. useful innovation and urges that the practice be continued.
*Note at bottom of page: In evaluating data processing techniques of the Secret Service, the Commission had occasion to become informed, to a limited extent, about the data processing techniques of other Federal intelligence and low enforcement agencies. The Commission was struck by the apparent lack of effort, on an interagency basis, to develop coordinated and mutually compatible systems, even where such coordination would not seem inconsistent with the particular purposes of the agency involved. The Commission recognizes that this is a controversial area and that many strongly held views are advanced in resistance to any suggestion that an effort be made to impose any degree of coordination. This matter is obviously beyond the jurisdiction of the Commission, but it seems to warrant further study before each agency becomes irrevocably committed to separate action. The Commission, therefore, recommends that the President consider ordering an inquiry into the possibility that coordination might be achieved to a greater extent than seems now to be contemplated, without interference with the primary mission of each agency involved.
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Liaison With Local Law Enforcement Agencies

Advice by the Secret Service to local police in metropolitan areas relating to the assistance expected in connection with a Presidential visit has hitherto been handled on an informal basis.262 The Service should consider preparing formal explanations of the cooperation anticipated during a Presidential visit to a city, in formats that can be communicated to each level of local authorities. Thus, the local chief of police could be given a master plan, prepared for the occasion, of all protective measures to be taken during the visit; each patrolman might be given a prepared booklet of instructions explaining what is expected of him.

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The Secret Service has expressed concern that written instructions might come into the hands of local newspapers, to the prejudice of the precautions described.263 However, the instructions must be communicated to the local police in any event and can be leaked to the press whether or not they are in writing. More importantly, the lack of carefully prepared and carefully transmitted instructions for typical visits to cities can lead to lapses in protection, such as the confusion in Dallas about whether members of the public were permitted on overpasses.264 Such instructions will not fit all circumstances, of course, and should not be relied upon to the detriment of the imaginative application of judgment in special cases.

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Inspection of Buildings

Since the assassination of President Kennedy, the Secret Service has been experimenting with new techniques in the inspection of buildings along a motorcade route.265 According to Secretary Dillon, the studies indicate that there is some utility in attempting to designate certain buildings as involving a higher risk than others.266 The Commission strongly encourages these efforts to improve protection along a motorcade route. The Secret Service should utilize the personnel of other Federal law enforcement offices in the locality to assure adequate manpower for this task, as it is now doing. 267 Lack of adequate resources is an unacceptable excuse for failing to improve advance precautions in this crucial area of Presidential protection.

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Secret Service Personnel and Facilities

Testimony and other evidence before the Commission suggest that the Secret Service is trying to accomplish its job with too few people and without adequate modern equipment. Although Chief Rowley does not complain about the pay scale for Secret Service agents, salaries are below those of the FBI and leading municipal police forces.268 The assistant to the Director of the FBI testified that the caseload of each FBI agent averaged 20-25, and he felt that this was high.269 Chief Rowley testified that the present workload of each Secret Service agent averages 110.1 cases.270 While these statistics relate to the activities of Secret Service agents stationed in field offices and not the White House detail, field agents supplement those on the detail, particularly when the President is traveling. Although the Commission does not know whether the cases involved are entirely comparable, these figures suggest that the agents of the Secret Service are substantially overworked.

In its budget request for the fiscal year beginning July 1, 1964, the Secret Service sought funds for 25 new positions, primarily in field offices. 271 This increase has been approved by the Congress. 272 Chief Rowley explained that this would not provide enough additional manpower to take all the measures which he considers required. However, the 1964-65 budget request was submitted in November 1963 and

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requests for additional personnel were not made because of the studies then being conducted.273

The Secret Service has now presented its recommendations to the Bureau of the Budget.274 The plan proposed by the Service would take approximately 20 months to implement and require expenditures of approximately $3 million during that period. The plan provides for an additional 205 agents for the Secret Service. Seventeen of this number are proposed for the Protective Research Section; 145 are proposed for the field offices to handle the increased volume of security investigations and be available to protect the President or Vice President when they travel; 18 agents are proposed for a rotating pool which will go through an intensive training cycle and also be available to supplement the White House detail in case of unexpected need; and 25 additional agents are recommended to provide the Vice President full protection.

The Commission urges that the Bureau of the Budget review these recommendations with the Secret Service and authorize a request for the necessary supplemental appropriation, as soon as it can be justified. The Congress has often stressed that it will support any reasonable request for funds for the protection of the President.275

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Manpower and Technical Assistance From Other Agencies

Before the assassination the Secret Service infrequently requested other Federal law enforcement agencies to provide personnel to assist in its protection functions.276 Since the assassination, the Service has experimented with the use of agents borrowed for short periods from such agencies. It has used other Treasury law enforcement agents on special experiments in building and route surveys in places to which the President frequently travels.277 It has also used other Federal law enforcement agents during Presidential visits to cities in which such agents are stationed. Thus, in the 4 months following the assassination, the FBI, on 16 separate occasions, supplied a total of 139 agents to assist in protection work during a Presidential visit,278 which represents a departure from its prior practice.279 From February 11 through June 30, 1964, the Service had the advantage of 9,500 hours of work by other enforcement agencies.280

The FBI has indicated that it is willing to continue to make such assistance available, even though it agrees with the Secret Service that it is preferable for the Service to have enough agents to handle all protective demands.281 The Commission endorses these efforts to supplement the Service's own personnel by obtaining, for short periods of time, the assistance of trained Federal law enforcement officers. In view of the ever-increasing mobility of American Presidents, it seems unlikely that the Service could or should increase its own staff to a size which would permit it to provide adequate protective manpower for all situations. The Commission recommends that the agencies involved determine how much periodic assistance they can provide, and that each such agency and the Secret Service enter into a formal

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agreement defining such arrangements. It may eventually be desirable to codify the practice in an Executive order. The Secret Service will be better able to plan its own long-range personnel requirements if it knows with reasonable certainty the amount of assistance that it can expect from other agencies.

The occasional use of personnel from other Federal agencies to assist in protecting the President has a further advantage. It symbolizes the reality that the job of protecting the President has not been and cannot be exclusively the responsibility of the Secret Service. The Secret Service in the past has sometimes guarded its right to be acknowledged as the sole protector of the Chief Executive. This no longer appears to be the case.282 Protecting the President is a difficult and complex task which requires full us of the best resources of many parts of our Government. Recognition that the responsibility must be shared increases the likelihood that it will be met.

Much of the Secret Service work requires the development and use of highly sophisticated equipment, some of which must be specially designed to fit unique requirements. Even before the assassination, and to a far greater extent thereafter, the Secret Service has been receiving full cooperation in scientific research and technological development from many Government agencies including the Department of Defense and the President's Office of Science and Technology.283

Even if the manpower and technological resources of the Secret Service are adequately augmented, it will continue to rely in many respects upon the greater resources of the Office of Science and Technology and other agencies. The Commission recommends that the present arrangements with the Office of Science and Technology and the other Federal agencies that have been so helpful to the Secret Service be placed on a permanent and formal basis. The exchange of letters dated August 31, 1964, between Secretary Dillon and Donald F. Hornig, Special Assistant to the President for Science and Technology, is a useful effort in the right direction.284 The Service should negotiate a memorandum of understanding with each agency that has been assisting it and from which it can expect to need help in the future. The essential terms of such memoranda might well be embodied in an Executive order.

Return to Top

CONCLUSION

This Commission can recommend no procedures for the future protection of our Presidents which will guarantee security. The demands on the President in the execution of His responsibilities in today's world are so varied and complex and the traditions of the office in a democracy such as ours are so deepseated as to preclude absolute security.

The Commission has, however, from its examination of the facts of President Kennedy's assassination made certain recommendations

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which it believes would, if adopted, materially improve upon the procedures in effect at the time of President Kennedy's assassination and result in a substantial lessening of the danger.

As has been pointed out, the Commission has not resolved all the proposals which could be made. The Commission nevertheless is confident that, with the active cooperation of the responsible agencies and with the understanding of the people of the United States in their demands upon their President, the recommendations we have here suggested would greatly advance the security of the office without any impairment of our fundamental liberties.

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Report of the President's Commission on the Assassination of President Kennedy
Appendix 1
IMMEDIATE RELEASE

NOVEMBER 30, 1963

Office of the White House Press Secretary




THE WHITE HOUSE

EXECUTIVE ORDER
NO. 11130

APPOINTING A COMMISSION TO REPORT UPON THE
ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT JOHN F. KENNEDY

Pursuant to the authority vested in me as President of the United States, I hereby appoint a Commission to ascertain, evaluate and report upon the facts relating to the assassination of the late President John Kennedy and the subsequent violent death of the man charged with the assassination. The Commission shall consist of --
The Chief Justice of the United States, Chairman;
Senator Richard B. Russell:
Senator John Sherman Cooper;
Congressman Hale Boggs;
Congressman Gerald R Ford;
The Honorable Allen W. Dulles;
The Honorable John J. McCloy.
The purposes of the Commission are to examine the evidence developed by the Federal Bureau of Investigation and any additional evidence that may hereafter come to light or be uncovered by federal or state authorities; to make such further investigation as the Commission finds desirable; to evaluate all the facts and circumstances surrounding such assassination, including the subsequent violent death of the man charged with the assassination, and to report to me its findings and conclusions.

The Commission is empowered to prescribe its own procedures and to employ such assistants as it deems necessary.

Necessary expenses of the Commission may he paid from the "Emergency Fund for the President".

All Executive departments and agencies are directed to furnish the Commission with such facilities, services and cooperation as it may request from time to time.

LYNDON B. JOHNSON
THE WHITE HOUSE,
November 29, 1963.

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Appendix 2


IMMEDIATE RELEASE

November 29, 1963

Office of the White House Press Secretary



THE WHITE HOUSE

The President today announced that he is appointing a Special Commission to study and report upon all facts and circumstances relating to the assassination of the late President, John F. Kennedy, and the subsequent violent death of the man charged with the assassination.

The President stated that the Majority and Minority Leadership of the Senate and the House of Representatives have been consulted with respect to the proposed Special Commission.

The members of the Special Commission are:
Chief Justice Earl Warren, Chairman
Senator Richard Russell (Georgia)
Senator John Sherman Cooper (Kentucky)
Representative Hale Boggs (Louisiana)
Representative Gerald Ford (Michigan)
Hon. Allen W. Dulles of Washington
Hon. John J. McCloy of New York
The President stated that the Special Commission is to be instructed to evaluate all available information concerning the subject of the inquiry. The Federal Bureau of Investigation, pursuant to an earlier directive of the President, is making complete investigation of the facts. An inquiry is also scheduled by a Texas Court of Inquiry convened by the Attorney General of Texas under Texas law.

The Special Commission will have before it all evidence uncovered by the Federal Bureau of Investigation and all information available to any agency of the Federal Government. The Attorney General of Texas has also offered his cooperation. All Federal agencies and offices are being directed to furnish services and cooperation to the Special Commission. The Commission will also be empowered to conduct any further investigation that it deems desirable.

The President is instructing the Special Commission to satisfy itself that the truth is known as far as it can be discovered, and to report its findings and conclusions to him, to the American people, and to the world.

# # # # #

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Appendix 3


Public Law 88-202

88th Congress, S. J. Res. 137

December 13, 1963

Joint Resolution

Authorizing the Commission established to report upon the assassination of President John F. Kennedy to compel the attendance and testimony of witnesses and the production of evidence.
Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That (a) for the purposes of this joint resolution, the term "Commission" means the Commission appointed by the President by Executive Order 11130, dated November 29, 1963.

(b) The Commission, or any member of the Commission when so authorized by the Commission, shall have power to issue subpoenas requiring the attendance and testimony of witnesses and the production of any evidence that relates to any matter under investigation by the Commission. The Commission, or any member of the Commission or any agent or agency designated by the Commission for such purpose, may administer oaths and affirmations, examine witnesses, and receive evidence. Such attendance of witnesses and the production of such evidence may be required from any place within the United States at any designated place of hearing.

(c) In case of contumacy or refusal to obey a subpoena issued to any person under subsection (b), any court of the United States within the jurisdiction of which the inquiry is carried on or within the jurisdiction of which said person guilty of contumacy or refusal to obey is found or resides or transacts business, upon application by the Commission shall have jurisdiction to issue to such person an order requiring such person to appear before the Commission, its member, agent, or agency, there to produce evidence if so ordered, or there to give testimony touching the matter under investigation or in question; and any failure to obey such order of the court may be punished by said court as a contempt thereof.

(d) Process and papers of the commission, its members, agent, or agency, may be served either upon the witness in person or by registered mail or by telegraph or by leaving a copy thereof at the residence or principal office or place of business of the person required to be served. The verified return by the individual so serving the same, setting forth the manner of such service, shall be proof of the same, and the return post office receipt or telegraph receipt therefore when registered and mailed or telegraphed as aforesaid shall be proof of service of the same. Witnesses summoned before the commission, its members, agent, or agency, shall be paid the same fees and mileage that are paid witnesses in the courts of the United States, and witnesses whose depositions are taken and the persons taking the same shall severally be entitled to the same fees ar are paid for like services in the courts of the United States.

(e) No person shall be excused from attending and testifying or from producing books, records, correspondence, documents, or other evidence in obedience to a subpoena, on the ground that the testimony or evidence required of him may tend to incriminate him or subject him to a penalty or forfeiture; but no individual shall be prosecuted or subjected to any penalty or forfeiture (except demotion or removal from office) for or on account of any transaction, matter or thing concerning which he is compelled, after having claimed his privilege

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Pub. Law 88-202

December 13, 1963

against self-incrimination, to testify or produce evidence, except that such individual so testifying shall not be exempt from prosecution and punishment for perjury committed in so testifying.

(f) All process of any court to which application may be make under this Act may be served in the judicial district therein the person required to be served resides or may be found.

Approved December 13, 1963.



LEGISLATIVE HISTORY:

CONGRESSIONAL RECORD, Vol. 109 (1963):

Dec. 9: Passed Senate.

Dec. 10: Considered and passed House.

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Appendix 4: Biographical Information and Acknowledgments
Members of Commission
General Counsel
Assistant Counsel
Staff Members
Acknowledgments
MEMBERS OF COMMISSION

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The Honorable Earl Warren, Chief Justice of the United States, was born in Los Angeles, Calif., on March 19, 1891. He graduated from the University of California with B.L. and J.D. degrees, and was admitted to the California bar in 1914. Chief Justice Warren was attorney general of California from 1939 to 1943. From 1943 to 1953 he was Governor of California and in September 1953 was appointed by President Eisenhower to be the Chief Justice of the United States.

The Honorable Richard B. Russell was born in Winder, Ga., on November 2, 1897. He received his B.L. degree from the University of Georgia in 1918 and his LL.B. from Mercer University in 1957. Senator Russell commenced the practice of law in Winder, Ga., in 1918, became county attorney for Barrow County, Ga., and was a member of the Georgia House of Representatives from 1921 to 1931. He was Governor of Georgia from 1931 to 1933, was elected to the U.S. Senate in January 1933 to fill a vacancy, and has been Senator from Georgia continuously since that date.

The Honorable John Sherman Cooper was born in Somerset, Ky., on August 23, 1901. He attended Centre College, Kentucky, received his A.B. degree from Yale College in 1923, and attended Harvard Law School from 1923 to 1925. Senator Cooper has been a member of the House of Representatives of the Kentucky General Assembly, a county judge and circuit judge in Kentucky, and is now a member of the U.S. Senate, where he has served, though not continuously, for 12 years. He was a delegate to the Fifth, Sixth, and Seventh Sessions of the General Assembly of the United Nations, an advisor to the Secretary of State in 1950 at meetings of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, and Ambassador to India and Nepal in 1955-56. He served in the 3d U.S. Army in World War II in Europe, and after the war headed the reorganization of the German judicial system in Bavaria.

The Honorable Hale Boggs was born in Long Beach, Miss., on February 15, 1914. He graduated from Tulane University with a B.A. degree in 1935 and received his LL.B. in 1937. He was admitted to the Louisiana bar in 1937 and practiced law in New Orleans. Representative Boggs was elected to the 77th Congress of the United States and in World War II was an officer of the U.S. Naval Reserve and of the Maritime Service. He has been a Member of Congress since 1946 when he was elected to represent the Second District, State of Louisiana, in the 80th Congress, and he is currently the majority whip for the Democratic Party in the House of Representatives.

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The Honorable Gerald R. Ford was born in Omaha, Nebr., on July 14, 1913. He graduated from the University of Michigan with a B.A. degree in 1935 and from Yale University Law School with an LL.B. degree in 1941. Representative Ford was admitted to the Michigan bar in 1941. He was first elected to Congress in 1948 and has been reelected to each succeeding Congress. He served 47 months in the U.S. Navy during World War II. Representative Ford was elected in January 1963 the chairman of the House Republican Conference.

The Honorable Allen W. Dulles was born in Watertown, N.Y., on April 7, 1893. He received his B.A. degree from Princeton in 1914, his M.A. in 1916, his LL.B. from George Washington University in 1926, and LL.D. degrees. Mr. Dulles entered the diplomatic service of the United States in 1916 and resigned in 1926 to take up law practice in New York City. In 1953 Mr. Dulles was appointed Director of Central Intelligence and served in that capacity until 1961.

The Honorable John J. McCloy was born in Philadelphia, Pa., on March 31, 1895. He received an A.B. degree, cum laude, from Amherst College in 1916; LL.B. from Harvard, and LL.D. from Amherst College. He was admitted to the New York bar in 1921 and is now a member of the firm of Milbank, Tweed, Hadley & McCloy. He was Assistant Secretary of War from April 1941 to November 1945. Mr. McCloy was President of the World Bank from 1947 to 1949 and U.S. Military Governor and High Commissioner for Germany from 1949 to 1952. He has been coordinator of U.S. disarmament activities since 1961.

GENERAL COUNSEL

J. Lee Rankin was born in Hartington, Nebr., on July 8, 1907. He received his A.B. degree from the University of Nebraska in 1928 and his LL.B. in 1930 from the University of Nebraska Law School. He was admitted to the Nebraska bar in 1930 and practiced law in Lincoln, Nebr., until January 1953 when he was appointed by President Eisenhower to be the assistant attorney general in charge of the Office of Legal Counsel in the Department of Justice. In August 1956 President Eisenhower appointed Mr. Rankin to be the Solicitor General of the United States. Since January 1961 Mr. Rankin has been in private practice in New York City. He accepted the appointment as General Counsel for the President's Commission on the Assassination of President Kennedy on December 8, 1963.

ASSISTANT COUNSEL

Francis W. H. Adams was born in Mount Vernon, N.Y., on June 26, 1904. He graduated from Williams College with an A.B. degree, and received his LL.B. degree from Fordham Law School in 1928. Mr. Adams has acted as chief assistant U.S. attorney in New York, special

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assistant to the U.S. Attorney General, and as an arbitrator for the War Labor Board. In 1954 and 1955 he served as police commissioner of New York City. Mr. Adams is a member of the New York and Washington law firm of Satterlee, Warfield & Stephens.

Joseph A. Ball was born in Stuart, Iowa, on December 16, 1902. He received his B.A. degree from Creighton University in Omaha, Nebr., and his LL.B. degree from the University of Southern California in 1927. Mr. Ball teaches criminal law and procedure at the University of Southern California. He is a member of the U.S. Judicial Conference Advisory Committee on Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure. Mr. Ball is a member of the firm of Ball, Hunt & Hart, Long Beach and Santa Ana, Calif.

David W. Belin was born in Washington, D.C., on June 20, 1928. He is a graduate of the University of Michigan, where he earned three degrees with high distinction: A.B. (1951), M. Bus. Adm. (1953), and J.D. (1954). At the University of Michigan he was associate editor of the Michigan Law Review. He is a member of Phi Beta Kappa and the Order of the Coif. He is a member of the law firm of Herrick, Langdon, Sandblom & Belin, Des Moines, Iowa.

William T. Coleman, Jr., was born in Germantown, Philadelphia, Pa., on July 7, 1920. He graduated from the University of Pennsylvania in 1941 with an A.B. degree, summa cum laude, received his LL.B. in 1946, magna cum laude, from Harvard Law School and served as an editor of the Harvard Law Review. From 1947 to 1948 he served as law clerk to Judge Herbert F. Goodrich, U.S. Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit, and during the 1948-49 term of the U.S. Supreme Court, as law clerk to Justice Felix Frankfurter. Mr. Coleman has served as a special counsel for the city of Philadelphia and has been a consultant with the U.S. Arms Control and Disarmament Agency since January 1963. He is a member of the law firm of Dilworth, Paxson, Kalish, Kohn & Dilks, Philadelphia, Pa.

Melvin A. Eisenberg was born in New York City on December 3, 1934. He was graduated from Columbia College, A.B., summa cum laude, in 1956, and from Harvard Law School, LL.B., summa cum laude, in 1959. Mr. Eisenberg is a member of Phi Beta Kappa, and served as an editor of the Harvard Law Review. He is associated with the law firm of Kaye, Scholer, Fierman, Hays & Handler in New York City.

Burt W. Griffin was born in Cleveland, Ohio, on August 19, 1932. He received his B.A. degree, cure laude, from Amherst College in 1954, and LL.B. from Yale University Law School in 1959. He was note and comment editor of the Yale Law Journal. During 1959-60 Mr. Griffin served as law clerk to Judge George T. Washington of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit. From 1960 to 1962 Mr. Griffin was an assistant U.S. attorney for the northern district of Ohio, and since 1962 he has been associated with the firm of MacDonald, Hopkins & Hardy, Cleveland, Ohio.

Leon D. Hubert, Jr., was born in New Orleans, La., July 1, 1911. He received his A.B. degree from Tulane University in 1932, and

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LL.B. from Tulane in 1934. He was associate editor of the Tulane Law Review, and a member of Phi Beta Kappa and the Order of the Coif. Mr. Hubert was assistant U.S. attorney for the eastern district of Louisiana, 1934-46, and a professor of law at Tulane University, 1942-60. He has worked with the Louisiana State Law Institute on the revision of statutes and on the codes of civil and criminal procedure. Mr. Hubert is a member of the law firm of Hubert, Baldwin & Zibilich, New Orleans, La.

Albert E. Jenner, Jr., was born in Chicago, Ill., on, June 20, 1907. He received his law degree from the University of Illinois in 1930. He is a member of the Order of the Coif. In 1956 and 1957 Mr. Jenner served as a special assistant attorney general of Illinois in the investigation of fraud in the office of the auditor of public accounts of the State of Illinois. Mr. Jenner is a Commissioner on Uniform State Laws, a member of the U.S. Judicial Conference Advisory Committee on Federal Rules of Civil Procedure and vice chairman of the Joint Committee for the Effective Administration of Justice. He is a former professor of law at the Northwestern University School of Law. Mr. Jenner is a member of the law firm of Raymond, Mayer, Jenner & Block, Chicago, Ill.

Wesley J. Liebeler was born in Langdon, N. Dak., on May 9, 1931. He received his B.A. degree from Macalester College, St. Paul, Minn., in 1953 and graduated, cum laude, from the University of Chicago Law School in 1957. He was a managing editor of the University of Chicago Law Review and is a member of the Order of the Coif. Mr. Liebeler is associated with the law firm of Carter, Ledyard & Milburn, New York City.

Norman Redlich was born in New York City on November 12, 1925. He received his B.A. degree, magna cum laude, from Williams College in 1947, his LL.B., cure laude, from Yale Law School in 1950, and LL.M. (Taxation) in 1955 from the New York University School of Law. He is a member of Phi Beta Kappa and the Order of the Coif, and was executive editor of the Yale Law Journal. Mr. Redlich is Professor of Law at the New York University School of Law, and is editor in chief of the Tax Law Review, New York University.

W. David Slawson was born in. Grand Rapids, Mich., on June 2, 1931. He received his A.B. degree, summa cure laude, from Amherst College in 1953, and M.A. from Princeton University in 1954. Mr. Slawson received his LL.B., magna cum laude, from Harvard University in 1959. He is a member of Phi Beta Kappa and was a note editor of the Harvard Law Review. Mr. Slawson is a member of the law firm of Davis, Graham & Stubbs, Denver, Colo.

Arlen Specter was born in Wichita, Kans., on February 12, 1930. He received his B.A. degree from the University of Pennsylvania in 1951, where he was a member of Phi Beta Kappa, and received his LL.B.. from Yale Law School in 1956. He was an editor of the Yale Law Journal. Mr. Specter was an associate of the law firm of Dechert, Price & Rhoads in Philadelphia from 1956 to 1959, and from 1959 to 1964 he was an assistant in the Philadelphia district attorney's

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office. Mr. Specter is a member of the firm of Specter & Katz, Philadelphia, Pa.

Samuel A. Stern was born in Philadelphia, Pa., on January 21, 1929. He graduated with honors from the University of Pennsylvania with an A.B. in 1949. In 1952 he received his LL.B., magna cum laude, from Harvard Law School, and was developments editor of the Harvard Law Review. Mr. Stern served as law clerk to Chief Judge Calvert Magruder, U.S. Court of Appeals for the First Circuit, during 1954-55 and was law clerk to Chief Justice Earl Warren during 1955-56. He is a member of the law firm of Wilmer, Cutler & Picketing, Washington, D.C.

Howard P. Willens was born in Oak Park, Ill., on May 27, 1931. He received his B.A. degree, with high distinction, from the University of Michigan in 1953 and his LL.B. from Yale Law School in 1956. Mr. Willens is a member of Phi Beta Kappa and was an editor of the Yale Law Journal. He was associated with the law firm of Kirkland, Ellis, Hodson, Chaffetz & Masters, Washington, D.C., until 1961, when he was appointed Second Assistant in the Criminal Division of the U.S. Department of Justice.

STAFF MEMBERS

Philip Barson was born in Philadelphia, Pa, on May 2, 1912. He received his Bachelor of Science of Commerce, from Temple University, Philadelphia, in 1934. Mr. Barson has been employed by the Internal Revenue Service, Intelligence Division, Philadelphia, since September 1948, first as a special agent and since 1961 has been group supervisor. Mr. Barson is a certified public accountant from the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania.

Edward A. Conroy was born in Albany, N.Y., on March 20, 1920. He attended Brooklyn Polytechnical Institute and Benjamin Franklin University, Washington, D.C. Mr. Conroy joined the Internal Revenue Service as a revenue officer in 1946. After acting as executive assistant to the assistant regional inspector, Boston, Mass., Mr. Conroy became senior inspector in the Planning and Programing Branch of the Internal Security Division, Inspection, of the Internal Revenue Service. He currently occupies that position.

John Hart Ely was born in New York City on December 3, 1938. He graduated, summa cum laude, from Princeton University in 1960, and from Yale Law School, magna cum laude, in 1963. He was note and comment editor of the Yale Law Journal. He is a member of the Phi Beta Kappa and the Order of the Coif. During the 1964-65 term Mr. Ely will serve as law clerk to Chief Justice Warren.

Alfred Goldberg was born in Baltimore, Md., on December 23, 1918. He received his A.B. degree from Western Maryland College in 1938, and his Ph.D. from the Johns Hopkins University in 1950. After 4 years' service with the U.S. Army, Dr. Goldberg became historian with the U.S. Air Force Historical Division and later Chief

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of the Current History Branch. In 1962-63 he was a visiting American fellow, King's College, University of London, and since his return has been senior historian, U.S. Air Force Historical Division. Dr. Goldberg is the author or editor of several publications on historical subjects and is a contributor to Encyclopedia Britannica and the World Book.

Murray J. Laulicht was born in Brooklyn, N.Y., on May 12, 1940. He received his B.A. in 1961 from Yeshiva College, and received his LL.B. degree, summa cum laude, from Columbia University School of Law in 1964. He was notes and comments editor of the Columbia Law Review. During 1964-65 Mr. Laulicht will clerk for Senior Judge Harold R. Medina of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit.

Arthur K. Marmor was born in New York City on December 5, 1915. He received a B.S.S. degree from the College of the City of New York in 1937 and an A.M. degree from Columbia University in 1940. He served in the U.S. Army in World War II. Mr. Marmor has been historian for the Departments of Interior, Army, and Air Force, and Chief, Editorial Services Branch, Department of State. He has also taught for the American University and the University of Maryland. Mr. Marmor has contributed to numerous Government publications and has been in charge of the editing of historical and legal volumes. At present he is a historian for the Department of the Air Force.

Richard M. Mosk was born in Los Angeles, Calif., on May 18, 1939. He graduated from Stanford University, with great distinction, in 1960 and from Harvard Law School, cum laude, in 1963. Mr. Mosk is a member of Phi Beta Kappa. During the 1964-65 term of the California Supreme Court Mr. Mosk will clerk for Justice Mathew Tobriner.

John J. O'Brien was born in Somerville, Mass., on September 11, 1919. Mr. O'Brien received his B.B.A. degree in law and business, cum laude, from Northeastern University, Boston, Mass. He re-received his M.A. degree in the field of governmental administration from George Washington University, Washington, D.C., and in 1941 joined the Bureau of Internal Revenue. After service in the U.S. Coast Guard, Mr. O'Brien resumed his work as an Internal Revenue Service investigator, and is currently the Assistant Chief of the Inspection Services Investigations Branch, in the National Office of Internal Revenue.

Stuart R. Pollak was born in San Pedro, Calif., on August 24, 1937. He received his B.A. degree from Stanford University, with great distinction, in 1959, and was a member of Phi Beta Kappa. Mr. Pollak obtained his LL.B., magna cum laude, from Harvard Law School in 1962, where he was book review and legislation editor of the Harvard Law Review. During the 1963-64 term Mr. Pollak was law clerk to Justices Stanley Reed and Harold Burton. Mr. Pollak is a staff assistant in the Criminal Division of the U.S. Department of Justice.

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Alfredda Scobey was born in Kankakee, III. She received her A.B. degree from American University, Washington, D.C., in 1933, studied law at John Marshall Law School, Atlanta, Ga., and was admitted to the Georgia bar in 1945. Miss Scobey did graduate study at the National University of Mexico, at Duke University, and at Emory University, Atlanta. She practiced law from 1945 to 1949 in Atlanta and since 1949 has been a law assistant in the Court of Appeals, Georgia.

Charles N. Shaffer, Jr., was born in New York City on June 8, 1932. He attended Fordham College in 1951 and received his LL.B. from the Fordham University School of Law in 1957. From 1958 to 1959 Mr. Shaffer was associated with the law firm of Chadburn, Parke, Whiteside & Wolff, New York City. He was assistant U.S. attorney in the southern district of New York from 1959 to 1961 when he was appointed Special Trial Attorney in the Criminal and Tax Divisions of the U.S. Department of Justice, Washington, D.C.

Lloyd L. Weinreb was born in New York City on October 9, 1936. He received B.A. degrees from Dartmouth College, summa cum laude, in 1957, and from the University of Oxford in 1959. He received his LL.B., magna cum laude, from Harvard Law School in 1962. He was case editor of the Harvard Law Review. During the 1963-64 term Mr. Weinreb was law clerk to Justice John M. Harlan. Mr. Weinreb is a staff assistant in the Criminal Division of the U.S. Department of Justice.

Acknowledgments
During the taking of testimony in various parts of the United States, the Commission was greatly assisted by the offices of numerous U.S. attorneys of the Department of Justice. The Commission would like to acknowledge its gratitude for this assistance and thank in particular Harold Barefoot Sanders, Jr., U.S. attorney for the northern district of Texas, and his conscientious assistant, Martha Joe Stroud.

In addition the Commission wishes to thank the following lawyers, secretaries, and clerks for their unstinting efforts on behalf of the Commission:

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Sheila Adams

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Stephen R. Barnett

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Thomas D. Barr

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Miriam A. Bottum

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Stephen G. Breyer

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Patrick O. Burns

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Charlene Chardwell

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Anne M. Clark

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Jonathan M. Clark

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George C. Cochran

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Betty Jean Compton

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Francine Davis

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Viola C. Davis

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Paul Dodyk

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Charlee Dianne Duke

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Julia T. Eide

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Josephine M. Farrar

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William T. Finley, Jr.

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Dennis M. Flannery

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James C. Gaither

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Stephen R. Goldstein

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Patricia E. Gormley

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Jeanne C. Hauer

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Beverly A. Heckman

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Sadie M. Hennigan

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Lela B. Hewlett

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Page 482
Elaine Johnson
Vivian Johnson
Pearl G. Kamber
Sharon Kegarise
Adele W. Lippard
David T. Luhm
Ella M. McCall
Louise S. McKenzie
Michael W. Maupin
Jean H. Millard
Seresa Mintor
Maurice Moore
Mary L. Norton
Vaughnie Perry
Jane W. Peter
Edward R. Pierpoint
James H. Pipkin, Jr.
S. Paul Posner
Douglas Prather
Monroe Price
Lucille Ann Robinson
Suzanne Rolston
Mary Ann Rowcotsky
Carolyn A. Schweinsberg
Ruth D. Shirley
Ray Shurtleff
Helen Tarko
Jane M. Vida
Jay Vogelson
Anne V. Welsh
Margaret C. Yager

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he following is a list of the 552 witnesses whose testimony has been presented to the Commission. Witnesses who appeared before members of the Commission have a "C" following their names; those questioned during depositions by members of the Commission's legal staff are indicated by a "D"; and those who supplied affidavits and statements are similarly identified with "A" and "S". The brief descriptions of the witnesses pertain either to the time of their testimony or to the time of the events concerning which they testified.



Witness Description Testimony
Ables, Don R. D Jail Clerk, Dallas Police Department Vol. VII, p. 239
Abt, John J. D New York City attorney Vol. X, p. 116
Adamcik, John P. D Member, Dallas Police Department Vol. VII, p. 202
Adams, R. L. AD Placement interviewer, Texas Employment Commission Vol. X, p. 136; Vol. XI, p. 480
Adams, Victoria Elizabeth D Employee, Texas School Book Depository (TSBD) Vol. VI, p. 386
Akin, Gene Coleman D Doctor, Parkland Hospital Vol. VI, p. 63
Alba, Adrian Thomas D Acquaintance of Oswald in New Orleans Vol. X, p. 219
Allen, Mrs. J. U. A Secretary, Chamberlin-Hunt Academy Vol. XI, p. 472
Altgens, James W. D Witness at assassination scene Vol. VII, p. 515
Anderson, Eugene D. D Marine Corps marksmanship expert Vol. XI, p. 301
Andrews, Dean Adams, Jr. D New Orleans attorney Vol. XI, p. 325
Applin, George Jefferson, Jr. D Witness of Oswald arrest Vol. VII, p. 85
Arce, Danny G. D Employee, TSBD Vol. VI, p. 363
Archer, Don Ray D Member, Dallas Police Department Vol. XII, p. 395
Armstrong, Andrew, Jr. D Acquaintance of Jack Ruby Vol. XIII, p. 302
Arnett, Charles Oliver D Member, Dallas Police Department Vol. XII, p. 128
Aycox, James Thomas D Acquaintance of Jack Ruby Vol. XV, p. 203
Baker, Marrion L.A D Member, Dallas Police Department Vol. III, p. 242., Vol. VII, p. 592
Baker, Mrs. (Rachley) Donald. D Employee, TSBD Vol. VII, p. 507
Baker, T. L. C Member, Dallas Police Department Vol. IV, p. 248
Ballen, Samuel B. D Acquaintance of the Oswalds in Texas Vol. IX, p. 45
Barbe, Emmett Charles, Jr. A Employee, William B. Reily Co Vol. XI, p. 473
Bargas, Tommy D Superintendent, Leslie Welding Co Vol. X. p. 160
Barnes, W. E. D Member, Dallas Police Department Vol. VII, p. 270
Barnett, W. E. D do Vol. VII, p. 539
Barnhorst, Colin D Desk Clerk, YMCA, in Dallas Vol. X, p. 284
Bashour, Fouad A. D Doctor, Parkland Hospital Vol. VI, p. 61
Batchelor, Charles D Assistant Chief, Dallas Police Department Vol. XII, p. 1; Vol. XV, p. 114
Bates, Pauline Virginia D Pub1ic stenographer, Fort Worth Vol. VIII p. 330
Baxter, Charles Rufus D Doctor, Parkland Hospital Vol. VI, p. 39
Beaty, Buford Lee D Member, Dallas Police Department Vol. XII, p. 158
Beavers, William Robert D Psychiatrist, Dallas Vol. XIV, p. 570
Beers, Ira J. "Jack", Jr.D Newspaper photographer, Dallas Vol. XIII, p. 102
Bellocchio, Frank D Acquaintance of Jack Ruby Vol. XIV, p. 466
Belmont, Alan H. C Assistant to the Director, Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) Vol. V, p. 1
Benavides, Domingo D Witness in the vicinity of the Tippit crime scene Vol. VI, p. 444
Benten, Nelson D Television reporter, CBS Vol. XV, p. 456
Bieberdorf, Fred A. D First aid attendant, Dallas Health Department Vol. XIII, p. 83
Biggio, William S.D Member, Dallas Police Department Vol. XIV, p. 48
Blalock, Vance D Observed Oswald in New Orleans Vol. X, p. 81
Bledsoe, Mary E. D Oswald's former landlady in Dallas Vol. VI, p. 400
Bogard, Albert Guy D Automobile salesman, Dallas Vol. X, p. 352
Bookhout, James W. D Agent, FBI Vol. VII, p. 308
Boone, Eugene C Deputy Sheriff, Dallas County Vol. III, p. 291
Boswell, J. Thornton C Doctor, Bethesda Naval Hospital Vol. II, p. 376
Botelho, James Anthony A Acquaintance of Oswald in Marine Corps Vol. VIII, p. 315
Bouck, Robert Inman C Agent, U.S. Secret Service Vol. IV, p. 294
Boudreaux, Anne D Acquaintance of Oswald during his youth Vol. VIII, p. 35
Bouhe, George A. D Acquantance of the Oswalds in Texas Vol. VIII, p. 355
Bowers, Lee E., Jr. D Employee, Union Terminal Co Vol. VI, p. 284
Bowron, Diana Hamilton D Nurse, Parkland Hospital Vol. VI, p. 134
Boyd, Elmer L. D Member, Dallas Police Department Vol. VII, p. 119
Branch, John Henry D Acquaintance of Jack Ruby Vol. XV, p. 473
Brennan, Howard Leslie A C Witness at assassination scene Vol. III, pp. 140, 184, 211; Vol. XI, p. 206
Brewer, E. D. D Member, Dallas Police Department Vol. VI, p. 302
Brewer, Johnny Calvin D Witness of Oswald arrest Vol. VII, p. 1
Brian, V. J.C Member, Dallas Police Department Vol. V, p. 47
Bringuier, Carlos D Cuban attorney, now a resident of New Orleans Vol. X, p. 32
Brock, Alvin R. D Member, Dallas Police Department Vol. XII, p. 171
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Page 485

Brock, Mary A Witness in the vicinity of the Tippit crime scene Vol. VII, p. 593
Brock, Robert A do Vol. VII, p. 593
Brooks, Donald E.D Employment counselor, Texas Employment Commission Vol. X, p. 143
Brown, C. W. D Member, Dallas Police Department Vol. VII, p. 246
Brown, Earle V. D do Vol. VI, p. 321
Brown, Peter Megargee A Counsel for Community Service Society, New York Vol. XI, p. 470
Burcham, John W. A Chief of Unemployment Insurance, Texas Employment Commission Vol. XI, p. 473
Burns, Doris D Employee, TSBD Vol. VI, p. 397
Burroughs, Warren H.D Employee, Texas Theatre Vol. VII, p. 14
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Cabell, Earle D Mayor of Dallas Vol. VII, p. 476
Cabell, Mrs. Earle D Wife of Mayor Cabell Vol. VII, p. 485
Cadigan, James C. CD Questioned document expert, FBI Vol. IV, p. 89; Vol. VII, p. 418
Call, Richard Dennis A Acquaintance of Oswald in the Marine Corps Vol. VIII, p. 322
Callaway, Ted C Witness in the vicinity of the Tippit crime scene Vol. III, p. 351
Camarata, Donald Peter A Acquaintance of Oswald in the Marine Corps Vol. VIII, p. 316
Carlin, Bruce Ray D Acquaintance of Jack Ruby Vol. XIII, p. 201
Carlin, Karen Bennett D do Vol. XIII, p. 205; Vol. XIV, p. 641
Carr, Waggoner C Attorney general of State of Texas Vol. V, p. 258
Carrico, Charles James CD Doctor, Parkland Hospital Vol. III, p. 357; Vol VI, p. 641
Carro, John D Probation officer, New York City, 1952-54 Vol. VIII, p. 202
Carroll, Bob K. D Member, Dallas Police Department Vol. VII, p. 17
Carswell, Robert C Special assistant to Secretary Vol. IV, p. 299; Vol. V, p. 486
Carter, Clifton C. A Assistant to President Johnson Vol. VII, p. 474
Cason, Frances D Telephone clerk, Dallas Police Department Vol. XIII, p. 89
Cason, Jack Charles A President, TSBD Vol. VII, p. 379
Caster, Warren D Assistant manager, Southwestern Publishing Co., TSBD Vol. VII, p. 386
Chayes, Abram C Legal Advisor, Department of State Vol. V, pp. 307; 327
Cheek, Bertha D Acquaintance of Jack Ruby Vol. XIII, p. 382
Church, George B., Jr. A Passenger with Oswald on SS Marion Lykes Vol. XI, p. 115
Church, Mrs. George B., Jr. A do Vol. XI, p. 116
Clardy, Barnard S. D Member, Dallas Police Department Vol. XII, p. 403
Clark, Max E. D Acquaintance of the Oswalds in Texas Vol. VIII, p. 343
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Page 486

Clark, Richard L. D Member, Dallas Police Department Vol. VII, p. 235
Clark, William Kemp D Doctor, Parkland Hospital Vol. VI, p. 18
Clements, Manning C. D Agent, FBI Vol. VI, p. 318
Cole, Alwyn CD Questioned document examiner, Treasury Department Vol. IV, p. 358; Vol. XV, p.703
Combest, B. H. D Member, Dallas Police Department Vol. XII, p. 176
Connally, John Bowden, Jr. C Governor of Texas Vol. IV, p. 129
Connally, Mrs. John Bowden, Jr. C Wife of the Governor of Texas Vol. IV, p. 146
Connor, Peter Francis A Acquaintance of Oswald in the Marine Corps Vol. VIII, p. 317
Conway, Hiram P. D Fort Worth neighbor of the Oswalds in 0swald's youth Vol. VIII, p. 84
Corporon, John A Official of New Orleans radio station Vol. XI, p. 471
Couch, Malcolm O.D TV news cameraman, Dallas Vol. VI, p. 153
Coulter, Harris C State Department interpreter Vol. V, p. 408
Cox, Roland A. D Reserve force, Dallas Police Department Vol. XV, p. 153
Crafard, Curtis LaVerne D Acquaintance of Jack Ruby Vol. XIII, p. 402; Vol. XIV, p. 1
Craig, Roger D. D Witness at assassination scene Vol. VI, p. 260
Crawford, James N. D do Vol. VI, p. 171
Creel, Robert J. A Employee, Louisiana Department of Labor, New Orleans Vol. XI, p. 477
Crowe, William D., Jr. (a.k.a. Bill DeMar).D Acquaintance of Jack Ruby Vol. XV, p. 186
Crowley, James D.A Specialist in intelligence matters, Department of State Vol. XI, p. 482
Croy, Kenneth Hudson D Reserve force, Dallas Police Department Vol. XII, p. 186
Crull, Elgin E.D City Manager of Dallas Vol. XV, p. 138
Cunningham, Cortlandt A C Firearms identification expert, FBI Vol. II, p. 251; Vol. III, p. 451; Vol. VII, p. 591
Cunningham, Helen P. A D Employment Counselor, Texas Employment Commission Vol. X, p. 117; Vol. XI, p. 477
Curry, Jesse Edward ACD Chief, Dallas Police Department Vol. IV, p. 150; Vol. XII, p. 25; Vol. XV, p. 124, 641
Curtis, Don Teel D Doctor, Parkland Hospital Vol. VI, p. 57
Cutchshaw, Wilbur Jay D Member, Dallas Police Department Vol. XII, p. 206
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Daniels, John L. D Employee, Dallas parking lot Vol. XIII, p. 296
Daniels, Napoleon J. D Former member, Dallas Police Department Vol. XII, p. 225
Davis, Barbara Jeanette C Witness in the vicinty of the Tippit crime scene Vol. III, p. 342
Davis, Floyd Guy D Operator, Sports Drome Rifle Range Vol. X, p. 356
Davis, Virginia (Mrs. Charles) D Witness in the vicinity of the Tippit crime scene Vol. VI, p. 454
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Page 487

Davis, Virginia Louise D Wife of Floyd Guy Davis Vol. X, p. 363
Day, J. C. AC Lieutenant, Dallas Police Department Vol. IV, p. 249; Vol. VII, P. 401
Dean, Patricia Trevore CD Member, Dallas Police Department Vol V, p. 254; Vol. XII, p. 415
Decker, J. E. (Bill) D Sheriff, Dallas County Vol. XII, p. 42
Delgado, Nelson D Acquaintance of Oswald in Marine Corps Vol. VIII, p. 228
DeMar, William (see Crowe, William D., Jr.)
De Mohrenschildt, George S. D Acquaintance of Oswalds in Texas Vol. IX, p. 166
De Mohrenschildt, Jeanne D do Vol. IX, p. 285
Dhority, C. N. AD Member, Dallas Police Department Vol. VII, pp. 149, 380
Dietrich, Edward C. D Guard, Armored Motor Service Vol. XV, p. 269
Dillard, Tom C. D Photographer-Journalist, Dallas Vol. VI, p. 162
Dillon, C. Douglas C Secretary of the Treasury Vol. V, p. 573
Dobbs, Farrell AD International Secretary, Socialist Workers Party Vol. X, p. 109; Vol. XI, p. 208
Donabedian, George D Captain, U.S. Navy Vol. VIII, p. 311
Donovan, John E. D Acquaintance of Oswald in the Marine Corps Vol. VIII, p. 289
Dougherty, Jack Edwin D Employee, TSBD Vol. VI, p. 373
Dowe, Kenneth Lawry D Acquaintance of Jack Ruby Vol. XV, p. 430
Dulany, Richard B. D Doctor, Parkland Hospital Vol. VI, p. 113
Duncan, William Glenn, Jr. D Employee, radio station, Dallas Vol. XV, p. 482
Dymitruk, Lydia D Acquaintance of the Oswalds in Texas Vol.IX, p. 60
Dziemian, Arthur J. C Wound ballistics expert, U.S. Army Vol. V, p. 90


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Eberhardt, A. M. D Member, Dallas Police Department Vol. XIII, p. 181
Edwards, Robert Edwin D Employee, Dallas City Courthouse Vol. VI, p. 200
Euins, Amos Lee C Witness at assassination scene Vol. II. p. 201
Evans, Julian D Husband of Myrtle Evans Vol. VIII, p. 66
Evans, Myrtle D Acquaintance of Marguerite Oswald in Oswald's youth Vol. VIII, p. 45
Evans, Sidney, Jr. D Resident of Ruby's apartment house Vol. XIII, p. 195


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Fain, John W.C Agent, FBI Vol. IV, p. 403
Fehrenbach, George William. D Resident of Ashland, Oreg Vol. XV, p. 289
Feldsott, Louis A President, Crescent Firearms, Inc Vol. XI, p. 205
Fenley, Robert Gene D Reporter, Dallas Vol. XI, p. 314
Finck, Pierre A. C Doctor, Bethesda Naval Hospital Vol. II, p. 377
Fischer, Ronald B. D Auditor, City of Dallas Vol. VI, p. 191
Fleming, Harold J. D Employee, Armored Motor Service, Inc Vol. XV, p. 159
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Page 488

Folsom, Allison G., Jr.D Lt. Col., U.S. Marine Corps Vol. VIII, p. 303
Ford, Declan P. C Husband of Katherine N. Ford and acquaintance of the Oswalds in Texas Vol. II, p. 322
Ford, Katherine N. C Acquaintance of the Oswalds in Texas Vol. II, p. 295
Foster, J. W. D Member, Dallas Police Department Vol. VI, p. 248
Frazier, Buell Wesley CD Employee, TSBD and neighbor of the Paines in Irving, Tex Vol. II, p. 210; Vol. VII, p. 531
Frazier, Robert A. AC Firearms Identification Expert, FBI Vol. III, p. 390; Vol. V, p. 58
Frazier, W. B. D Captain, Dallas Police Department Vol. XII, p. 52
Fritz, John Will ACD do Vol. IV, p. 202; Vol. VII, p. 403; Vol. XV, p. 145
Fuqua, Harold R. D Parking attendant in basement of city hall Vol. XIII, p. 141


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Gallagher, John F. D Agent, FBI Vol. XV, p. 746
Gangl, Theodore Frank A Employee, Padgett Printing Corp Vol. XI, p. 478
Garner, Jesse J. A Neighbor of the Oswalds in New Orleans Vol. X, p. 276
Garner, Mrs. Jesse D Landlady of Oswald in New Orleans Vol. X, p. 264
Gauthier, Leo J. C Inspector, FBI Vol. V, p. 135
George, M. Waldo A Landlord of Oswalds in Dallas Vol. XI, p. 155
Geraci, Philip, III D Resident of New Orleans who met OswalD Vol. X, p. 74
Gibson, Mrs. Donald D Acquaintance of the Oswalds in Texas Vol. XI, p. 123
Gibson, John D Witness to Oswald arrest Vol. VII, p. 70
Giesecke, Adolph H., Jr. D Doctor, Parkland Hospital Vol. VI, p. 72
Givens, Charles Douglas D Employee, TSBD Vol. VI, p. 345
Glover, Everett D. D Acquaintance of the Oswalds in Texas Vol. X, p. 1
Goin, Donald Edward D Armored car operator Vol. XV, p. 168
Goldstein, David A Owner, Dave's House of Guns Vol. VII, p. 594
Goodson, Clyde Franklin D Member, Dallas Police Department Vol. XV, p. 596
Graef, John G. D Oswald's supervisor, Jaggars-Chiles-Stovall, Dallas Vol. X, p. 174
Graf, Allen D. A Acquaintance of Oswald in Marine Corps Vol. VIII, p. 317
Grant, Eva D Sister of Jack Ruby Vol. XIV, p. 429; Vol. XV, p. 321
Graves, Gene A Secretary, Leslie Welding Co Vol. XI, p. 479
Graves, L. C. D Member, Dallas Police Department Vol. VII, p. 251; Vol. XIII, p. 1
Gravitis, Dorothy D Acquaintance of Mrs. Paine in Dallas Vol. IX, p. 131
Gray, Virginia A Employee, Duke University Library Vol. XI, p. 209
Greener, Charles W.D Proprietor, Irving Sports Shop Vol. XI, p. 245
Greer, William Robert C Agent, U.S. Secret Service Vol. II, p. 112


Page 489
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Gregory, Charles F. CD Doctor, Parkland Hospital Vol. IV, p. 117; Vol. VI, p. 95
Gregory, Paul Roderick D Son of Peter Paul Gregory and acquaintance of the Oswalds in Texas Vol. IX, p. 141
Gregory, Peter Paul C Acquaintance of the Oswalds in Texas Vol. II, p. 337
Guinyard, Sam D Witness in the vicinity of Tippit crime scene Vol. VII, p. 395




Hall, C. Ray D Agent, FBI Vol. XV, p. 62
Hall, Elena A. D Acquaintance of the Oswalds in Texas Vol. VIII, p. 391
Hall, John Raymond D Husband of Elena A. Hall and acquaintance of the Oswalds Vol. VIII, p. 406
Hall, Marvin E. "Bert" D Employee, Armored Motor Service, Dallas Vol. XV, p. 174
Hallmark, Garnett Claud D Acquaintance of Jack Ruby Vol. XV, p. 488
Hamblen, C. A. D Employee, Western Union Telegraph Co Vol. XI, p. 311
Hankal, Robert L. D Director, television station, Dallas Vol. XIII, p. 112
Hanson, Timothy M., Jr. D Member, Dallas Police Department Vol. XV, p. 438
Hardin, Michael D City ambulance driver Vol. XIII, p. 94
Hargis, Bobby W. D Member, Dallas Police Department Vol. VI, p. 293
Harkness, D. V. D do Vol. VI, p. 308
Harrison, William J. D do Vol. XII, p. 234
Hartogs, Renatus D Psychiatrist, New York City Vol. VIII, p. 214
Hawkins, Ray D Member, Dallas Police Department Vol. VII, p. 91
Haygood, Clyde A. D do Vol. VI, p. 296
Heindel, John Rene A Acquaintance of Oswald in Marine Corps Vol. VIII, p. 318
Helmick, Wanda Yvonne or Wanda Sweat D Employee of Ralph Paul, an acquaintance of Jack Ruby Vol. XV, p. 396
Helms, Richard M. CA Deputy Director for Plans, Central Intelligence Agency Vol V, p. 120; Vol. XI, p. 469
Henchliffe, Margaret M. D Nurse, Parkland Hospital Vol. VI, p. 139
Henslee, Gerald D. D Member, Dallas Police Department Vol. VI, p. 325
Herndon, Bell P. D Polygraph operator, FBI Vol. XIV, p. 579
Hicks, J. B. D Member, Dallas Police Department Vol. VII, p. 286
Hill, Clinton J. C Agent, U.S. Secret Service Vol. II, p. 132
Hill, Gerald Lynn D Member, Dallas Police Department Vol. VII, p. 43
Hill, Jean Lollis D Witness at assassination Scene Vol. VI, p. 205
Hine, Geneva L. D Employee, TSBD Vol. VI, p. 393
Hodge, Alfred Douglas D Owner, Buckhorn Trading Post Vol. XV, p. 494
Holland, S. M. D Witness at assassination scene Vol. VI, p. 239
Holly, Harold B., Jr.D Reserve force, Dallas Police Department Vol. XII, p. 261
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Page 490

Holmes, Harry D. D U.S. Post Office inspector Vol. VII, p. 289, 525
Hoover, J. Edgar C Director, FBI Vol. V, p. 97
Hosty, James, P. Jr C Agent, FBI Vol. IV, p. 440
Howlett, John Joe AD Agent, U.S. Secret Service Vol. VII, p. 592; Vol. IX, p. 425
Hudson, Emmett J D Witness at assassination scene Vol. VII, p. 558
Huffaker, Robert S., Jr. D Newsman, Dallas Vol. XIII, p. 116.
Hulen, Richard Leroy D Employee of Dallas YMCA Vol. X, p. 277
Hulse, C. E. D Member, Dallas Police Department Vol. XIII, p. 99
Humes, James J. C Doctor, Bethesda Naval Hospital Vol. II, p. 347
Hunley, Bobb A Employee, Louisiana Department of Labor, New Orleans Vol. XI, p. 476
Hunt, Jackie H. D Doctor, Parkland Hospital Vol. VI, p. 76
Hunter, Gertrude D Witness concerning alleged encounter with OswalD Vol. XI, pp. 253, 275
Hutchison, Leonard Edwin D Owner of grocery store in Irving Vol. X, p. 327
Hutson, Thomas Alexander D Member, Dallas Police Department Vol. VII, p. 26
Isaacs, Martin D Employee, Special Services Welfare Center, New York Vol. VIII, p. 324
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Jackson, Robert Hill C News photographer, Dallas Vol. II, p. 155
Jackson, Theodore D Attendant at Dallas parking lot Vol. XIII, p. 299
James, Virginia H. D International Relations Officer, 0ffice of Soviet Affairs, State Department Vol. XI, p. 180
Jarman, James, Jr. C Employee, TSBD Vol. III, p. 198
Jenkins, Marion T. D Doctor, Parkland Hospital Vol. VI, p. 45
Jenkins, Ronald Lee D News editor, radio station, Dallas Vol. XV, p. 600
Jimison, R. J. D Orderly, Parkland Hospital Vol. VI, p. 125
Johnson, Arnold Samuel D Director of Information and Lecture Bureau, Communist Party, U.S.A Vol. X, p. 95
Johnson, Arthur Carl D Owner of roominghouse in Dallas where Oswald resideD Vol. X, p. 301
Johnson, Mrs. Arthur Carl D Wife of A. C. Johnson Vol. X, p. 292
Johnson, Joseph Weldon, Jr. D Acquaintance of Jack Ruby Vol. XV, p. 218
Johnson, Lyndon B. S President of the United States Vol. V, p. 561
Johnson, Mrs. Lyndon B. S Wife of the President of the United States Vol. V, p. 564
Johnson, Marvin D Member, Dallas Police Department Vol. VII, p. 100
Johnson, Prisci1la Mary Post D Newspaper reporter who interviewed Oswald in RussiA Vol. XI, p. 442.
Johnson, Speedy D Acquaintance of Jack Ruby Vol. XV, p. 607
Johnston, David L. D Justice of the peace, Dallas Vol. XV, p. 503
Jones, O. A. D Captain, Dallas Police Department Vol. XII, p. 58
Jones, Ronald C. D Doctor, Parkland Hospital Vol. XII, p. 51.
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Kaiser, Frankie D Employee, TSBD Vol. VI, p. 341
Kaminsky, Eileen D Jack Ruby's sister Vol. XV, p. 275
Kantor, Seth D Reporter Vol. XV, p. 71


Page 491

Kaufman, Stanley M. D Acquaintance of Jack Ruby Vol. XV, p. 513
Kellerman, Roy H. C Agent, U.S. Secret Service Vol. II, p. 61
Kelley, Thomas J. AC Inspector, U.S. Secret Service Vol. V, pp. 129, 175; Vol. VII, pp. 403, 590
Kelly, Edward D Porter, Dallas City Hall Vol. XIII, p. 146
Kennedy, Mrs. John F. C Widow of President John Fitzgerald Kennedy Vol. V, p. 178
Killion, Charles L.A Firearms identification expert, FBI Vol. VII, p. 591
King, Glen D. D Captain, Dallas Police Department Vol. XV, p. 51
Klause, Robert G. C Printer of handbill attacking President Kennedy Vol. V, p. 535
Kleinlerer, Alexander A Acquaintance of the Oswalds in Texas Vol. XI, p. 118
Kleinman, Abraham D Acquaintance of Jack Ruby Vol. XV, p. 383
Kline, William A Agent, U.S. Customs Vol. XV, p. 640
Knight, Frances G. C Director, Passport Office, Department of State Vol. V, p. 371
Knight, Russell (see Moore)
Kramer, Monica A Tourist in Minsk in 1961 Vol. XI, p. 212
Kravitz, Herbert B. D Acquaintance of Jack Ruby Vol. XV, p. 231
Kriss, Harry M.D Reserve force, Dallas Police Department Vol. XII, p. 266
Krystinik, Raymond Franklin. D Fellow employee of Michael R. Paine in Texas Vol. IX, p. 461
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Lane, Doyle E. D Clerk, Western Union Telegraph Co Vol. XII, p. 221
Lane, Mark R. C Attorney, New York City Vol. II, p. 32; Vol. IV, p. 546
Latona, Sebastian F. C Fingerprint export, FBI Vol. IV, p. 1
Lawrence, Perdue W.D Captain, Dallas Police Department Vol. VII, p. 577
Lawson, Winston G. (accompanied by Fred B. Smith). C Agent, U.S. Secret Service Vol. IV, p. 317
Leavelle, James R. D Member, Dallas Police Department Vol. VII, p. 260; Vol. VIII, p. 14
LeBlanc, Charles Joseph D Maintenance man, William B. Reily Co Vol. X, p. 213
Lee, Ivan D. A Agent, FBI Vol. XI, p. 481
Lee, Vincent T. DA Official, Fair Play for Cuba Committee Vol. X, p. 86; Vol. XI, p. 208
Lehrer, James D Reporter, Dallas Vol. XI, p. 464
Leslie, Helen D Member of Russian-speaking community in Dallas Vol. IX, p. 160
Lewis, Aubrey Lee D Employee, Western Union Telegraph Co Vol. IX, p. 318
Lewis, Erwin Donald A Acquaintance of Oswald in Marine Corps Vol. VIII p. 323
Lewis, L. J. A Witness in the vicinity of the Tippit crime scene Vol. XV, p. 703
Light, Frederick W., Jr C Wound ballistics expert, U.S. Army Vol. V, p. 94
Litchfield, Wilbyrn Waldon (Robert), II. D Acquaintance of Ruby Vol. XIV, p. 95
Lord, Billy Joe A Passenger with Oswald on SS Marion Lykes Vol. XI, p. 117
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Page 492

Lovelady, Billy Nolan D Employee, TSBD Vol. VI, p. 336
Lowcry, Roy Lee D Member, Dallas Police Department Vol. XII, p. 271
Lujan, Daniel Gutierrez D Appeared in lineup with OswalD Vol. VII, p. 243
Lux, J. Philip A Employee, H. L. Green Co Vol. XI, p. 206


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McClelland, Robert N. D Doctor, Parkland Hospital Vol. VI, p. 30
McCone, John Alex C Director, Central Intelligence Agency Vol. V, p. 120
McCullough, John G. D Reporter, PhiladelphiA Vol. XV, p. 373
McCurdy, Danny Patrick D Acquaintance of Jack Ruby Vol. XV, p. 529
McDonald, M. N. C Member, Dallas Police Department Vol. III, p. 295
McFarland, John Bryan A Passenger on bus with Oswald to Mexico City in 1963 Vol. XI, p. 214
McFarland, Meryl A do Vol. XI, p. 214
McKinzie, Louis D Porter, Dallas City Hall Vol. XIII, p. 147
McMillon, Thomas Donald D Member, Dallas Police Department Vol. XIII, p. 37
McVickar, John A. C Foreign Service officer stationed at American Embassy in Soviet Union in 1959-61 Vol. V, pp. 299, 318
McWatters, Cecil J. C Busdriver, Dallas Vol. II, p. 262
Malley, James R. A Inspector, FBI Vol. XI, p. 468
Mallory, Katherine A Tourist in Minsk in 1961 Vol. XI, p. 210
Mamantov, Ilya A. D Member of Russian-speaking community in Dallas Vol. IX, p. 102
Mandella, Arthur C (accompanied by Joseph A. Mooney) Fingerprint expert, New York City Police Department Vol. IV, p. 48
Markham, Helen Louise CD Witness in the vicinity of the Tippit crime scene Vol. III, p. 305; Vol. VII, p. 499
Martello, Francis L. AD Lieutenant, New Orleans Police Department Vol. X, p. 51; Vol. XI, p. 471
Martin, B. J. D Member, Dallas Police Department Vol. VI, p. 289
Martin, Frank M. D Captain, Dallas Police Department Vol. XII, p. 277
Martin, James Herbert C Former business manager for Mrs. Lee Harvey OswalD Vol. I, p.469; Vol. II, p. 1
Maxey, Billy Joe D Member, Dallas Police Department Vol. XII, p. 285
Mayo, Logan W. D Reserve force, Dallas Police Department Vol. XII, p. 291
Meller, Anna N. D Acquaintance of the Oswalds in Texas Vol. VIII, p. 379
Meyers, Lawrence V. D Acquaintance of Jack Ruby Vol. XV, p. 620
Michaelis, Heinz W. D Manager, Seaport Traders, Inc Vol. VII, p. 372
Miller, Austin L. D Witness at assassination scene Vol. VI, p. 223
Miller, Dave L. D Acquaintance of Jack Ruby Vol. XV, p. 450
Miller, Louis D. D Member, Dallas Police Department Vol. XII, p. 297
Mitchell, Mary Ann D Witness at assassination scene Vol. VI, p. 175
Molina, Joe R. D Employee, TSBD Vol. VI, p. 368
Montgomery, L. D. D Member, Dallas Police Department Vol. VII, p. 96; Vol. XIII, p. 21
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Page 493

Mooney, Luke C Deputy Sheriff, Dallas County Vol. III, p. 281
Moore, Henry M. D Member, Dallas Police Department Vol. VII, p. 212
Moore, Russell Lee (Knight) D Acquaintance of Jack Ruby Vol. XV, p. 251
Mumford, Pamela D Passenger on bus with Oswald to Mexico City in 1963 Vol. XI, p. 215
Murphy, Joe E. D Member, Dallas Police Department Vol. VI, p. 256
Murphy, Paul Edward A Acquaintance of Oswald in Marine Corps Vol. VIII, p. 319
Murray, David Christie, Jr. A do Vol. VIII, p. 319
Murret, Charles (Dutz) D Uncle of Lee Harvey Oswald, New Orleans Vol. VIII, p. 180
Murret, John Martial (Boogie) D Cousin of Lee Harvey Oswald, New Orleans Vol. VIII, p. 188
Murret, Lillian AD Sister of Marguerite Oswald and aunt of Lee Harvey OswalD Vol. XI, p. 472
Murret, Marilyn Dorothea D Cousin of Lee Harvey Oswald, New Orleans Vol. VIII, p. 154


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.
Naman, Rita A Tourist in Minsk in 1961 Vol. XI, p. 213
Nelson, Doris Mae D Nurse, Parkland Hospital Vol. VI, p. 143
Newman, William J. D Reserve force, Dallas Police Department Vol. XII, p. 314
Newnam, John D Advertising department employee, Dallas newspaper Vol. XV, p. 534
Nichols, Alice Reaves D Acquaintance of Jack Ruby Vol. XIV, p. 110
Nichols, H. Louis D Former president, Dallas bar association Vol. VII, p. 325
Nicol, Joseph D. C Firearms identification expert, Bureau of Criminal Identification and Investgation, Illinois Department of Public Safety Vol. III, p. 496
Norman, Harold C Employee, TSBD Vol. III, p. 186
Norton, Robert L. D Acquaintance of Jack Ruby Vol. XV, p. 546


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O'Brien, Lawrence F. D Assistant to President Kennedy Vol. VII, p. 457
Odio, Sylvia D Former citizen of Cuba now residing in Dallas Vol. XI, p. 367
O'Donnell, Kenneth D Assistant to President Kennedy Vol. VII, p. 440
Odum, Bardwell D. A Agent, FBI Vol. XI, p. 468
Ofstein, Dennis Hyman D Employee, Jaggers-Chiles-Stovall, Dallas Vol. X, p. 194
Olds, Gregory Lee D President, Dallas Chapter, American Civil Liberties Union Vol. VII, p. 322
Oliver, Revilo P. D Member of the council of the John Birch Society Vol. XV, p. 709
Olivier, Alfred G. C Wound ballistics expert, U. S. Army Vol. V, p. 74
Olsen, Harry N. D Former member, Dallas Police Vol. XIV, p. 640
Olsen, Kay Helen D Acquaintance of Jack Ruby Vol. XIV, p. 624
Osborne, Mack A Acquaintance of Oswald in Marine Corps Vol. VIII, p. 321
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Page 494
O'Sullivan, Frederick S. D Acquaintance of Oswald at Beauregard Junior High School, New Orleans Vol. VIII, p. 27
Oswald, Marguerite C Mother of Lee Harvey OswalD Vol. I, p. 126
Oswald, Marina CD Widow of Lee Harvey OswalD Vol. I, p. 1; Vol. V. pp. 387, 410, 588; Vol. XI, p. 275
Oswald, Robert Edward Lee C Brother of Lee Harvey Oswald Vol. I, p. 264
Owens, Calvin Bud D Member, Dallas Police Department Vol. II, p. 78
Paine, Michael R. CD Acquaintance of the Oswalds in Texas Vol. II, p. 384; Vol. IX, p. 434; Vol. XI, p. 398
Paine, Ruth Hyde ACD Wife of Michael R. Paine and acquaintance of the Oswalds in Texas Vol. II, p. 430; Vol. III, p. 1; Vol. IX, p. 331; Vol. XI, pp. 153, 389
Palmer, Thomas Stewart D Acquaintance of Jack Ruby Vol. XV, p. 206
Pappas, Icarus M. D Reporter, radio station, New York City Vol. XV, p. 360
Patterson, B. M. A Witness in the vicinity of the Tippit crime scene Vol. 15, p. 744
Patterson, Bobby G. D Member, Dallas Police Department Vol. XII, p. 334
Patterson, Robert Carl D Acquaintance of Jack Ruby Vol. XIV, p. 126
Paul, Ralph D do Vol. XIV, p. 134. Vol. XV, p. 664
Pena, Orest D Owner, Habana Bar, New Orleans Vol. XI, p. 346
Pena, Ruperto D Brother of Orest PenA Vol. XI, p. 364
Perry, Malcolm O. CD Doctor, Parkland Hospital Vol. III, p. 366; Vol. VI, p. 7
Perry, W. E. D Member, Dallas Police Department Vol. VII, p. 232
Peterman, Viola D Neighbor of Oswald family in New Orleans Vol. VIII, p. 38
Peters, Paul C. D Doctor, Parkland Hospital Vol. VI, p. 68
Peterson, Joseph Alexander D Acquaintance of Jack Ruby Vol. XIV, p. 615
Phenix, George R. D Television cameraman and reporter, Dallas Vol XIII, p. 123
Pic, Edward John, Jr. AD First husband of Marguerite OswalD Vol. VIII, p. 196; Vol. XI, p. 82
Pic, John Edward D Half brother of Lee Harvey OswalD Vol. XI, p. 1
Pierce, Edward E. D Employee, Dallas City Hall Vol. XIII, p. 156
Pierce, Rio S. D Lieutenant, Dallas Police Department Vol. VII, p. 76; Vol. XII, p.337
Pinkston, Nat A. D Employee, TSBD Vol. VI, 334
Piper, Eddie D do Vo1. VI, 382; Vo1. VII, 388
Pitts, Elnora D Acquaintance of Jack Ruby Vol. XIII, p. 228
Pizzo, Frank D Assistant manager of auto agency, Dallas Vol. X, p. 340
Poe, J. M. D Member, Dallas Police Department Vol. VII, p. 66
Postal, Julia D Cashier, Texas Theatre Vol. VII, p. 8
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Page 495

Potts, Walter E. D Member, Dallas Police Department Vol. VII, p. 195
Powell, Nancy M. (a.k.a. Tammie True). D Acquaintance of Jack Ruby Vol. XV, p. 404
Powers, Daniel Patrick D Acquaintance of Oswald in Marine Corps Vol. VIII, p. 266
Powers, David F. A Assistant to President Kennedy Vol. VII, p. 472
Price, Charles Jack D Administrator, Parkland Hospital Vol. VI, p. 148
Price, Malcolm H., Jr. D Patron, Sports Drome Rifle Range Vol. X, p. 369
Priddy, Hall Jr. D Relief dispatcher, O'Neil Funeral Home in Dallas Vol. XIII, p. 239
Pryor, Roy A. D Acquaintance of Jack Ruby Vol. XV, p. 554
Pugh, Oran A Agent, U.S. Customs Vol. XV, p. 640
Pullman, Edward J. D Acquaintance of Jack Ruby Vol. XV, p. 222
Putnam, James A. D Member, Dallas Police Department Vol. VII, p. 74; Vol. XII, p. 341
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Quigley, John L.C Agent, FBI Vol. IV, p. 431


Rachal, John R. A Employee, Louisiana Department of Labor, New Orleans Vol. XI, p. 474
Rackley, George W. Sr. D Employee, Coordinated RR. Co Vol. VI, p. 273
Raigorodsky, Paul M. D Member of Russian-speaking community in Dallas Vol. IX, p. 1
Randle, Linnie Mae C Buell Wesley Frazier's sister and neighbor of Ruth Paine Vol. II, p. 245
Ray, Natalie (Mrs. Thomas M.) D Acquaintance of the Oswalds in Texas Vol. IX, p. 27
Ray, Thomas M. D Husband of Natalie Ray and acquaintance of the Oswalds in Texas Vol. IX, p. 38
Ray, Valentine A. (Mrs. Frank H.) D Acquaintance of the Oswalds in Texas Vol. VIII, p. 415
Rea, Billy A. D Advertising staff, Dallas newspaper Vol. XV, p. 571
Reeves, Huey D Acquaintance of Jack Ruby Vol. XIII, p. 243
Reid, Mrs. Robert A. C Employee, TSBD Vol. III, p. 270
Reilly, Frank E.D Witness at assassination scene Vol. VI, p. 227
Revill, Jack CD Lieutenant, Dallas Police Department Vol. V, p. 33; Vol. XII, p. 73
Reynolds, Warren Allen D Witness in the vicinity of the Tippit crime scene Vol. XI, p. 434
Rheinstein, Frederic D Producer-director, NBC Vol. XV, p. 354
Rich, Nancy Perrin D Acquaintance of Jack Ruby Vol. XIV, p. 330
Richey, Marjorie R. D do Vol. XV, p. 192
Richey, Warren E. D TV engineer, Fort Worth Vol. XIII, p. 255
Riggs, Alfreadia D Porter, City Hall Vol. XIII, p. 166
Riggs, Chester Allen, Jr. A Landlord of the Oswalds in Fort Worth Vol. X, p. 229
Ritchie, James L. D Passport Officer, Department of State Vol. XI, p. 191
Roberts, Earlene AD Housekeeper at Oswald's roominghouse in Dallas Vol. VI, p. 434. Vol. VII, p. 439
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Page 496

Robertson, Mary Jane D Employee, Dallas Police Department Vol. VII, p. 404
Robertson, Victor F., Jr. D Reporter, Dallas Vol. XV, p. 347
Rodriguez, Evaristo D Bartender at Habana Bar, New Orleans Vol. XI, p. 339
Rogers, Eric D Neighbor of the Oswalds in New Orleans Vol. XI, p. 460
Romack, James E. D Witness at assassination scene Vol. VI, p. 277
Rose, Guy F. D Member, Dallas Police Department Vol. VII, p. 227
Ross, Henrietta M. D Technician, Parkland Hospital Vol. VI, p. 123
Rossi, Joseph D Acquaintance of Jack Ruby Vol. XV, p. 235
Roussel, Henry J., Jr. A Acquaintance of Oswald in Marine Corps Vol. VIII, p. 320
Rowland, Arnold Louis C Witness at assassination scene Vol. II, p. 165
Rowland, Barbara (Mrs. Arnold L.) D do Vol. VI, p. 177
Rowley, James J. C Chief, U.S. Secret Service Vol. V, p. 449
Rubenstein, Hyman D Brother of Jack Ruby Vol. XV p. 1
Ruby, Earl D do Vol. XIV, p. 364
Ruby, Jack CD Convicted slayer of OswalD Vol. V, p. 181. Vol. XIV, p. 504
Ruby, Sam D Brother of Jack Ruby Vol. XIV, p. 488
Rusk, Dean C Secretary of State Vol. V, p. 333
Russell, Harold A Witness in the vicinity of the Tippit crime scene Vol. VII, p. 594
Ryder, Dial D. D Employee, Irving Sports Shop. Vol. XI, p. 224
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Salyer, Kenneth E. D Doctor, Parkland Hospital Vol. VI, p. 80
Saunders, Richard L. D Advertising staff, Dallas newspaper. Vol. XV, p. 577
Sawyer, J. Herbert D Inspector, Dallas Police Department Vol. VI, p. 315
Sawyer, Mildred D Neighbor and acquaintance of Oswald as a youth in New Orleans. Vol VIII, p. 31
Schmidt, Hunter, Jr. D City editor, Dallas Vol. XI, p. 240
Scibor, Mitchell J. D Employee, Klein's Sports Goods Vol. VII, p. 370
Scoggins, William W. C Witness in the vicinity of the Tippit crime scene Vol. III, p. 322
Seeley, Carroll Hamilton, Jr. D Assistant Chief, Legal Division, Passport Office, Department of State Vol. XI, p. 193
Semingsen, W. W. D Employee, Western Union Telegraph Co Vol. X, p. 405
Senator, George D Roommate of Jack Ruby Vol. XIV, p. 164
Servance, John Olridge D Head porter, City Hall and Municipal Building Vol. XIII, p. 175
Shaneyfelt, Lyndal L. CD Photography expert, FBI Vol. IV, p. 279. Vol. V, p. 138, 176. Vol. VII, p. 410
Shasteen, Clifton M. D Owner of barbershop in Irving, Tex Vol. X, p. 309
Shaw, Robert Roeder CD Doctor, Parkland Hospital Vol. IV, p. 101. Vol. VI, p. 83


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Page 497

Shelley, William H. D Employee, TSBD Vol. VI, p. 327. Vol. VII, p. 390
Shields, Edward D Employee, TSBD Vol. VII, p. 393
Shires, George T. D Doctor, Parkland Hospital Vol. VI, p. 104
Siegel, Evelyn Grace Strickman D Social worker, New York City Vol. VIII, p. 224
Simmons, Ronald C Weapons evaluation expert, U.S. Army Weapons System Division Vol. III, p. 441
Sims, Richard M. D Member, Dallas Police Department Vol. VII, p. 158
Skelton, Royce G. D Witness at assassination scene Vol. VI, p. 236
Slack, Garland Glenwill D Patron, Sports Drome Rifle Range Vol. X, p. 378
Slack, Willie B. D Member, Dallas Police Department Vol. XII, p. 347
Slaughter, Malcolm R. D Resident in Jack Ruby's apartment building Vol. XIII, p. 261
Smart, Vernon S. D Lieutenant, Dallas Police Department Vol. XIII, p. 266
Smith, Bennierita D Acquaintance of Oswald at Beauregard Junior High School in New Orleans Vol. VIII, p. 21
Smith, Edgar Leon, Jr. D Member, Dallas Police Department Vol. VII, p. 565
Smith, Glenn Emmett D Service station attendant in Dallas Vol. X, p. 399
Smith, Hilda L. A Employee, Louisiana Department of Labor, New Orleans Vol. XI, p. 474
Smith, Joe Marshall D Member, Dallas Police Department Vol. VII, p. 531
Smith, John Allison D TV technician, Fort Worth Vol. XIII, p. 277
Smith, William Arthur D Witness in the vicinity of the Tippit crime scene Vol. VII, p. 82
Snyder, Richard Edward C Foreign Service officer, stationed in the Embassy in the Soviet Union, 1959-61 Vol. V, p. 260
Solomon, James Maurice D Captain, Dallas Police Department Vol. XII, p. 87
Sorrels, Forrest V. DA Agent, U.S. Secret Service Vol. VII, pp. 332, 592. Vol. XIII, p. 55
Standifer, Roy E. D Member, Dallas Police Department Vol. XV p. 614
Standridge, Ruth Jeanette D Head nurse of operating rooms, Parkland Hospital Vol. VI, p. 115
Staples, Albert F. A Dentist at Baylor University College of Dentistry Vol. XI, p. 210
Statman, Irving D Assistant District Director of Dallas District, Texas Employment Commission Vol. X, p. 149
Steele, Charles Hall, Jr. D Resident of New Orleans who assisted Oswald in distribution of handbills Vol. X, p. 62
Steele, Charles Hall, Sr. D Father of Charles Hall Steele, Jr Vol. X, p. 71


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Steele, Don Francis D Member, Dallas Police Department Vol. XII, p. 353
Stevenson, M. W. D Deputy Chief, Dallas Police Department Vol. XII, p. 91. Vol. XV, p. 133
Stombaugh, Paul Morgan CA Hair and fiber expert, FBI Vol. IV, p. 56. Vol. XV, p. 702
Stovall, Richard S.D Member, Dallas Police Department Vol. VII, p. 186
Stovall, Robert L. D President, Jaggars-Chiles-Stovall, Dallas, Tex Vol. X. p. 167
Strong, Jesse M. D Employee, Western Union Telegraph Co Vol. XIII. p. 284
Stuckey, William Kirk D Radio program director, New Orleans Vol. XI, p. 156
Studebaker, Robert Lee D Member, Dallas Police Department Vol. VII, p. 137
Surrey, Robert Alan C Publisher of handbill attacking President Kennedy Vol. V, p. 420


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Tague, James Thomas D Witness at assassination scene Vol. VII, p. 552
Talbert, Cecil E. D Captain, Dallas Police Department Vol. XII, p. 108. Vol. XV, p. 182
Tasker, Harry T. D Taxicab driver in Dallas Vol. XV, p. 679
Taylor, Gary E. DA Acquaintance of the Oswalds in Texas Vol. IX, p. 73. Vol. XI, p. 470
Thompson, Llewellyn E. C Former U.S. Ambassador to RussiA Vol. V, p. 567
Thornley, Kerry Wendell D Acquaintance of Oswald in Marines Vol. XI, p. 82
Tice, Wilma May D Resident of Dallas Vol. XV, p. 388
Tobias, Mahlon F., Sr. D Manager of apartment house where the Oswalds resided, Dallas Vol. X, p. 251
Tobias, Mrs. Mahlon F. D Wife of M. F. Tobias, Sr Vol. X, p. 231
Tomlinson, Darrell C. D Senior engineer, Parkland Hospital Vol. VI, p. 128
Tormey, James J. D Executive secretary, Hall-Davis Defense Commission Vol. X, p. 107
Truly, Roy Sansom ACD Superintendent, TSBD Vol. III, p. 212. Vol. VII, pp. 380, 591
Turner, F. M. D Member, Dallas Police Department Vol. VII, p. 217
Turner, Jimmy D TV director, Fort Worth Vol. XIII, p. 130
Twiford, Horace Elroy A Member, Socialist Labor Party, Houston, Tex Vol. XI, p. 179
Twiford, Estelle A Wife of Horace Elroy TwiforD Vol. XI, p. 179




Underwood. James R. D Assistant news director TV and radio, Dallas. Vol. VI, p. 167
Vaughn, Roy Eugene D Member, Dallas Police Department Vol. XII, p. 357
Vinson, Philip Eugene D Reporter, Fort Worth Vol. VIII, p. 75
Voebel, Edward D Acquaintance of Oswald in Beauregard Junior High School, New Orleans Vol. VIII, p. 1
Voshinin, Igor Vladimir D Member of Russian-speaking community in Dallas Vol. VIII, p. 448
Voshinin, Mrs. Igor Vladimir. D Acquaintance of the Oswalds in Texas Vol. VIII, p. 425


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Page 499

Wade, Henry C District attorney, Dallas County Vol. V, p. 213
Waldman, William J. D Vice President, Klein's Sporting Goods, Inc Vol. VII, p. 360
Waldo, Thayer D Reporter, Forth Worth Vol. XV, p. 585
Walker, C. T. D Member, Dallas Police Department Vol. VII, p. 34
Walker, Maj. Gen. Edwin A. D Resident of Dallas and object of shooting in April 1963 Vol. XI, p. 404
Walker, Ira N., Jr. D Broadcast technician, Fort Worth Vol. XIII, p. 289
Wall, Breck (a.k.a. Billy Ray Wilson). D Acquaintance of Ruby Vol. XIV, p. 599
Walthers, Eddy Raymond D Deputy sheriff, Dallas County Vol. VII, p. 544
Warner, Roger C. A Agent, U.S. Secret Service Vol. XV, p. 619
Waterman, Bernice C Adjudicator, Passport Office, Department of State Vol. V, p. 346
Watherwax, Arthur William. D Printer, Dallas newspaper Vol. XV, p. 564
Watson, James C. D Member, Dallas Police Department Vol. XII, p. 372
Weinstock, Louis A General manager, the Worker Vol. XI, p. 297
Weissman, Bernard CD Codraftsman and signer of November 22, 1963, full-page advertisement Vol. V, p. 487. Vol. XI, p. 428
Weitzman, Seymour D Deputy constable, Dallas County Vol. VII, p. 105
West, Troy Eugene D Employee, TSBD Vol. VI, p. 356
Westbrook, W. R. D Captain, Dallas Police Department Vol. VII, p. 109
Wester, Jane Carolyn D Nurse, Parkland Hospital Vol. VI, p. 120
Whaley, William Wayne CD Taxicab driver in Dallas Vol. II, pp. 253, 292. Vol. VI, p. 428
White, J. C. D Member, Dallas Police Department Vol. VI, p. 253
White, Martin G. D Doctor, Parkland Hospital Vol. VI, p. 82
Whitworth, Edith D Manager, used furniture store, Irving, Tex Vol. XI, p. 262
Wiggins, Woodrow D Lieutenant, Dallas Police Department Vol. XII, p. 388
Wilcox, Laurance R. D District manager, Western Union Telegraph Co. Vol. X, p. 414
Williams, Bonnie Ray C Employee, TSBD Vol. III, p. 161
Willis, Linda Kay D Daughter of Phillip L. Willis Vol. VII, p. 498
Willis, Phillip L. D Witness at assassination scene Vol. VII, p. 492
Wilson, Billy Ray (see Wall, Breck)
Wittmus, Ronald G. A Fingerprint expert, FBI Vol. VII, p. 590
Wood, Homer D Patron, Sports Drome Rifle Range Vol. X, p. 385
Wood, Sterling Charles D Son of Dr. Homer WooD Vol. X, p. 390
Wood, Theresa D Wife of Dr. Homer WooD Vol. X, p. 398
Worley, Gano E. D Reserve Force, Dallas Police Department Vol. XII, p. 378
Worrell, James Richard, Jr. C Witness at assassination scene. Vol. II, p. 190
Wright, Norman Earl D Acquaintance of Jack Ruby Vol. XV, p. 244


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Wulf, William E. D Acquaintance of Oswald in his youth Vol. VIII, p. 15


Yarborough, Ralph W. A U.S. Senator from Texas Vol. VII, p. 439
Yeargan, Albert C. Jr. A Employee, H. C. Green, Dallas Vol. XI, p. 207
Youngblood, Rufus Wayne C Agent, U.S. Secret Service Vol. II, p. 144
Zahm, James A. D Marine Corps expert on marksmanship Vol. XI, p. 306
Zapruder, Abraham D Witness at assassination scene Vol. VII, p. 569

[monosylab1k]

Appendix 6: Commission Procedures for the Taking of Testimony


RESOLUTION GOVERNING QUESTIONING OF WITNESSES
BY MEMBERS OF THE COMMISSION STAFF

Pursuant to Executive Order No. 11130, November 29, 1963, which authorizes this Commission "to prescribe its own procedures," it is therefore

Resolved, That the following are hereby adopted as the rules of this Commission for the questioning of witnesses by members of the Commission staff.

I. Sworn Depositions
Individual members of the staff are hereby authorized to administer oaths and affirmations, examine witnesses, and receive evidence in the form of sworn depositions on any matter under investigation by the Commission.
Such sworn depositions may be taken only from witnesses designated in writing for questioning in this manner by the Commission, by a member of the Commission, or by the General Counsel of the Commission.
A stenographic verbatim transcript shall be made of all sworn depositions. Copies of the witness' testimony shall be available for inspection by the witness or his counsel. When approved by the Commission, said copies may be purchased by the witness or his counsel at regularly prescribed rates from the official reporter.
Process and papers of the Commission issued under Paragraph (d) of Joint Resolution S.J. 137, 88th Congress, let session, shall be returnable no less than three days from the date on which such process or papers are issued, and shall state the time, place, and general subject matter of the deposition. In lieu of such process and papers, the Commission may request the presence of witnesses and production of evidence for the purpose of sworn depositions by written notice mailed no less than three days from the date of the deposition.
The period of notice specified in Paragraph D may be waived by a witness.
A witness at a sworn deposition shall have the right to be accompanied by counsel of his own choosing, who shall have the right to advise the witness of his rights under the laws and Constitution of the United States, and the state wherein the deposition shall occur, and to make brief objections to questions.
At the conclusion of the witness' testimony, counsel shall have the right to clarify the testimony of the witness by questioning the witness.
At the opening of any deposition a member of the Commission's staff shall read into the record a statement setting forth the nature of the Commission's inquiry and the purpose for which the witness has been asked to testify or produce evidence.
Any witness who refuses to answer a question shall state the grounds for so doing. At the conclusion of any deposition in which the witness refuses to answer a question the transcript shall be submitted to the General Counsel for review and consideration whether the witness should be called to testify before the Commission.
II. Sworn Affidavits
Members of the Commission staff are hereby authorized to obtain sworn affidavits from those witnesses who have been designated in writing by the Commission, a member of the Commission, or the general counsel of the Commission as witnesses whose testimony will be obtained in this manner.
A copy of the affidavit shall be provided the affiant or his counsel.
RESOLUTION

Pursuant to Executive Order No. 11130, November 29, 1963, which authorizes this Commission "to prescribe its own procedures," it is therefore

Resolved, That the following are hereby adopted as the rules of this Commission in connection with hearings conducted for the purpose of the taking of testimony or the production of evidence.
One or more members of the Commission shall be present at all hearings. If more than one Commissioner is present, the Chairman of the Commission shall designate the order in which the Commissioners shall preside.
Any member of the Commission or any agent or agency designated by the Commission for such purpose, may administer oaths and affirmations, examine witnesses, and receive evidence.
Process and papers of the Commission issued under Paragraph (d) of Joint Resolution S.J. 137, 88th Congress, 1st session, shall be returnable no less than three days from the date on which such process or papers are issued, and shall state the time, place, and general subject matter of the hearing. In lieu of such process and papers, the Commission may request the presence of witness and the production of evidence by written notice mailed no less than 3 days from the date of the hearing.
The period of notice specified in paragraph three (3) may be waived by a witness.
At the opening of any hearing at which testimony is to be received a member of the Commission shall read into the record a statement setting forth the nature of the Commission's inquiry and the purpose for which the witness has been asked to testify or produce evidence. A copy of this statement shall be given to each witness prior to his testifying.
A witness shall have the right to be accompanied by counsel, of his own choosing, who shall have the right to advise the witness of his rights under the laws and Constitution of the United States and to testimony, counsel shall have the right to clarify the testimony of the witness by questioning the witness.
Every witness who testifies at a hearing shall have the right to make an oral statement and to file a sworn statement which shall be made part of the transcript of such hearing, but such oral or written statement shall be relevant to the subject of the hearing.
Rulings on objections or other procedural questions shall be made by the presiding member of the Commission.
A stenographic verbatim transcript shall be made of all testimony received by the Commission. Copies of such transcript shall be available for inspection or purchase by the witness or his counsel at regularly prescribed rates from the official reporter. A witness or his counsel shall be permitted to purchase or inspect only the transcript of his testimony before the Commission.

[monosylab1k]

Appendix 7: A Brief History of Presidential Protection
Introduction
Before the Civil War
Lincoln
The Need for Protection Further Demonstrated
Development of Presidential Protection
In the course of the history of the United States four Presidents have been assassinated, within less than 100 years, beginning with Abraham Lincoln in 1865. Attempts were also made on the lives of two other Presidents, one President-elect, and one ex-President. Still other Presidents were the objects of plots that were never carried out. The actual attempts occurred as follows:

Andrew Jackson, Jan. 30, 1835.
Abraham Lincoln, Apr. 14, 1865. Died Apr. 15, 1865.
James A. Garfield, July 2, 1881. Died Sept. 19, 1881.
William McKinley, Sept. 6, 1901. Died Sept. 14, 1901.
Theodore Roosevelt, Oct. 14, 1912. Wounded; recovered.
Franklin D. Roosevelt, Feb. 15, 1933.
Harry S. Truman, Nov. 1, 1950.
John F. Kennedy, Nov. 22, 1963. Died that day.
Attempts have thus been made on the lives of one of every five American Presidents. One of every nine Presidents has been killed. Since 1865, there have been attempts on the lives of one of every four Presidents and the successful assassination of one of every five. During the last three decades, three attacks were made.



It was only after William McKinley was shot that systematic and continuous protection of the President was instituted. Protection before McKinley was intermittent and spasmodic. The problem had existed from the days of the early Presidents, but no action was taken until three tragic events had occurred. In considering the effectiveness of present day protection arrangements, it is worthwhile to examine the development of Presidential protection over the years, to understand both the high degree of continuing danger and the anomalous reluctance to take the necessary precautions.

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BEFORE THE CIVIL WAR

In the early days of the Republic, there was remarkably little concern about the safety of Presidents and few measures were taken to protect them. They were at times the objects of abuse and the recipients of threatening letters as more recent Presidents have been, but they did not take the threats seriously and moved about freely without protective escorts. On his inauguration day, Thomas Jefferson walked from his boarding house to the Capitol, unaccompanied by any guard, to take the oath of office. There was no police authority in Washing-

Page 505

ton itself until 1805 when the mayor appointed a high constable and 40 deputy constables.1

John Quincy Adams received many threatening letters and on one occasion was threatened in person in the White House by a court-martialed Army sergeant. In spite of this incident, the President asked for no protection and continued to indulge his fondness for solitary walks and early morning swims in the Potomac.2

Among pre-Civil War Presidents, Andrew Jackson aroused particularly strong feelings. He received many threatening letters which, with a fine contempt, he would endorse and send to the Washington Globe for publication. On one occasion in May 1833, Jackson was assaulted by a former Navy lieutenant, Robert B. Randolph, but refused to prosecute him. This is not regarded as an attempt at assassination, since Randolph apparently did not intend serious injury. 3

Less than 2 years later, on the morning of January 10, 1835, as Jackson emerged from the east portico of the Capitol, he was costed by a would-be assassin, Richard Lawrence, an English-born house painter. Lawrence fired his two pistols at the President, but they both misfired. Lawrence was quickly overpowered and held for trial. A jury found him not guilty by reason of insanity. He was confined in jails and mental hospitals for the rest of his life.4

The attack on Jackson did not inspire any action to provide protection for the Chief Executive. Jackson's immediate successor, Martin Van Buren, often walked to church alone and rode horseback alone in the woods not far from the White House. In August 1842, after an intoxicated painter had thrown rocks at President John Tyler, who was walking on the grounds to the south of the White House, Congress passed an act to establish an auxiliary watch for the protection of public and private property in Washington. The force was to consist of a captain and 15 men. This act was apparently aimed more at the protection of the White House, which had been defaced on occasion, than of the President. 5
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LINCOLN

Even before he took the oath of office, Abraham Lincoln was thought to be the object of plots and conspiracies to kidnap or kill him. Extremist opponents apparently contemplated desperate measures to prevent his inauguration, and there is some evidence that they plotted to attack him while he was passing through Baltimore on his way to Washington.6

For the inauguration, the Army took precautions unprecedented up to that time and perhaps more elaborate than any precautions taken since. Soldiers occupied strategic points throughout the city, along the procession route, and at the Capitol, while armed men in plain clothes mingled with the crowds. Lincoln himself, in a carriage with President Buchanan, was surrounded on all sides by such

Page 506

dense masses of soldiers that he was almost completely hidden from the view of the crowds. The precautions at the Capitol during the ceremony were almost as thorough and equally successful.7

Lincoln lived in peril during all his years in office. The volume of threatening letters remained high throughout the war, but little attention was paid to them. The few letters that were investigated yielded no results.8 He was reluctant to surround himself with guards and often rejected protection or sought to slip away from it. This has been characteristic of almost all American Presidents. They have regarded protection as a necessary affliction at best and contrary to their normal instincts for either personal privacy or freedom to meet the people. In Lincoln these instincts were especially strong, and he suffered with impatience the efforts of his friends, the police, and the military to safeguard him. 9

The protection of the President during the war varied greatly, depending on Lincoln's susceptibility to warnings. Frequently, military units were assigned to guard the White House and to accompany the President on his travels. Lincoln's friend, Ward H. Lamon, on becoming marshal of the District of Columbia in 1861, took personal charge of protecting the President and provided guards for the purpose, but he became so exasperated at the President's lack of cooperation that he tendered his resignation. Lincoln did not accept it. Finally, late in the war, in November 1864, four Washington policemen were detailed to the White House to act as personal bodyguards to the President. Lincoln tolerated them reluctantly and insisted they remain as inconspicuous as possible. 10

In the closing days of the war, rumors of attempts on Lincoln's life persisted. The well-known actor, John Wilkes Booth, a fanatical Confederate sympathizer, plotted with others for months to kidnap the President. The fall of the Confederacy apparently hardened his determination to kill Lincoln.11 Booth's opportunity came on Good Friday, April 14, 1865, when he learned that the President would be attending a play at Ford's Theater that night. The President's bodyguard for the evening was Patrolman John F. Parker of the Washington Police, a man who proved himself unfit for protective duty. He was supposed to remain on guard in the corridor outside of the Presidential box during the entire performance of the play, but he soon wandered off to watch the play and then even went outside the theater to have a drink at a nearby saloon. Parker's dereliction of duty left the President totally unprotected. 12 Shortly after 10 o'clock on that evening, Booth found his way up to the Presidential box and shot the President in the head. The President's wound was a mortal one; he died the next morning, April 15. 13

A detachment of troops captured Booth on April 26 at a farm near Bowling Green, Va.; he received a bullet wound and died a few hours later. At a trial in June, a military tribunal sentenced four of Booth's associates to death and four others to terms of imprisonment.14

Lincoln's assassination revealed the total inadequacy of Presidential protection. A congressional committee conducted an extensive in-

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vestigation of the assassination, but with traditional reluctance, called for no action to provide better protection for the President in the future. Nor did requests for protective measures come from the President or from Government departments. This lack of concern for the protection of the President may have derived also from the tendency of the time to regard Lincoln's assassination as part of a unique crisis that was not likely to happen to a future Chief Executive. 15

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THE NEED FOR PROTECTION FURTHER DEMONSTRATED

For a short time after the war, soldiers assigned by the War Department continued to protect the White House and its grounds. Metropolitan Washington policemen assisted on special occasions to maintain order and prevent the congregation of crowds. The permanent Metropolitan Police guard was reduced to three and assigned entirely to protection at the White House. There was no special group of trained officers to protect the person of the President. Presidents after Lincoln continued to move about in Washington virtually unattended, as their predecessors had done before the Civil War, and, as before, such protection as they got at the White House came from the doormen, who were not especially trained for guard duty.16

This lack of personal protection for the President came again tragically to the attention of the country with the shooting of President James A. Garfield in 1881. The President's assassin, Charles J. Guiteau, was a self-styled "lawyer, theologian, and politician" who had convinced himself that his unsolicited efforts to help elect Garfield in 1880 entitled him to appointment as a consul in Europe. Bitterly disappointed that the President ignored his repeated written requests for appointment to office and obsessed with a kind of megalomania, he resolved to kill Garfield.

At that time Guiteau was 38 years old and had an unusually checkered career behind him. He had been an itinerant and generally unsuccessful lecturer and evangelist, a lawyer, and a would-be politician. While it is true he resented Garfield's failure to appoint him consul in Paris as a reward for his wholly illusory contribution to the Garfield campaign, and he verbally attacked Garfield for his lack of support for the so-called Stalwart wing of the Republican Party, these may not have supplied the total motivation for his crime. At his trial he testified that the "Deity" had commanded him to remove the President. There is no evidence that he confided his assassination plans to anyone or that he had any close friends or confidants. He made his attack on the President under circumstances where escape after the shooting was inconceivable. There were some hereditary mental problems in his family and Guiteau apparently believed in divine inspiration. 17

Guiteau later testified that he had three opportunities to attack the President prior to the actual shooting. On all of these occasions,

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within a brief period of 3 weeks, the President was unguarded. Guiteau finally realized his intent on the morning of July 2, 1881. As Garfield was walking to a train in the Baltimore and Potomac Railroad Station in Washington, Guiteau stepped up and shot him in the back. Garfield did not die from the effects of the wound until September 19, 1881. Although there was evidence of serious abnormality in Guiteau, he was found guilty of murder and sentenced to be hanged. The execution took place on June 30, 1882.18

At least one newspaper, the New York Tribune, predicted that the assault on Garfield would lead to the President becoming "the slave of his office, the prisoner of forms and restrictions," in sharp and unwelcome contrast to the splendidly simple life he had been able to live before.

The bullet of the assassin who lurked in the Washington railway station to take the life of President Garfield shattered the simple Republican manner of life which the custom of nearly a century has prescribed for the Chief Magistrate of the United States. Our Presidents have been the first citizens of the Republic-nothing more. With a measure of power in their hands far greater than is wielded by the ruler of any limited monarchy in Europe, they have never surrounded themselves with the forms and safeguards of courts. The White House has been a business office to everybody. Its occupant has always been more accessible than the heads of great commercial establishments. When the passions of the war were at fever heat, Mr. Lincoln used to have a small guard of cavalry when he rode out to his summer residence at the Soldier's Home; but at no other time in our history has it been thought needful for a President to have any special protection against violence when inside or outside the White House. Presidents have driven about Washington like other people and travelled over the country as unguarded and unconstrained as any private citizen. 19

The prediction of the Tribune did not come to pass. Although the Nation was shocked by this deed, its representatives took no steps to provide the President with personal protection. The President continued to move about Washington, sometimes completely alone, and to travel without special protection. There is a story that President Chester A. Arthur, Garfield's successor, once went to a ceremony at the Washington Navy Yard on a public conveyance that he hailed in front of the White House. 20

During Grover Cleveland's second administration (1893-97) the number of threatening letters addressed to the President increased markedly, and Mrs. Cleveland persuaded the President to increase the number of White House policemen to 27 from the 3 who had constituted the force since the Civil War. In 1894, the Secret Service began to provide protection, on an informal basis. 21

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The Secret Service was organized as a division of the Department of the Treasury in 1865, to deal with counterfeiting.22 Its jurisdiction was extended to other fiscal crimes against the United States in later appropriations acts,23 but its early work in assisting in protecting the President was an unofficial, stopgap response to a need for a trained organization, with investigative capabilities, to perform this task. In 1894, while investigating a plot by a group of gamblers in Colorado to assassinate President Cleveland, the Secret Service assigned a small detail of operatives to the White House to help protect him. Secret Service men accompanied the President and his family to their vacation home in Massachusetts; special details protected the President in Washington, on trips, and at special functions.24 For a time, two agents rode in a buggy behind President Cleveland's carriage, but this practice attracted so much attention in the opposition newspapers that it was soon discontinued at the President's insistence.25 These initially informal and part-time arrangements eventually led to the organization of permanent systematic protection for the President and his family.

During the Spanish-American War the Secret Service stationed a detail at the White House to provide continuous protection for President McKinley. The special wartime protective measures were relaxed after the war, but Secret Service guards remained on duty at the White House at least part of the time. 26

Between 1894 and 1900, anarchists murdered the President of France, the Premier of Spain, the Empress of Austria, and the King of Italy. At the turn of the century the Secret Service thought that the strong police action taken against the anarchists in Europe was compelling them to flee and that many were coming to the United States. Concerned about the protection of the President, the Secret Service increased the number of guards and directed that a guard accompany him on all of his trips. 27

Unlike Lincoln and Garfield, President McKinley was being guarded when he was shot by Leon F. Czolgosz, an American-born 28-year-old factory worker and farmhand. On September 6, 1901, the President was holding a brief reception for the public in the Temple of Music at the Pan American Exposition in Buffalo. Long lines of people passed between two rows of policemen and soldiers to reach the President and shake his hand. In the immediate vicinity of the President were four Buffalo detectives, four soldiers, and three Secret Service agents. Two of the Secret Service men were facing the President at a distance of 3 feet. One of them stated later that it was normally his custom to stand at the side of the President on such occasions, but that he had been requested not to do so at this time in order to permit McKinley's secretary and the president of the exposition to stand on either side of McKinley. Czolgosz joined the line concealed a pistol under a handkerchief, and when he stood in front of the President shot twice through the handkerchief. McKinley fell critically wounded.28

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Czolgosz, a self-styled anarchist, did not believe in rulers of any kind. There is evidence that the organized anarchists in the U.S.A. did not accept or trust him. He was not admitted as a member to any of the secret anarchist societies. No co-plotters were ever discovered, and there is no evidence that he had confided in anyone. A calm inquiry made by two eminent alienists about a year after Czolgosz was executed found that Czolgosz had for some time been suffering from delusions. One was that he was an anarchist; another was that it was his duty to assassinate the President. 29

The assassin said he had no grudge against the President personally but did not believe in the republican form of government or in rulers of any kind. In his written confession he included the words, "I don't believe one man should have so much service and another man should have none." As he was strapped to the chair to be electrocuted, he said: "I killed the President because he was the enemy of the good people--the good working people. I am not sorry for my crime."30

McKinley lingered on for 8 days before he died of blood poisoning early on the morning of September 14. Czolgosz, who had been captured immediately, was swiftly tried, convicted, and condemned to death. Although it seemed to some contemporaries that Czolgosz was incompetent, the defense made no effort to plead insanity. Czolgosz was executed 45 days after the President's death. Investigations by the Buffalo police and the Secret Service revealed no accomplices and no plot of any kind.31

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DEVELOPMENT OF PRESIDENTIAL PROTECTION

This third assassination of a President in a little more than a generation--it was only 36 years since Lincoln had been killed--shook the nation and aroused it to a greater awareness of the uniqueness of the Presidency and the grim hazards that surrounded an incumbent of that Office. The first congressional session after the assassination of McKinley gave more attention to legislation concerning attacks on the President than had any previous Congress but did not pass any measures for the protection of the President.32 Nevertheless, in 1902 the Secret Service, which was then the only Federal general investigative agency of any consequence, assumed full-time responsibility for the safety of the President. Protection of the President now became one of its major permanent functions, and it assigned two men to its original full-time White House detail. Additional agents were provided when the President traveled or went on vacation.33

Theodore Roosevelt, who was the first President to experience the extensive system of protection that has surrounded the President ever since, voiced an opinion of Presidential protection that was probably shared in part by most of his successors. In a letter to Senator Henry Cabot Lodge in 1906, from his summer home, he wrote:

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The Secret Service men are a very small but very necessary thorn in the flesh. Of course, they would not be the least use preventing any assault upon my life. I do not believe there is any danger of such an assault, and if there were, as Lincoln said, "though it would be safer for a President to live in a cage, it would interfere with his business." But it is only the Secret Service men who render life endurable, as you would realize if you saw the procession of carriages that pass through the place, the procession of people on foot who try to get into the place, not to speak of the multitude of cranks and others who are stopped in the village.34
Roosevelt, who had succeeded to the Presidency because of an assassin's bullet, himself became the object of an assassination attempt a few years after he left office and when he was no longer under Secret Service protection. During the Presidential campaign of 1912, just as he was about to make a political speech in Milwaukee on October 14, he was shot and wounded in the breast by John N. Schrank, a 36-year-old German-born ex-tavern keeper. A folded manuscript of his long speech and the metal case for his eyeglasses in the breast pocket of Roosevelt's coat were all that prevented the assassination.35

Schrank had a vision in 1901, induced possibly by McKinley's assassination, which took on meaning for him after Roosevelt, 11 years later, started to campaign for the Presidency. In this vision the ghost of McKinley appeared to him and told him not to let a murderer (i.e., Roosevelt, who according to the vision had murdered McKinley) become President. It was then that he determined upon the assassination. At the bidding of McKinley's ghost, he felt he had no choice but to kill Theodore Roosevelt. After his attempt on Roosevelt, Schrank was found to be insane and was committed to mental hospitals in Wisconsin for the rest of his life.36

The establishment and extension of the Secret Service authority for protection was a prolonged process. Although the Secret Service undertook to provide full-time protection for the President beginning in 1902, it received neither funds for the purpose nor sanction from the Congress until 1906 when the Sundry Civil Expenses Act for 1907 included funds for protection of the President by the Secret Service.37 Following the election of William Howard Taft in 1908, the Secret Service began providing protection for the President-elect. This practice received statutory authorization in 1913, and in the same year, Congress authorized permanent protection of the President.38 It remained necessary to renew the authority annually in the Appropriations Acts until 1951.

As in the Civil and Spanish-American Wars, the coming of war in 1917 caused increased concern for the safety of the President. Congress enacted a law, since referred to as the threat statute, making it a crime to threaten the President by mail or in any other manner.39 In 1917 Congress also authorized protection for the President's immediate family by the Secret Service.40

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As the scope of the Presidency expanded during the 20th century, the Secret Service found the problems of protection becoming more numerous. In 1906, for the first time in history, a President traveled outside the United States while in office. When Theodore Roosevelt visited Panama in that year, he was accompanied and protected by Secret Service men.41 In 1918-19 Woodrow Wilson broadened the precedent of Presidential foreign travel when he traveled to Europe with a Secret Service escort of 10 men to attend the Versailles Peace Conference.42

The attempt on the life of President-elect Franklin D. Roosevelt in 1933 further demonstrated the broad scope and complexity of the protection problems facing the Secret Service. Giuseppe Zangara was a bricklayer and stonemason with a professed hatred of capitalists and Presidents. He seemed to be obsessed with the desire to kill a President. After his arrest he confessed that he had first planned to go to Washington to kill President Herbert Hoover, but as the cold climate of the North was bad for his stomach trouble, he was loath to leave Miami, where he was staying. When he read in the paper that President-elect Roosevelt would be in Miami, he resolved to kill him.43

On the night of February 15, 1933, at, a political rally in Miami's Bayfront Park, the President-elect sat on the top of the rear seat of his automobile with a small microphone in his hand as he made a short informal talk. Fortunately for him, however, he slid down into the seat just before Zangara could get near enough to take aim. The assassin's arm may have been jogged just as he shot; the five rounds he directed at Roosevelt went awry. However, he mortally wounded Mayor Anton Cermak, of Chicago, and hit four other persons; the President-elect, by a miracle, escaped. Zangara, of course, never had any chance of escaping.44

Zangara was electrocuted on March 20, 1933, only 33 days after his attempt on Roosevelt. No evidence of accomplices or conspiracy came to light, but there was some sensational newspaper speculation, wholly undocumented, that Zangara may have been hired by Chicago gangsters to kill Cermak.45

The force provided since the Civil War by the Washington Metropolitan Police for the protection of the White House had grown to 54 men by 1922.46 In that year Congress enacted legislation creating the White House Police Force as a separate organization under the direct control of the President.47 This force was actually supervised by the President's military aide until 1930, when Congress placed supervision under the Chief of the Secret Service.48 Although Congress transferred control and supervision of the force to the Secretary of the Treasury in 1962,49 the Secretary delegated supervision to the Chief of the Secret Service.50

The White House detail of the Secret Service grew in size slowly from the original 2 men assigned in 1902. In 1914 it still numbered only 5, but during World War I it was increased to 10 men. Additional men were added when the President traveled. After the

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war the size of the detail grew until it reached 16 agents and 2 supervisors by 1939. World War II created new and greater protection problems, especially those arising from the President's trips abroad to the Grand Strategy Conferences in such places as Casablanca, Quebec, Tehran, Cairo, and Yalta. To meet the increased demands, the White House detail was increased to 37 men early in the war.51

The volume of mail received by the White House had always been large, but it reached huge proportions under Franklin D. Roosevelt. Presidents had always received threatening letters but never in such quantities. To deal with this growing problem, the Secret Service established in 1940 the Protective Research Section to analyze and make available to those charged with protecting the President, information from White House mail and other sources concerning people potentially capable of violence to the President. The Protective Research Section undoubtedly permitted the Secret Service to anticipate and forestall many incidents that might have been embarrassing or harmful to the President.52

Although there was no advance warning of the attempt on Harry S. Truman's life on November 1, 1950, the protective measures taken by the Secret Service availed, and the assassins never succeeded in firing directly at the President. The assassins--Oscar Collazo and Griselio Torresola, Puerto Rican Nationalists living in New York-- tried to force their way into Blair House, at the time the President's residence while the White House was being repaired. Blair House was guarded by White House policemen and Secret Service agents. In the ensuing gun battle, Torresola and one White House policeman were killed, and Collazo and two White House policemen were wounded. Had the assassins succeeded in entering the front door of Blair House, they would probably have been cut down immediately by another Secret Service agent inside who kept the doorway covered with a submachine gun from his vantage point at the foot of the main stairs. In all, some 27 shots were fired in less than 3 minutes.53

Collazo was brought to trial in 1951 and sentenced to death, but President Truman commuted the sentence to life imprisonment on July 24, 1952. Although there was a great deal of evidence linking Collazo and Torresola to the Nationalist Party of Puerto Rico and its leader, Pedro Albizu Campos, the Government could not establish that the attack on the President was part of a larger Nationalist conspiracy.54

The attack on President Truman led to the enactment in 1951 of legislation that permanently authorized the Secret Service to protect the President, his immediate family, the President-elect, and the Vice President, the last upon his request. Protection of the Vice President by the Secret Service had begun in January 1945 when Harry S. Truman occupied the office.55

In 1962 Congress further enlarged the list of Government officers to be safeguarded, authorizing protection of the Vice President (or the officer next in order of succession to the Presidency) without requiring his request therefore; of the Vice President-elect; and of a

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former President, at his request, for a reasonable period after his departure from office. The Secret Service considered this "reasonable period" to be 6 months.56

Amendments to the threat statute of 1917, passed in 1955 and 1962, made it a crime to threaten to harm the President-elect, the Vice Presidents or other officers next in succession to either office. The President's immediate family was not included in the threat statute.57

Congressional concern regarding the uses to which the President might put the Secret Service--first under Theodore Roosevelt and subsequently under Woodrow Wilson--caused Congress to place tight restrictions on the functions of the Service and the uses of its funds. 58 The restrictions probably prevented the Secret Service from developing into a general investigative agency, leaving the field open for some other agency when the need arose. The other agency proved to be the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) established within the Department of Justice in 1908. 57

The FBI grew rapidly in the 1920's, and especially in the 1930's and after, establishing itself as the largest, best equipped, and best known of all U.S. Government investigative agencies. In the appropriations of the FBI there recurred annually an item for the "protection of the person of the President of the United States," that had first appeared in the appropriation of the Department of Justice in 1910 under the heading "Miscellaneous Objects." 60 But there is no evidence that the Justice Department ever exercised any direct responsibility for the protection of the President. Although it had no prescribed protection functions, according to its Director, J. Edgar Hoover, the FBI did provide protection to Vice President Charles Curtis at his request, when he was serving under Herbert Hoover from 1929 to 1933. Over the years the FBI contribution to Presidential protection was confined chiefly to the referral to the Secret Service of the names of people who might be potentially dangerous to the President.61

In recent years the Secret Service has remained a small and specialized bureau, restricted to very limited functions prescribed by Congress. In 1949, a task force of the Commission on Organization of the Executive Branch of the Government (Hoover Commission), recommended nonfiscal functions be removed from the Treasury Department. 62 The recommendation called for transfer of the White House detail, White House Police Force, and Treasury Guard Force from the Secret Service to the Department of Justice. The final report of the Commission on the Treasury Department omitted this recommendation, leaving the protective function with the Secret Service.63 At a meeting of the Commission, ex-President Hoover, in a reference to the proposed transfer, expressed the opinion that "the President will object to having a 'private eye' looking after these fellows and would rather continue with the service." 64

In 1963 the Secret Service was one of several investigative agencies in the Treasury Department. Its major functions were to combat counterfeiting and to protect the President, his family, and other

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designated persons. 65 The Chief of the Secret Service administered its activities through four divisions: Investigation, Inspection, Administrative, and Security, and 65 field offices throughout the country, each under a special agent in charge who reported directly to Washington. The Security Division supervised the White House detail, the White House Police, and the Treasury Guard Force. During fiscal year 1963 (July 1, 1962-June 30, 1963) the Secret Service had an average strength of 513, of whom 351 were special agents. Average strength of the White House Police during the year was 179.66

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Appendix 8: Medical Reports from Doctors at Parkland Memorial Hospital, Dallas, Tex.


This appendix (pages 516 through 537) reproduces COMMISSION EXHIBIT NO. 392, which includes:
Dr. Kemp Clark's statement
Parkland Memorial Hospital Admission Notes
Statement concerning Resuscitative Efforts for President John F. Kennedy
Parkland Memorial Hospital Operative Record for John Connally
Page 529

THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS
SOUTHWESTERN MEDICAL SCHOOL
DALLAS

November 22, 1963
1630

To: Mr. C. J. Price, Administrator Parkland Memorial Hospital

From: M. T. Jenkins, M.D., Professor and Chairman Department of Anesthesiology

Subject: Statement concerning resuscitative efforts for President John F. Kennedy

Upon receiving a stat alarm that this distinguished patient was being brought to the emergency room at Parkland Memorial Hospital, I dispatched Doctors A. H. Giesecke and Jackie H. Hunt with an anesthesia machine and resuscitative equipment to the major surgical emergency room area, and I ran down the stairs. On my arrival in the emergency operating room at approximately 1230 I found that Doctors Carrico and/or Delaney had begun resuscitative efforts by introducing an orotracheal tube, connecting it for controlled ventilation to a Bennett intermittent positive pressure breathing apparatus. Doctors Charles Baxter, Malcolm Perry, and Robert McClelland arrived at the same time and began a tracheostomy and started the insertion of a right chest tube, since there was also obvious tracheal and chest damage. Doctors Paul Peters and Kemp Clark arrived simultaneously and immediately thereafter assisted respectively with the insertion of the right chest tube and with manual closed chest cardiac compression to assure circulation.

For better control of artificial ventilation, I exchanged the intermittent positive pressure breathing apparatus for an anesthesia machine and continued artificial ventilation. Doctors Gene Akin and A. H. Giesecke assisted with the respiratory problems incident to changing from the orotracheal tube to a tracheostomy tube and Doctors Hunt and Giesecke connected a cardioscope to determine cardiac activity.

During the progress of these activities, the emergency room cart was elevated at the feet in order to provide a Trendelenburg position, a venous cutdown was performed on the right saphenous vein, and additional fluids were begun in a vein in the left forearm while blood was ordered from the blood bank. All of these activities were completed by approximately 1245, at which time external cardiac massage was still being carried out effectively by Doctor Clark as judged by a palpable peripheral pulse. Despite these measures there was no electrocardiographic evidence of cardiac activity.

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Mr. C. J. Price, Administrator
November 22, 1963
Page 2 - Statement concerning resuscitative
efforts for President John F. Kennedy

These described resuscitative activities were indicated as of first importance, and after they were carried out attention was turned to all other evidences of injury. There was a great laceration on the right side of the head (temporal and occipital), causing a great defect in the skull plate so that there was herniation and laceration of great areas of the brain, even to the extent that the cerebellum had protruded from the wound. There were also fragmented sections of brain on the drapes of the emergency room cart. With the institution of adequate cardiac compression, there was a great flow of blood from the cranial cavity, indicating that there was much vascular damage as well as brain tissue damage.
It is my personal feeling that all methods of resuscitation were instituted expeditiously and efficiently. However, this cranial and intracranial damage was of such magnitude as to cause the irreversible damage. President Kennedy was pronounced dead at 1300.

Sincerely,

M. T. Jenkins, M.D.

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Appendix 9: Autopsy Report and Supplemental Report
This appendix (pages 538 through 546) reproduces COMMISSION EXHIBIT No. 387, and is not available on the NARA web site.

For a copy of this appendix, please contact:
Special Access and FOIA Staff
National Archives
Room 6350
8601 Adelphi Road
College Park, MD 20740-6001
Phone: (301) 837-3190
E-mail: [email protected]

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Appendix 10: Expert Testimony
Firearms and Firearms Identification
General Principles
The Rifle
Rifle Cartridge and Cartridge Cases
The Rifle Bullets
The Revolver
Revolver Cartridges and Cartridge Cases
Revolver Bullets
The Struggle for the Revolver
The Paraffin Test
The Walker Bullet
Fingerprints and Palmprints
General Principles
Objects in the Texas School Book Depository Building
Questioned Documents
The Mail Order for the C2766 Rifle, the Related Envelope, and the Money Order
Mail Order for V510210 Revolver
Post Office Box Applications and Change-of-Address Card
The Spurious Selective Service System Notice of Classification and U.S. Marine Corps Certificate of Service
The Hidell Notice of Classification
The Hidell Certificate of Service
The Vaccination Certificate
The Fair Play for Cuba Committee Card
The Unsigned Russian-Language Note
The Homemade Wrapping Paper Bag
Wound Ballistics Experiments
Purpose of the Test
The Testers and Their Qualifications
General Testing Conditions
Tests on Penetration Power and Bullet Stability
Tests Simulating President Kennedy's Neck Wound
Tests Simulating Governor Connally's Chest Wounds
Tests Simulating Governor Connally's Wrist Wounds
Conclusions From Simulating the Neck, Chest, and Wrist Wounds
Tests Simulating President Kennedy's Head Wounds
Hairs and Fibers
General Principles
Photographs


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FIREARMS AND FIREARMS IDENTIFICATION

Three experts gave testimony concerning firearms and firearms identification: Robert A. Frazier and Cortlandt Cunningham of the FBI, and Joseph D. Nicol, superintendent of the Bureau of Criminal Identification and Investigation of the State of Illinois. Frazier has been in the field of firearms identification for 23 years, following a l-year course of specialized training in the FBI Laboratory. Cunningham has been in the field for 5 years, having also completed the FBI course. Nicol has been in the firearms identification field since 1941, having begun his training in the Chicago police crime laboratory. Each has made many thousands of firearms identification examinations.1 Frazier testified on the rifle, the rifle cartridge cases, and the rifle bullets; Cunningham on the revolver, the revolver cartridge cases, the revolver bullets, and the paraffin test; and Nicol on all the bullets and cartridge cases and the paraffin test. 2 Nicol's conclusions were identical to those of Frazier and Cunningham, except as noted.

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General Principles

A cartridge, or round of ammunition, is composed of a primer, a cartridge case, powder, and a bullet. The primer, a metal cup containing a. detonable mixture, fits into the base of the cartridge case, which is loaded with the powder. The bullet, which usually consists of lead or of a lead core encased in a higher strength metal jacket, fits into the neck of the cartridge case. To tire the bullet, the cartridge is placed in the chamber of a firearm, immediately behind the firearm's barrel. The base of the cartridge rests against a solid support called the breech face or, in the case of a bolt-operated weapon, the bolt face. When the trigger is pulled, a firing pin strikes a swift, hard blow into the primer, detonating the priming mixture. The flames from the resulting explosion ignite the powder, causing a rapid combustion whose force propels the bullet forward through the barrel.



The barrels of modern firearms are "rifled," that is, several spiral grooves are cut into the barrel from end to end. The purpose of the rifling is to set the bullet spinning around its axis, giving it a stability in flight that it would otherwise lack. the weapons of a given make and model are alike in their rifling characteristics; that is, number of grooves, number of lands (the raised portion of the barrel between the grooves) and twist of the rifling. when a bullet is fired through a barrel, it is engraved with these rifling characteristics. For example, all S. & W. .38/200 British Service Revolvers have five grooves and

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five lands, which twist to the right, and bullets fired through such a revolver will have five groove and ]and impressions, right twist.

In addition to rifling characteristics, every weapon bears distinctive microscopic characteristics on its components, including its barrel, firing pin, and breech face. While a weapon's rifling characteristics are common to all other weapons of its make and model (and sometimes even to weapons of a different make or model), a weapon's microscopic characteristics are distinctive, and differ from those of every other weapon, regardless of make and model. Such markings are initially caused during manufacture since the action of manufacturing tools differs microscopically from weapon to weapon, and since the tools change microscopically while being operated. As a weapon is used, further distinctive microscopic markings are introduced by the effects of wear, fouling, and cleaning. As Frazier testified:
Q. Can you explain how you are able to come to a conclusion that a cartridge case was fired in a particular weapon to the exclusion of all other weapons?

Mr. FRAZIER. Yes, sir; during the manufacture of a weapon, there are certain things done to the mechanism of it, which are by machine or by filing, by grinding, which form the parts of the weapon into their final shape. These machining and grinding and filing operations will mark the metal with very fine scratches or turning marks and grinding marks in such a way that there will be developed on the surface of the metal a characteristic pattern. This pattern, because it is made by these accidental machine-type operations, will be characteristic of that particular weapon, and will not be reproduced on separate weapons. It may be a combination of marks that--the face of the bolt. may be milled, then it may be in part filed to smooth off the corners, and then, as a final operation, it may be polished, or otherwise adjusted during the hand fitting operation, so that it does have its particular pattern of microscopic marks.

The bolt face of the 139 rifle I have photographed and enlarged in this photograph [Commission Exhibit No. 558] to show the types of marks I was referring to.

The marks produced during manufacture are the marks seen on the bolt face; filing marks, machining marks of the various types, even forging marks or casting marks if the bolt happens to be forged or east. And then variations which occur in these marks during the life of the weapon are very important in identification, because many of the machining marks can be flattened out, can be changed, by merely a grain of sand between the face of the cartridge case and the bolt at the time a shot is fired, which will itself scratch and dent the bolt face. So the bolt face will pick up a characteristic pattern of marks which are peculiar to it.
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... [T] he marks which are placed on any bolt face are accidental in nature. That is, they are not placed there intentionally in the first place. They are residual to some machining operation, such as a milling machine, in which each cutter of the milling tool cuts away a portion of the metal; then the next tooth comes along and cuts away a little more, and so on, until the final surface bears the combination of the various teeth of the milling cutter. In following that operation, then, the surface is additionally scratched--until you have numerous- -we call them microscopic characteristics, a characteristic being a mark which is peculiar to a certain place on the bolt face, and of a certain shape, it is of a certain size, it has a certain contour, it may be just a little dimple in the metal, or a spot. of rust at, one time on the face of the bolt, or have occurred from some accidental means such as dropping the bolt, or repeated use having flattened or smoothed off the surface of the metal.

... [A]s the blade of a milling machine travels around a surface, it takes off actually a dust--it is not actually a piece of metal--it scrapes a little steel off in the form of a dust---or a very fine powder or chip--that tooth leaves a certain pattern of marks--that edge. That milling cutter may have a dozen of these edges on its surface, and each one takes a little more. Gradually you wear the metal down, you tear it out actually until you are at the proper depth. Those little pieces of metal, as they are traveling around, can also scratch the face of the bolt--unless they are washed away. So that you may have accidental marks from that source, just in the machining operation.

Now, there are two types of marks produced in a cutting operation. One, from the nicks along the cutting edge of the tool, which are produced by a circular operating tool--which produce very fine scratches in a circular pattern. Each time the tool goes around, it erases those marks that were there before. And when the tool is finally lifted out, you have a series of marks which go around the surface which has been machined, and you will find that pattern of marks, as this tool goes around, will change. In one area, it. will be one set of marks--and as you visually examine the surface of the metal, these very fine marks will extend for a short distance, then disappear, and a new mark of a new type will begin and extend for a short distance. The entire surface, then, will have a---be composed of a series of circles, but the individual marks seen in the microscope will not be circular, will not form complete circles around the face of the bolt.

Q. Have you had occasion to examine two consecutive bolt faces from a factory?

A. Oh, yes.
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Q. And what did you find on that examination?

A. There would be no similarity in the individual microscopic characteristics between the two bolt faces.

Q. There actually was none?

A. No there was none.3
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Q. How are you able to conclude that a given bullet was fired in a given weapon to the exclusion of all other weapons, Mr. Frazier?

A. That is based again upon the microscopic marks left on the fired bullets and those marks in turn are based upon the barrel from which the bullets are fired.

The marks in the barrel originate during manufacture. They originate through use of the gun, through accidental marks resulting from cleaning, excessive cleaning, of the weapon, or faulty cleaning.

They result from corrosion in the barrel due to the hot gases and possibly corrosive primer mixtures in the cartridges used, and primarily again they result from wear, that is, an eroding of the barrel through friction due to the firing of cartridges, bullets through it.

In this particular barrel the manufacturer's marks are caused by the drill which drills out the barrel, leaving certain marks from the drilling tool. Then portions of these marks are erased by a rifling tool which cuts the four spiral grooves in the barrel and, in turn, leaves marks themselves, and in connection with those marks of course, the drilling marks, being circular in shape, there is a tearing away of the surface of the metal, so that a microscopically rough surface is left.

Then removing part of those marks with a separate tool causes that barrel to assume an individual characteristic, a character all of its own.

In other words, at that time you could identify a bullet fired from that barrel as having been fired from the barrel to the exclusion of all other barrels, because there is no system whatever to the drilling of the barrel. The only system is in the rifling or in the cutting of the grooves, and in this case of rifle barrels, even the cutters wear down as the barrels are made eventually of course having to be discarded or resharpened.

Q. Have you examined consecutively manufactured barrels to determine whether their microscopic characteristics are identical?

A. Yes, sir; I have three different sets of, you might say, paired barrels, which have been manufactured on the same machine, one after the other, under controlled conditions to make them as nearly alike as possible, and in each case fired bullets from those barrels could not be identified with each other; in fact, they looked nothing at all alike as far as individual microscopic characteristics

[monosylab1k]

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are concerned. Their rifling impressions of course would be identical, but the individual marks there would be entirely different. 4
When a cartridge is fired, the microscopic characteristics of the weapon's barrel are engraved into the bullet (along with its rifling characteristics), and the microscopic characteristics of the firing pin and breech face are engraved into the base of the cartridge case. By virtue of these microscopic markings, an expert can frequently match a bullet or cartridge case to the weapon in which it was fired. To make such an identification, the expert compares the suspect bullet or cartridge case under a comparison microscope, side by side with a test bullet or cartridge case which has been fired in the weapon, to determine whether the pattern of the markings in the test and suspect items are sufficiently similar to show that they were fired in the same weapon. This is exemplified by Frazier's examination of Commission Exhibit No. 543, one of the cartridge cases found in the Texas School Book Depository Building after the assassination:


Q. Mr. Frazier, we were just beginning to discuss, before the recess, Commission Exhibit 559, which is a picture, as you described it, of Exhibit No. 543 and a test cartridge under a microscope ...?

Mr. Frazier. Yes, sir.

Q. Could you discuss, by using that picture, some of the markings which you have seen under the microscope and on the basis of which you made your identification?

A. Yes, sir. In the photograph I have drawn some small circles and numbered them, those circles, correspondingly on each side of the photograph. The purpose of the circles is not to point out all the similarities, but to call attention to some of them and to help orient in locating a mark on one with a mark on the opposite side of the photograph. In general the area shown is immediately outside of the firing pin in the bolt of the 139 rifle, on the left side of the photograph, and Commission Exhibit 543 on the right side.

The circles have been drawn around the dents or irregularly shaped ridges, small bumps, and depressions on the surfs of the metal in six places on each side of the photograph. It. is an examination of these marks, and all of the marks on the face of the breech, microscopically which permits a conclusion to be reached. The photograph itself actually is a substitute to show only the type of marks found rather than their nature, that is, their height, their width, or their relationship to each other, which is actually a mental, visual, comparison on the two specimens themselves.

Q. Referring for a second to this mental, visual, comparison, Mr. Frazier, would a person without firearms training--fire-arms-identification training--be able to look under a microscope
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and make a determination for himself concerning whether a given cartridge case had been fired in a given weapon.?

A. In that connection that person could look through the microscope. He may or may not see these individual characteristics which are present, because he does not know what to look for in the first place, and, secondly, they are of such a nature that you have to mentally sort them out in your mind going back and forth between one area and the other until you form a mental picture of them in a comparison such as this.

If it was a different type of comparison, of parallel marks or something of that nature, then he could see the marks, but in either instance, without having compared hundreds and hundreds of specimens, he would not be able to make any statement as to whether or not they were fired from the same rifle.

Q. Would you say that this is, then, a matter of expert interpretation rather than a point-for-point comparison which a layman could make?

A. I would say so; yes. I don't think a layman would recognize some of the things on these cartridge cases and some shown in the photographs as actually being significant or not. significant, because there will be things present which have nothing whatsoever to do with the firing of the cartridge case in the gun.

There may be a depression in the primer to begin with, and there are no marks registered at that point as a result of the firing. Unless these things are known to occur, someone may actually arrive at a different conclusion, because of the absence of similar marks.

Q. Now having reference to the specific exhibit before you, which is 559--

A. Yes.

Q. Are all the marks shown in both photographs identical?

A. No.

Q. And could you go into detail on a mark which is not identical to explain why you would get such a result?

A. Well, for instance, between what I have drawn here as circle 4 and circle 5, there is a slanting line from the upper left to the lower right on C-6. This line shows as a white line in the photograph.

On the other side there is a rough, very rough ridge which runs through there, having an entirely different appearance from the relatively sharp line on C-6. The significant part of that mark is the groove in between, rather than the sharp edge of the mark, because the sharp corner could be affected by the hardness of the metal or the irregular surface of the primer and the amount of pressure exerted against it, pressing it back against the face of the bolt, at the time the cartridges were fired. So that you would never expect all the marks on one cartridge case to be identical with all the marks on the other cartridge case.
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In fact, you would expect many differences. But the comparison is made on the overall pattern, contour, and nature of the marks that are present.
° ° ° ° ° °


Q. Again there are dissimilar marks on these two pictures [of the firing-pin depressions on the cartridge case Commission Exhibit No. 543, and a test cartridge case], Mr. Frazier ?

A. Yes; there are, for the same reason, that metal does not flow the same in every instance, and it will not be impressed to the same depth and to the same amount, depending on the type of metal, the blow that is struck, and the pressures involved.

Q. Is your identification made therefore on the basis of the presence of similarities, as opposed to the absence of dissimilarities?

A. No, that is not exactly right. The identification is made on the presence of sufficient individual microscopic characteristics so that a very definite pattern is formed and visualized on the two surfaces.

Dissimilarities may or may not be present, depending on whether there have been changes to the firing pin through use or wear, whether the metal flows are the same, and whether the pressures are the same or not.

So I don't think we can say that it is an absence of dissimilarities, but rather the presence of similarities.5
A bullet or cartridge case cannot always be identified with the weapon in which it was fired. In some cases, the bullet or cartridge case is too mutilated. In other cases, the weapon's microscopic characteristics have changed between the time the suspect item was fired and the time the test item was fired--microscopic characteristics change drastically in a short period of time, due to wear, or over a longer period of time, due to wear, corrosion, and cleaning. Still again, the weapon may mark bullets inconsistently--for example, because the bullets are smaller than the barrel, and travel through it erratically. 6

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The Rifle

The rifle found on the sixth floor of the Texas School Book Depository shortly after the assassination was a bolt-action, clip-fed, military rifle, 40.2 inches long and 8 pounds in weight.7 Inscribed on the rifle were various markings, including the words "CAL. 6.5," "MADE ITALY," "TERNI," and "ROCCA"; the numerals "1940" and "40"; the serial number C2766; the letters "R-E," "PG," and "TNI"; the figure of a crown; and several other barely decipherable letters and numbers.8 The rifle bore a very inexpensive Japanese four-power sight, stamped "4 x 18 COATED," "ORDNANCE OPTICS INC.," "HOLLYWOOD CALIFORNIA," and "MADE IN JAPAN'' 9 and a sling consisting of two leather straps, one of

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which had a broad patch, which apparently had been inserted on the rifle and cut to length. 10 The sling was not a standard rifle sling, but appeared to be a musical instrument strap or a sling from a carrying case or camera bag.11 A basic purpose of a rifle sling is to enable the rifleman to steady his grip, by wrapping the arm into the sling in a prescribed manner. The sling on the rifle was too short to use in the normal way, but might have served to provide some additional steadiness. 12

The rifle was identified as a 6.5-millimeter Mannlicher-Carcano Italian military rifle, Model 91/38. 13 This identification was initially made by comparing the rifle with standard reference works and by the markings inscribed on the rifle. 14 The caliber was independently determined by chambering a Mannlicher-Carcano 6.5 millimeter cartridge in the rifle for fit, and by making a sulfur cast of the inside of the rifle's barrel which was measured with a micrometer. 15 (The caliber of a weapon is the diameter of the interior of the barrel, measured between opposite lands. The caliber of American weapons is expressed in inches; thus a .30-caliber weapon has a barrel which is thirty one-hundredths or three-tenths of an inch in diameter. The caliber of continental European weapons is measured in millimeters. A 6.5-millimeter caliber weapon corresponds to an American .257-caliber weapon, that is, its barrel diameter is about one-fourth inch.) 16 The identification was later confirmed by a communication from SIFAR, the Italian Armed Forces Intelligence Service. This communication also explained the markings on the rifle, as follows: "CAL. 6.5" refers to the rifle's caliber; "MADE ITALY" refers to its origin, and was inscribed at the request of the American importer prior to shipment; "TERNI" means that the rifle was manufactured and tested by the Terni Army Plant of Terni, Italy; the number "C2766" is the serial number of the rifle, and the rifle in question is the only one of its type bearing that serial number; the numerals "1940" and "40" refer to the year of manufacture; and the other figures, numbers, and letters are principally inspector's, designer's, or manufacturer's marks.17

The Model 91/38 rifle was one of the 1891 series of Italian military rifles, incorporating features designed by Ritter von Mannlicher and M. Carcano. The series originally consisted of 6.5-millimeter caliber rifles, but Model 38 of the series, designed shortly before World War II, was a 7.35-millimeter caliber. Early in World War II, however, the Italian Government, which encountered an ammunition supply problem, began producing many of these rifles as 6.5-millimeter caliber rifles, known as the 6.5-millimeter Model 91/38. 18 The 91/38 has been imported into this country as surplus military equipment, has been advertised quite widely, and is now fairly common in this country. 19

Like most bolt-action military rifles, the 91/38 is operated by turning up the bolt handle, drawing the bolt to the rear, pushing the bolt forward, turning down the bolt handle, and pulling the trigger. Bringing the bolt forward and turning down the bolt handle compresses the spring which drives the firing pin, and locks the bolt into

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place. When the trigger is pulled, the cocked spring drives the firing pin forward and the cartridge is fired. The face of the bolt boars a lip, called the extractor, around a portion of its circumference. As the bolt is pushed forward, this lip grasps the rim of the cartridge. As the bolt is pulled back, the extractor brings the empty cartridge case with it, and as the cartridge case is being brought back, it strikes a projection in the ejection port called the ejector, which throws it out of the rifle. Meanwhile, a leaf spring beneath the clip has raised the next cartridge into loading position. When the bolt is brought forward, it pushes the fresh cartridge into the chamber. The trigger is pulled, the cartridge is fired, the bolt handle is brought up, the bolt is brought back, and the entire cycle starts again. As long as there is ammunition in the clip, one need only work the bolt and pull the trigger to fire the rifle. 20

The clip itself is inserted into the rifle by drawing back the bolt, and pushing the clip in from the top. The clip holds one to six cartridges.21 If six cartridges are inserted into the clip and an additional cartridge is inserted into the chamber, up to seven bullets can be fired before reloading.22 When the rifle was found in the Texas School Book Depository Building it contained a clip 23 which bore the letters "SMI" (the manufacturer's markings) and the number "952" (possibly a part number or the manufacturer's code number). 24 The rifle probably was sold without a clip; however, the clip is commonly available.25

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Rifle Cartridge and Cartridge Cases

When the rifle was found, one cartridge was in the chamber.26 The cartridge was a 6.5-millimeter Mannlicher-Carcano cartridge, manufactured by the Western Cartridge Co., at East Alton, Ill. This type of cartridge is loaded with a full metal-jacketed, military type of bullet, weighing 160-161 grains. The bullet has parallel sides and a round nose. It is just under 1.2 inches long, and just over one-fourth inch in diameter.27 Its velocity is approximately 2,165 feet per second.28 The cartridge is very dependable; in tests runs by the FBI and the Infantry Weapons Evaluation Branch of the U.S. Army, the C2766 rifle was fired with this Western Cartridge Co. ammunition over 100 times, with no misfires. (In contrast, some of the other ammunition available on the market for this rifle is undesirable or of very poor quality). 29 The cartridge is readily available for purchase from mail-order houses, as well as a few gunshops; some 2 million rounds have been placed on sale in the United States.30

The presence of the cartridge in the chamber did not necessarily mean that the assassin considered firing another bullet, since he may have reloaded merely by reflex.51

Apart from the cartridge in the rifle, three expended cartridge cases were found in the southeast portion of the sixth floor of the Texas School Book Depository Building, lying between the south

Page 556

This page reproduces COMMISSION EXHIBIT NO. 558: Photograph showing the Bolt face of the C2766 rifle.

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wall and a high stack of boxes which ran parallel to the wall. 32 The cartridge cases were a short distance to the west of the southeast corner window in that wall. 33 Based on a comparison with test cartridge cases fired from the C2766 rifle, the three cartridge cases were identified as having been fired from the C2766 rifle.34 ( See Commission Exhibit No. 558, p. 556.) A test was run to determine if the cartridge-case-ejection pattern of the rifle was consistent with the assumption that the assassin had fired from the southeast window. 35 In this test., 11 cartridges were fired from the rifle while it was depressed 45° downward, and 8 cartridges were fired from the rifle while it was held horizontally. The elevation of the ejected cartridge cases above the level of the ejection port, and the points on the floor at which the ejection cartridge cases initially landed, were then plotted. The results of these tests are illustrated by the diagrams, Commission Exhibits Nos. 546 and 547. Briefly, Commission Exhibit No. 547 shows that with the weapon depressed at a 45° angle, the cartridge cases did not rise more than 2 inches above the ejection port; with the weapon held horizontally, they did not rise more than 12 inches above the ejection port. 36 Commission Exhibit/So. 546 shows that if a circle was drawn around the initial landing points of the cartridge cases which were ejected in the test while the rifle was held depressed at 45°, the center of the circle would be located 86 inches and 80° to the right of the rifle's line of sight; if a circle was drawn around the initial landing points of the cartridge cases ejected while the rifle was held horizontally, the center of the circle would be 80 inches and 90° to the right of the line of sight. In other words, the cartridge cases were ejected to the right of and at roughly a right angle to the rifle. 37 The cartridge cases showed considerable ricochet after their initial landing, bouncing from 8 inches to 15 feet. 38 The location of the cartridge cases was therefore consistent with the southeast window having been used by the assassin, since if the assassin fired from that window the ejected cartridge cases would have hit the pile of boxes at his back and ricocheted between the boxes and the wall until they came to rest to the west of the window.39

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The Rifle Bullets

In addition to the three cartridge cases found in the Texas School Book Depository Building, a nearly whole bullet was found on Governor Connally's stretcher and two bullet fragments were found in the front of the President's car. 40 The stretcher bullet weighed 158.6 grains, or several grains less than the average Western Cartridge Co. 6.5-millimeter Mannlicher-Carcano bullet.41 It was slightly flattened, but otherwise unmutilated. 42 The two bullet fragments weighed 44.6 and 21.0 grains, respectively. 43 The heavier fragment was a portion of a bullet's nose area, as shown by its rounded contour and the

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character of the markings it bore. 44 The lighter fragment consisted of bullet's base portion, as shown by its shape and by the presence of a cannelure. 45 The two fragments were both mutilated, and it was not possible to determine from the fragments themselves whether they comprised the base and nose of one bullet or of two separate bullets. 46 However, each had sufficient unmutilated area to provide the basis of an identification. 47 Based on a comparison with test bullets fired from the C2766 rifle, the stretcher bullet and both bullet fragments were identified as having been fired from the C2766 rifle. 48

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The Revolver

The revolver taken from Oswald at the time of his arrest was a .38 Special S. & W. Victory Model revolver. 49 It bore the serial No. V510210, and is the only such revolver with that serial number, since S. & W. does not repeat, serial numbers. 50 The revolver was originally made in the United States, but was shipped to England, as shown by the English inspection or proof marks on the chambers. 51 The revolver showed definite signs of use but was in good operating condition. 52 The revolver was originally designed to fire a .38 S. & W. cartridge, whose bullet is approximately 12 or 13 grains lighter than the .38 Special, and approximately 12 inches shorter, but has a somewhat larger diameter. 53 In the United States, the .38 Special is considered to be a better bullet than the .38 S. & W.,54 and the revolver was rechambered for a .38 Special prior to being sold in the United States. 55 The weapon was not rebarreled, although the barrel was shortened by cutting off approximately 2 3/4 of its original 5 inches. 56 The shortening of the barrel had no functional value, except to facilitate concealment. 57

The weapon is a conventional revolver, with a rotating cylinder holding one to six cartridges. It is loaded by swinging out the cylinder and inserting cartridges into the cylinder's chambers. If all six chambers are loaded, the weapon can be fired six consecutive times without reloading. 58 To extract empty cartridge cases, the cylinder is swung out and an ejector rod attached to the cylinder is pushed, simultaneously ejecting all the cartridge cases (and cartridges) in the cylinder. If both live cartridges and expended cartridge cases are in the cylinder, before pushing the ejection rod one can tip the cylinder and dump the live cartridges into his hand. 59 The cartridge cases will not fall out, because they are lighter than the cartridges, and when fired they will have expanded so as to tightly fit the chamber walls. 60

In a crouched stance a person can fire five shots with the revolver in 3-4 seconds with no trouble, and would need no training to hit a human body four times in four or five shots at a range of 8 feet. 61 A person who had any training with the weapon would not find its recoil noticeable. 62

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Revolver Cartridges and Cartridge Cases

When Oswald was arrested six live cartridges were found in the revolver. 63 Three were Western .38 Specials, loaded with copper-coated lead bullets, and three were Remington-Peters .38 Specials, loaded with lead bullets. 64 Five additional live cartridges were found in Oswald's pocket, 65 all of which were Western .38 Specials, loaded with copper-coated bullets. 66 The Western and Remington-Peters .88 Special cartridges are virtually identical--the copper coating on the Western bullets is not a full jacket, but only a gilding metal, put on principally for sales appeal. 67

Four expended cartridge cases were found near the site of the Tippit killing. 68 Two of these cartridge cases were Remington-Peters .38 Specials and two were Western .38 Specials. 69 Based on a comparison with test cartridge cases fired in the V510210 revolver, the four cartridge cases were identified as having been fired in the V510210 revolver. 70

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Revolver Bullets

Four bullets were recovered from the body of Officer Tippit. 71 In Nicol's opinion one of the four bullets could be positively identified with test bullets fired from V510210 revolver, and the other three could have been fired from that revolver. 72 In Cunningham's opinion all four bullets could have been fired from the V510210 revolver, but none could be positively identified to the revolver 73 --that is, in his opinion the bullets bore the revolver's rifling characteristics, but no conclusion could be drawn on the basis of microscopic characteristics. 74 Cunningham did not conclude that the bullets had not been fired from the revolver, since he found that consecutive bullets fired in the revolver by the FBI could not even be identified with each other under the microscope. 75 The apparent reasons for this was that while the revolver had been rechambered for a .38 Special cartridge, it had not been rebarreled for a .38 Special bullet. The barrel was therefore slightly oversized for a .38 Special bullet, which has a smaller diameter than a .38 S. & W. bullet. This would cause the passage of a .38 Special bullet through the barrel to be erratic, resulting in inconsistent microscopic markings. 76

Based on the number of grooves, groove widths, groove spacing, and knurling on the four recovered bullets, three were copper-coated lead bullets of Western-Winchester manufacture (Western and Winchester are divisions of the same company), and the fourth was a lead bullet of Remington-Peters manufacture. 77 This contrasts with the four recovered cartridge cases, which consisted of two Remington-Peters and two Westerns. There are several possible explanations for this variance: (1) the killer fired five cartridges, three of which were Western-Winchester and two of which were Remington-Peters; one Remington-Peters bullet missed Tippit; and a Western-Winchester cartridge case and the Remington-Peters bullet that missed were simply not found. (2) The killer fired only four cartridges, three

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of which were Western-Winchester and one of which was Remington-Peters; prior to the shooting the killer had an expended Remington-Peters cartridge case in his revolver, which was ejected with the three Western- Winchester and one Remington-Peters cases; and one of the Western-Winchester cases was not found. (3) The killer was using hand-loaded ammunition, that is, ammunition which is made with used cartridge cases to save money; thus he might have loaded one make of bullet into another make of cartridge case. 78 This third possibility is extremely unlikely, because when a cartridge is fired the cartridge case expands, and before it can be reused it must be resized. There was, however, no evidence that any of the four recovered cartridge cases had been resized. 79

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The Struggle for the Revolver

Officer McDonald of the Dallas police, who arrested Oswald, stated that he had struggled with Oswald for possession of the revolver and that in the course of the struggle, "I heard the snap of the hammer, and the pistol crossed my left cheek ... the primer of one round was dented on misfire at the time of the struggle. ..." so However, none of the cartridges found in the revolver bore the impression of the revolver's firing pin. 81 In addition, the revolver is so constructed that, the firing pin cannot strike a cartridge unless the hammer (which bears the firing pin) has first been drawn all the way back by a complete trigger pull. 82 Had the hammer gone all the way back and then hit the cartridge, it is unlikely that the cartridge would have mis-fired. 83 It would be possible for a person to interject his finger between the hammer and the cartridge, but the spring driving the hammer is a very strong one and the impact of the firing pin into a finger would be clearly felt. 84 However, the cylinder and the trigger are interconnected and the trigger cannot be fully pulled back if the cylinder is grasped. 85 Therefore, if Oswald had pulled on the trigger while McDonald was firmly grasping the cylinder, the revolver would not have fired, and if the gun was grabbed away at the same time the trigger would have snapped back with an audible sound. 86

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The Paraffin Test

During the course of the interrogation of Lee Harvey Oswald following the assassination a paraffin test was performed by the Dallas police on both of his hands and his right cheek. The paraffin cast of Oswald's hands reacted positively to the test. The cast of the right cheek showed no reaction. 87

To perform the paraffin test, layers of warm liquid paraffin, inter-leaved with layers of gauze for reinforcement, are brushed or poured on the suspect's skin. The warm sticky paraffin opens the skin's pores and picks up any dirt and foreign material present at the surface. When the paraffin cools and hardens it forms a cast, which is taken off and processed with diphenylamine or diphenyl-

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benzidine, chemicals which turn blue in the presence of nitrates. Since gunpowder residues contain nitrates, the theory behind the test. is that if a cast reacts positively, i.e., if blue dots appear, it provides evidence that the suspect recently fired a weapon. 88 In fact, however, the test is completely unreliable in determining either whether a person has recently fired a weapon or whether he has not. 89 On the one hand, diphenylamine and diphenylbenzidine will react positively not only with nitrates from gunpowder residues, but nitrates from other sources and most oxidizing agents, including dichromates, per-manganates, hypochlorates, periodates, and some oxides. Thus, contact with tobacco, Clorox, urine, cosmetics, kitchen matches, pharmaceuticals, fertilizers, or soils, among other things, may result in a positive reaction to the paraffin test. Also, the mere handling of a weapon may leave nitrates on the skin. 90 A positive reaction is, therefore, valueless in determining whether a suspect has recently fired a weapon. Conversely, a person who has recently fired a weapon may not show a positive reaction to the paraffin test, particularly if the weapon was a rifle. A revolver is so constructed that there is a space between the cylinder, which bears the chambers, and the barrel. When a revolver is fired, nitrate-bearing gases escape through this space and may leave residues on the. hand. 91 In a rifle, however, there is no gap between the chamber and the barrel, and one would therefore not expect nitrates to be deposited upon a person's hands or cheeks as a result of his firing a rifle. As Cunningham testified:
Mr. CUNNINGHAM. ... I personally wouldn't expect to find any residues on a person's right cheek after firing a rifle due to the fact that by the very principles and the manufacture and the action, the cartridge itself is sealed into the chamber by the bolt being closed behind it, and upon firing the case, the cartridge case expands into the chamber filling it up and sealing it off from the gases, so none will come back in your face, and so by its very nature, I would not expect to find residue on the right. cheek of a shooter. 92
The unreliability of the paraffin test has been demonstrated by experiments run by the FBI. In one experiment, conducted prior to the assassination, paraffin tests were performed on 17 men who had just fired 5 shots with a .38-caliber revolver. Eight men tested negative in both hands, three men tested positive on the idle hand and negative on the firing hand, two men tested positive on the firing hand and negative on the idle hand, and four men tested positive on both their firing and idle hands. 93 In a second experiment, paraffin tests were per formed on 29 persons, 9 of whom had just fired a revolver or an automatic, and 20 of whom had not fired a weapon. All 29 persons tested positive on either or both hands. 94 In a third experiment, performed after the assassination, an agent of the FBI, using the C2766 rifle, fired

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three rounds of Western 6.5-millimeter Mannlicher-Carcano ammunition in rapid succession. A paraffin test was then performed on both of his hands and his right cheek. Both of his hands and his cheek tested negative. 95

The paraffin casts of Oswald's hands and right cheek were also examined by neutron-activation analyses at the Oak Ridge National Laboratory. Barium and antimony were found to be present on both surfaces of all the casts and also in residues from the rifle cartridge cases and the revolver cartridge cases. 96 Since barium and antimony were present in both the rifle and the revolver cartridge cases, their presence on the casts were not evidence that Oswald had fired the rifle. Moreover, the presence on the inside surface of the cheek cast of a lesser amount of barium, and only a slightly greater amount of antimony, than was found on the outside surface of the cast rendered it impossible to attach significance to the presence of these elements on the inside surface. Since the outside surface had not been in contact with Oswald's cheek, the barium and antimony found there had come from a source other than Oswald. Furthermore, while there was more barium and antimony present on the casts than would normally be found on the hands of a person who had not fired a weapon or handled a fired weapon, it is also true that barium and antimony may be present in many common items; for example, barium may be present in grease, ceramics, glass, paint, printing ink, paper, rubber, plastics, leather, cloth, pyrotechnics, oilcloth and linoleum, storage batteries, matches and cosmetics; antimony is present in matches, type metal, lead alloys, paints and lacquers, pigments for oil and water colors, flameproof textiles, storage batteries, pyrotechnics, rubber, pharmaceutical preparations and calico; and both barium and antimony are present in printed paper and cloth, paint, storage batteries, rubber, matches, pyrotechnics, and possibly other items. However, the barium and antimony present in these items are usually not present in a form which would lead to their adhering to the skin of a person who had handled such items. 97

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The Walker Bullet

On April 10, 1963, a bullet was recovered from General Walker's home, following an attempt on his life. 98 The bullet, which was severely mutilated, weighed 148.25 grains. 99 This bullet had the rifling characteristics of the C2766 rifle and all its remaining physical characteristics were the same as the Western 6.5 millimeter Mannlicher-Carcano bullet. However, while the bullet could have been fired from the C2766 rifle, it was severely mutilated and in Frazier's opinion could not be identified as having been fired or not fired from that rifle. 100 Nicol agreed that a positive identification could not be made, but concluded there was "a fair probability" that the bullet had been fired from the same rifle as the test bullets. 101

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FINGERPRINTS AND PALMPRINTS

Two experts gave testimony concerning fingerprints and palmprints: Sebestian Latona 102 and Arthur Mandella. 103 Latona is the supervisor of the Latent Fingerprint Section of the Identification Division of the FBI. He has been with that Division over 32 years, having begun as a student fingerprint classifier and worked up to his present position. Mandella is a detective and fingerprint instructor with the police department of the city of New York. He has been in the fingerprint field for 19 years. Both have made a vast number of fingerprint examinations and have testified in Federal, State, and military courts. 104 Their conclusions were identical, except as noted.

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General Principles 105

Fingerprints and palmprints are made by the ridges which cover the surface of the fingers and palms. These ridges first appear 2 or 3 months before birth, and remain unchanged until death. Commission Exhibit No. 634-A (p. 564) illustrates several common characteristics or "points" formed by the ridges; a clear fingerprint impression will contain anywhere from 85 to 125 such points. While many of the common points appear in almost every print, no two prints have the same points in the same relationship to each other.

A print taken by a law-enforcement agency is known as an "inked print," and is carefully taken so that all the characteristics of the print are reproduced on the fingerprint card; a print which is left accidental]y, such as a print left at the scene of a crime, is known as a latent print. To make an identification of a latent print, the expert compares the points in the latent print with the points in an inked print. If a point appearing in a latent print does not appear in the inked print, or vice versa, the export concludes that the two prints were not made by the same finger or palm. An identification is made only if there are no inconsistencies between the inked and latent prints, and the points of similarity and their relative positions are sufficiently distinctive, and sufficient in number, to satisfy the expert that an identity exists. 106

There is some disagreement concerning whether a minimum number of points is necessary for an identification. Some foreign law-enforcement agencies require a minimum number of 16 points. However, in the United States, in which there has been a great deal of experience with fingerprints, export opinion holds there is no minimum number of points, and that each print must be evaluated on its own merits. 107

Palmprints are as distinctive as fingerprints, but are not as popularly known. Possibly this is because law enforcement agencies usually record only fingerprints for their identification files, since fingerprints can be much more readily classified and filed than palm-prints. Also, latent fingerprint impressions are probably more common than latent palmprint impressions, because persons generally touch objects with their fingers rather than their palms. However,

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This page reproduces COMMISSION EXHIBIT No. 634-A: Diagrams showing Ridge Characteristics Used by Experts in Comparing Fingerprints.

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palmprints will frequently be found on heavy objects, since the palms as well as the fingers are employed in handling such objects. 108

A latent print is the result of perspiration exuded by the sweat pores in the ridges. This perspiration is composed of water, protein or fatty materials, and sodium chloride (salt). A latent print can be developed-- made visible--in several ways. Sometimes a latent print can be developed merely by the use of correct lighting. A second method is to brush the print very lightly with a powder, which adheres to its outline. Once a print is powdered it. can be photographed, lifted, or both. (In lifting, an adhesive substance, such as scotch tape, is placed over a powdered print. When the adhesive is lifted the powder clings to its surface. The adhesive is then mounted.) However, powder is usually effective only on objects which have a hard, smooth, nonabsorbent surface, such as glass, tile, and various types of highly polished metals and is usually not effective on absorbent materials, such as paper or unfinished wood or metal, which absorb perspiration so that there is nothing on the material's surface to which the powder can adhere. Prints on absorbent materials can sometimes be developed by iodine fumes, which may react with fatty or protein materials which have been absorbed into the object, or by a silver nitrate solution, which may react with sodium chloride which has been absorbed into the object. 109

Not every contact of a. finger or palm leaves a latent print. For example, if the surface is not susceptible to a latent print, if the finger or palm had no perspiration, or if the perspiration was mostly water and had evaporated, no print will be found. 110

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Objects in the Texas School Book Depository Building

A number of objects found in the Texas School Book Depository Building following the assassination were processed for latent fingerprints by the FBI--in some cases, after they had been processed by the Dallas police. These objects included the homemade wrapping paper bag found near the southeast corner window; the C9766 rifle; three small cartons which were stacked near that window (which were marked "Box A," "Box B," and "Box C"), 111 and a fourth carton resting on the floor nearby (marked "Box D"); 112 the three 6.5- millimeter cartridge cases found near the window; and the cartridge found in the rifle. The results were as follows:

The paper bag. --The FBI developed a palmprint and a fingerprint on the paper bag by silver nitrate. These were compared with the fingerprints and palmprints of Lee Harvey Oswald taken by the Dallas police, and were found to have been made by the right palm and the left index finger of Lee Harvey Oswald. 113

The C2766 rifle. --The wood and metal of the rifle was absorbent, and not conducive to recording a good print. 114 However, the Dallas police developed by powder some faint ridge formations on the metal magazine housing in front of the trigger and also developed by powder and lifted a latent palmprint from the underside

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of the barrel. 115 The faint ridge formations were insufficient for purposes of effecting an identification, 116 but the latent palmprint was identified as the right palm of Lee Harvey Oswald. 117

The cartons.--Using the silver nitrate method, the FBI developed nine identifiable latent fingerprints and four identifiable latent palm-prints on Box A, 118 seven identifiable fingerprints and two identifiable palmprints on Box B, 119 and two identifiable fingerprints and one identifiable palmprint on Box C. 120 One of the fingerprints on Box A was identified as the right index fingerprint of Lee Harvey Oswald, 121 and one of the palmprints on Box A was identified as the left palm-print of Lee Harvey Oswald. 122 All the remaining prints on Box A were the palmprints of R. L. Studebaker, a. Dallas police officer, and Forest L. Lucy, an FBI clerk, who shipped the cartons from Dallas to the FBI Laboratory in Washington, D.C. and fingerprints of Detective Studebaker. All but one of the fingerprints on Box B belonged to Studebaker and Lucy and one palmprint was that of Studebaker. The fingerprints on Box C were those of Studebaker and Lucy and the palmprint was Studebaker's. 123 One palmprint on Box B was unidentified. 124

The FBI developed two fingerprints on Box D by silver nitrate, and the Dallas police developed a palmprint on Box D by powder. 125 The fingerprints belonged to Lucy. The palmprint was identified as the right palmprint of Lee Harvey Oswald. 126 While the age of a print cannot, be generally determined, 127 this palmprint must have been relatively fresh, because the carton was constructed of cardboard, an absorbent material, and if a long period had elapsed between the time the print was made and the time it was powdered, the perspiration would have been absorbed into the cardboard, and the print could not have been developed by powder. 128 Tests run by the FBI show that usually a latent impression on such cardboard cannot be developed by powder more than 24 hours after it is made. 129 Latona felt that the maximum age of the palmprint on Box D at the time of development (which was shortly after the assassination), would have been 3 days; Mandella felt that the maximum time would have been a day and a half. 131

The three cartridge cases and the cartridge case found in the No prints were developed on the cartridge found in the rifle or on the three expended cartridge cases. 132

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QUESTIONED DOCUMENTS

Two experts gave testimony concerning questioned documents: Alwyn Cole 133 and James C. Cadigan. 134 Cole apprenticed as a questioned document examiner for 6 years, from 1929 to 1935, and has been examiner of questioned documents for the U.S. Treasury Department since then. Cadigan has been a questioned document examiner with the FBI for 23.5 years, following a specialized course of training and instruction. Both have testified many times in Federal and States courts. 135 Their conclusions were identical, except as noted.

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Both experts examined and testified on the following questioned documents: (1) The mail order to Klein's Sporting Goods of Chicago, in response to which Klein's sent the C2766 rifle; the accompanying money order; and the envelope in which the mail order and the money order were sent--all of which bore the name "A. Hidell" and the address "P.O. Box 2915, Dallas, Texas"; 136 (2) the mail order to Seaport Traders, Inc., of Los Angeles, bearing the same name and address, in response to which the Seaport Traders sent the V510210 revolver; 137 (3) part of an application for Post Office Box 2915, Dallas, Tex., opened October 9, 1962 and closed May 14, 1963, and two change-of-address orders relating to that box, dated October 10, 1962 and May 12, 1963--all signed "Lee H. Oswald," and part of an application for Post Office Box 30061, New Orleans, La., naming "A. J. Hidell" as a party entitled to receive mail through the box, signed "L. H. Oswald"; 138 (4) a spurious selective service system notice of classification and a spurious certificate of service in the U.S. Marine Corps, found in Oswald's wallet after his arrest, both in the name "Alek James Hidell"; 139 (5) a spurious smallpox vaccination certificate, found among Oswald's belongings at his room at 1026 North Beckley, purportedly issued to Lee Oswald by "Dr. A. J. Hideel, P.O. Box 30016, New Orleans, La."; 140 and (6) a- card, found in Oswald's wallet after his arrest reading "Fair Play for Cuba Committee New Orleans Chapter," dated June 15, 1963," bearing the name "L. H. Oswald" and the signature "Lee H. Oswald," and signed "A. J. Hidell" as chapter president. 141 Cadigan also examined (7) the unsigned note, Commission Exhibit No. 1, written almost entirely in Russian, which Marina testified Oswald had ]eft for her prior to his attempt on the life of General Walker; 142 and (8) the homemade paper bag found on the sixth floor of the Texas School Book Depository following the assassination. 143

General principles. 144 --The area of questioned document examination encompasses many types of inquiries, the most familiar of which is the identification of handwriting. Handwriting identification is based upon the principle that every person's handwriting is distinctive. As Cole testified:
Q. Mr. Cole, could you explain the basis on which you were able to make an identification of a questioned writing as being authored by the person who wrote a standard writing?

Mr. COLE. This is based upon the principle that every handwriting is distinctive, that since the mental and physical equipment for producing handwriting is different in every individual, each person produces his own distinctive writing habits. Of course, everyone learns to write in the beginning by an endeavor to repeat ideal letter forms but, practically no one is able to reproduce these forms exactly. Even though a person might have some initial success during the active period of instruction, he soon departs from these and develops his own habits. It may be said that habit in handwriting is that which makes handwriting pos-
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sible. Habit is that which makes handwriting efficient. If it were not for the development. of habit, one would be obliged to draw or sketch.

Some habit would be included even in those effort.8. But the production of handwriting rapidly and fluently always involves a recording of personal writing habit. This has been confirmed by observation of a very large number of specimens over a long period of time, and it has further been demonstrated by, on my part, having a formal responsibility for rendering decisions about the identification of handwriting based upon an agreement of handwriting habit in situations where there would be a rigorous testing of the correctness of these decision by field investigators, for example, of the law-enforcement agencies, and a demonstration that these results were confirmed by other evidence.

This is the basis for identification of handwriting. 145
The same principles are generally applicable to hand printing, 146 and in the balance of this section the term "handwriting" will be used to refer to both cursive or script writing and hand printing.

Not every letter in a questioned handwriting can be used as the basis of an identification. Most people learn to write letters in a standard or "copybook" form: a handwriting is distinctive only insofar as it departs significantly from such forms. 147 Correspondingly, not every variation indicates nonidentification; no two acts are precisely alike and variations may be found within a single document. Like similarities, variations are significant only if they are distinctive. 148 Moreover, since any single distinctive characteristic may not be unique to one person, in order to make an identification the expert must find a sufficient number of corresponding distinctive characteristics and a. general absence of distinctive differences. 149

The possibility that one person could imitate the handwriting of another and successfully deceive an expert document examiner is very remote. A forger leaves two types of clue. First, he can seldom perfectly simulate the letter forms of the victim; concentrating on the reproduction of one detail, he is likely not to see others. Thus, the forger may successfully imitate the general form of a letter. but get proportions or letter connections wrong. In addition, the forger draws rather than writes. Forged writing is therefore distinguished by defects in the quality of its line, such as tremor, waver, patching, retouching, noncontinuous lines, and pen lifts in awkward and unusual places. 150

To make a handwriting identification, the handwriting in the document under examination (the questioned document) is compared against the handwriting in documents known to have been prepared by a suspect (the known or standard documents). This is exemplified by Cole's examination of Commission Exhibit No. 773, the photograph of the mail order for the rifle and the envelope in which it was sent:
Q. Now, Mr. Cole, returning to 778, the questioned document, can you tell the Commission how you formed the conclusion
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that it was prepared by the author of the standards, that is, what steps you followed in your examination and comparison, what things you considered, what instruments or equipment you used, and so forth?

Mr. Cole. I made first a careful study of the writing on Commission Exhibit 773 without reference to the standard writing, in an effort to determine whether or not this writing contained what I would regard as a basis for identification, contained a record of writing habit, and as that--as a result of that part of my examination, I concluded that this is a natural handwriting. By that I mean that it was made at a fair speed, that it doesn't show any evidence of an unnatural movement, poor line quality, tremor waver, retouching, or the like. I regard it as being made in a fluent and fairly rapid manner which would record the normal writing habits of the person who made it.

I then made a separate examination of the standards, of all of the standard writings, to determine whether that record gave a record of writing habit which could be used for identification purposes, and I concluded that it, too, was a natural handwriting and gave a good record of writing habit.

I then brought the standard writings together with the questioned writing for a detailed and orderly comparison, considering details of letter forms, proportion, pen pressure, letter connections, and other details of handwriting habit .... 151
The standards used by Cole and Cadigan consisted of a wide variety of documents known to be in the handwriting of Lee Harvey Oswald, including endorsements on his payroll checks, applications for employment, for a passport, for membership in the American Civil Liberties Union, and for a library card, and letters to the Immigration and Naturalization Service, the Marine Corps, the State Department, and the American Embassy in Russia. 152

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The Mail Order for the C2766 Rifle, the Related Envelope, and the Money Order

The mail order and envelope for the C2766 rifle were photographed by Klein's on microfilm, and then destroyed. 153 To identify the handwriting an enlarged photograph was made which showed the handwriting characteristics with sufficient clarity to form the basis of an identification. 154 Based on a comparison with the standards, the handwriting on the purchase order and the envelope were identified as Lee Harvey Oswald's. 155 The money order, which was retained by the post office after having been cashed by Klein's, 156 was also identified as being in Oswald's handwriting. 157 These identifications were made on the basis of numerous characteristics in which the writing in both the questioned and standard documents departed from conventional letter forms. 158 For example, in the return address on the envelope, the left side of the "A" in "A. Hidell" was made by a down-

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stroke followed by an upstroke which almost exactly traced the down-stroke, the "i" showed an elongation of the approach stroke and an exaggerated slant to the right, and the second "1" was somewhat larger than the first; the "B" in "Box" had an upper lobe smaller than the lower lobe; the "D" in "Dallas" exhibited a distinctive construction of the looped form at the top of a letter, and the "s" was flattened and forced over on its side; and the "x" in "Texas" was made in the form of a "u" with a cross bar. These characteristics were also present in the standards.159 In addition, these items, as well as other questioned documents, resembled the standards in their use of certain erroneous combinations of capital and lowercase letters.160 For example, in the mail order, "Texas" was printed with a capital "T," "X," "A," and "S," but a lowercase "e"; a similar mixture of capital and lowercase letters in "Texas" was found in the standards.161

The writing on the purchase order and envelope showed no significant evidence of disguise (subject to the qualification that the use of hand printing on the mail order, rather than handwriting, may have been used for that purpose).162 However, it is not unusual for a person using an alias not to disguise his writing. For example, Cole, who is document examiner for the Treasury Department, has frequently examined forgeries evidencing no attempt at disguise.163

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Mail Order for the V510210 Revolver

Based on a comparison with the standards, the handwriting on the mail order 164 for the V510210 revolver was also identified as Lee Harvey Oswald's.165

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Post Office Box Applications and Change-of-Address Card

A post office box application consists of three parts: The first contains directions for use. The second provides applicant's name, address, signature space, box number, date of opening and closing. The third part provides instruction space concerning delivery of mail and names of persons entitled to use the box.166 Under post office regulations 167 the second part was retained by the Dallas Post. Office for box 2915; it destroyed the third part after the box was closed. Based on the standards, the signature "Lee H. Oswald," and other handwriting on the application, was identified as that of Lee Harvey Oswald.168 The postal clerk appeared to have filled in the balance.169

The Fort Worth and Dallas post offices retained two change-of-address orders signed "Lee H. Oswald": One to "Postmaster, Fort Worth, Tex.," dated October 10, 1962, to send mail to "Oswald, Lee H" at 2703 Mercedes Av., Fort Worth, Texas" and forward to "Box 2915, Dallas, Texas"; the other to "Postmaster, Dallas, Texas" dated May 12, 1963, requested mail for post office box 2915 be forwarded to "Lee Oswald" at "4907 Magazine St.., "New Orleans, La." 170 Based on a comparison with the standards, the handwriting on these orders was identified as that of Lee Harvey Oswald.171

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The New Orleans post office retained the third part of the application for post office box 30061, New Orleans, La., dated June 11, 1963, and signed "L. H. Oswald." 172 Inserted in the space for names of persons entitled to receive mail through the box were written the names "A. J. Hidell" and "Marina Oswald." On the basis of a comparison with the standards, the writing and the signature on the card was identified as the handwriting of Lee Harvey Oswald.173

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The Spurious Selective Service System Notice of Classification and U.S. Marine Corps Certificate of Service

When Oswald was arrested he had in his possession a Selective Service System notice of classification and a certificate of service in the U.S. Marine Corps in the name of "Alek James Hidell," and a Selective Service System notice of classification, a Selective Service System registration certificate, and a certificate of service in the U.S. Marine Corps in his own name.174 (See Cadigan Exhibits Nos. 19 and 21, p. 573.) The Hidell cards where photographic counterfeits.175 After Oswald's arrest a group of retouched negatives were found in Mr. Paine's garage at 2515 West Fifth Street, Irving, Tex.,176 among which were retouched negatives of the Oswald cards.177 A comparison of these retouched negatives with the Hidell and Oswald cards showed that the Hidell cards had been counterfeited by photographing the Oswald cards, retouching the resulting negatives, and producing photographic prints from the retouched negatives.

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The Hidell Notice of Classification

Face side.--The face of the Hidell notice-of classification 178 was produced from the face of the Oswald notice of classification 179 by a two-step process. First, the counterfeiter photographed the Oswald notice, making a basic intermediate negative.180 He then opaqued out of this intermediate negative all of the information typed or handwritten onto the Oswald notice, including the name "Lee Harvey Oswald," the selective service No., "41-114- 39-532," the signature of the official of the local board, and the mailing date. In addition, he made another intermediate negative of the lowermost third of the Oswald notice, which contained a printed legend setting forth various instructions relating to draft board procedures.181 This negative reproduced the printed material exactly, but reduced it in size.182 The two intermediate negatives were combined to produce a third negative, substantially identical to the basic intermediate negative except that, by virtue of the reduction in the size of the printed legend, a square space had been created in the lower left-hand corner.183 The counterfeiter then made a photographic print of this third negative, which contained blanks wherever typed or handwritten material had appeared on the original Oswald notice and a new space in the lower left-hand corner. Finally new material was inserted into the blanks on

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the Hidell notice where typed or handwritten material had appeared on the Oswald notice.184 Thus the name "ALEK JAMES HIDELL," the selective service No. "42-224-39-532," and the mailing date "Feb. 5, 1962," were typed into the appropriate blanks on the Hidell notice. Two typewriters were used in this typing, as shown by differences in the design of the typed figure "4," 185 and by differences in the strength of the typed impression.186 Probably the counterfeiter switched typewriters when he discovered that the ribbon of his first typewriter was not inked heavily enough to leave a clear impression (a problem which would have been aggravated by the fact that the glossy photographic paper used to make the Hidell notice did not provide a good surface for typewriting).187 The face of the notice also bore many uninked indentations, which could only be made out under strong side lighting.188 These indentations were apparently made with the typewriter set at stencil--that is, set so that the typewriter key struck the notice directly, rather than striking it through the inked typewriter ribbon.189 This may have been done as a dry-run practice, to enable the counterfeiter to determine how to properly center and aline the inserted material.190 A sidelight photograph showed that the names "ALEK," "JAMES," and "HIDELL" had each been typed in stencil at least twice before being typed in with the ribbon.191 A capital letter "O" had been stenciled prior to one of the stenciled "ALEK's." 192 A serial number and a date of mailing had also been typed in stencil.193

In addition to the typed material, a signature, "Alek J. Hidell," was written in ink in the blank provided for the registrant's signature, and another, somewhat illegible signature, apparently reading "Good Hoffer," was written in ink in the blank provided for the signature of an official of the local board.194 This name differed from the name written in ink on the Oswald notice, which appeared to consist of a first name beginning with an "E" or a "G" and the surname "Schiffen." 195 However, the legibility of the name on the Oswald notice was also quite poor, and the counterfeiter might have been attempting to duplicate it. A possible reason for deleting the original name and substituting another is that if the name had not been deleted it would have been reproduced on the Hidell notice as a photographic reproduction, which would look less authentic than a pen- and-ink signature.196

Based on a comparison with the handwriting in the standards, the signature "Alek J. Hidell" on the Hidell notice was identified as being in the handwriting of Lee Harvey Oswald.197 The signature "Good Hoffer" could not be positively identified, being almost illegible; however, it was not inconsistent with Oswald's handwriting.198

To complete the face of the Hidell notice a picture of Lee Harvey Oswald was inserted into the space in the lower left-hand corner which had been created by reducing the size of the printed legend at the bottom.199

In creating the face of the Hidell notice, the counterfeiter ]eft traces which enabled the experts to link together the Hidell notice, the retouched negatives, and the Oswald notice. To retouch the nega-

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This page reproduces CADIGAN EXHIBITS 19 and 21.

CADIGAN EXHIBIT No. 19: Face and reverse sides of the Oswald Notice of Classification.

CADIGAN EXHIBIT No. 21: Face and reverse sides of the Oswald Selective Service System Registration Certificate and the Oswald Certificate of Service in the U.S. Marine Corps.

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This page reproduces CADIGAN EXHIBITS 15 and 16: Face and reverse sides of the Hidell Selective Service System Notice of Classification and Face and reverse sides of the Hidell Certificate of Service in the U.S. Marine Corps.

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tives the counterfeiter simply painted a red opaque substance on one side of the negative over the material he wished to delete. When the negative was printed, the opaquing prevented light from passing through, so that the print showed blanks wherever the negative had been opaqued. However, the original material was still clearly visible on the negative itself.200 In addition, at several points the typed or handwritten material in the Oswald notice had overlapped the printed material. For example, the signature of the official of the local board overlapped the letters "re" in the printed word "President," "l" and a" in the printed word "local," and "viola" in the printed word "violation." When this signature was opaqued out, the portions of the printed material which had been overlapped by the signature were either removed or mutilated. The consequent distortions were ap parent on both the retouched negative and the Hidell notice itself. Similarly, the selective service number typed on the Oswald notice overlapped the margins of the boxes into which it was typed. Although the counterfeiter opaqued out the numerals themselves, the margins of the boxes remained thickened at the points where they had been overlapped by the numerals. These thickened margins were apparent on both the retouched negative and the Hidell notice.201

Reverse side.--The reverse side of the Hidell notice, which was pasted back-to-back to the face, was actually a form of the reverse side of a Selective Service System registration certificate. Essentially, it was counterfeited the same way as the face of the notice: a photograph was made of the reverse side of the Oswald registration certificate, the material which had been typed or stamped on the Oswald registration certificate was opaqued out of the resulting negative, and a photographic print was made from the retouched negative. This is shown by the negative, in which the opaqued-out information is still visible, and by defects in the printed material on the Hidell notice at point where typed-in material had overlapped printed material on the Oswald registration certificate.202

As the final step, new information was typed on the print in the blanks which resulted from the retouching operation.203 Thus "GR" was substituted for "Blue" under color of eyes; "BROWN" was substituted for "Brn" under color of hair; "FAIR" was substituted for "Med." under complexion; "5" [ft.] "9" [in.] was substituted for "5" [ft.] "11" [in.] under height; and "155" was substituted for "150" under weight. The name and address of the local board on the Oswald registration certificate were opaqued out, but substantially the same name and address were typed back onto the Hidell notice.204 As in the signature of the local board official on the face of the notice, a possible reason for deleting the original draft board name and the address and substituting substantially similar material in its place is that if the original material had not been deleted it would have reproduced as a photographic reproduction, which would look much less authentic than typed-in material.205

A limited number of typed uninked indentations are also present. Thus the indented letters "CT" appear before the letter "GR" (under

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color of eyes) and the indented letters "EY" follow "GR." An indented "9" appears above the visible "9" for the inch figure of height, and an indented "i" appears before the weight, "155." Much of the typed material on the reverse side of the Hidell notice was not very legible under ordinary lighting, since it was typed with a typewriter which left a very weakly inked impression.206 In fact, it is difficult to tell whether some of the material, particularly the word "Brown" under color of hair, was put in by stencil or by ribbon.

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The Hidell Certificate of Service

The face and reverse side of the Hidell certificate of service were produced from the face and reverse side of the Oswald certificate of service 207 by photographing the Oswald certificate, retouching the resulting negatives to eliminate typed and handwritten material, and making a photographic print from the retouched negative.208 As in the case of the notice of classification, this is shown by the negative itself, in which the opaqued-out information is still visible, and by defects in the printed material on the Hidell certificate at points where handwritten material had crossed over printed material on the Oswald certificate. Thus, in the Oswald certificate the upper portion of the name "Lee" in Oswald's signature crosses the letter "u" in the printed word "signature." The consequent mutilation of the printed letter "u" can be seen on the Hidell certificate. Similarly, the ending stroke in the letter "y" in the name "Harvey" in Oswald's signature crosses the letter "n" in the printed word "certifying." This stroke was not removed at all, and can be seen as a stroke across the "n" in the Hidell certificate.209 As the final step in producing the Hidell certificate, new material was typed into the blanks on the photographic print. On the face, the words "ALEK JAMES HIDELL" were typed into the blank where "LEE HARVEY OSWALD 1653280" had appeared. A sidelight photograph shows that these words had been typed in stencil at least twice before being typed in with the ribbon apparently to determine proper centering and alinement.210 In producing the reverse side of the Hidell certificate, the signature "Lee Harvey Oswald," and the dates "24 October 1956" and "11 September 1959," showing the beginning and end of the period of active service, had been opaqued out. No signature was inserted into resulting blank signature space. However, just below the word "of" in the printed line "signature of individual," there are two vertical indentations which fill about three-fourths of the height of the signature blank, and a diagonal indentation which slants from approximately the base of the left vertical to approximately the midpoint of the right vertical--the total effect being of a printed capital letter "H." Also, just below the second and third "i's" in the printed word "individual" are two more vertical indentations, which could be the vertical strokes of "d's" or "l's"-- although the circular portion of the letter "d" is not present.211 These indentations could have been made by any sharp instrument, such as a ballpoint pen which was not

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delivering ink, a stylus of the type used in preparing mimeograph forms, or even a toothpick.212 The indentations are brought out rather clearly in a sidelight photograph, but can also be seen on the card itself if the card is held so that light strikes it at an angle.213

Into the space for the beginning of active service was typed the date "OCT. 13 1958." The space for the end of active service contains several light-impression and stencil typewriting operations. It was apparently intended to read "OCT. 12 1961," but because of the lightness of the impression and the many stenciled characters, the date is barely legible.214 Interestingly, one of the stenciled impressions in the blank for end of active service reads "24 October 1959," as determined under a microscope, while a stenciled impression in the blank for beginning of active service reads "24 October 1957." 215

The counterfeiting of the Hidell cards did not require great skill, but probably required an elementary knowledge of photography, particularly of the photographic techniques used in a printing plant.216 A moderate amount of practice with the technique would be required--perhaps half a dozen attempts. Practicing retouching on the balance of the negatives found at the Paine garage would have been sufficient.217 The retouching of the negatives could have been accomplished without any special equipment. However, the preparation of the negative, apart. from retouching, would probably have required a very accurate camera, such as would be found in a photographic laboratory or printing plant.218

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The Vaccination Certificate

A government-printed form entitled "International Certificates of Vaccination or Revaccination against Smallpox" 219 was found among Oswald's belongings at his room at 1026 Beckley Avenue, Dallas.220 The form purported to certify that "LEE OSWALD" had been vaccinated against smallpox on "JUNE 8, 1963" by "DR. A. J. HIDEEL, P.O. BOX 30016, NEW ORLEANS, LA." The card was signed "Lee H. Oswald" and "A. J. Hideel," and the name and address "Lee H. Oswald, New Orleans, La." were hand printed on the front of the card. All of this material, except the signatures and the hand printing, had been stamped onto the card. The Hideel name and address consisted of a three-line stamp--"DR. A. J. HIDEEL/P.O. BOX 30016/NEW ORLEANS, LA." A circular, stamped, illegible impression resembling a seal appeared under a column entitled "Approved stamp."221

On the basis of a comparison with the standards, Cole identified all of the handwriting on the vaccination certificate, including the signature "A. J. Hideel," as the writing of Lee Harvey Oswald.222 Cadigan identified all of the writing as Oswald's except for the "A. J. Hideel" signature, which in his opinion was too distorted to either identify or nonidentify as Oswald's handwriting.223 The stamped material on the certificate was compared with a. rubber stamping kit which be-

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longed to Oswald.224 In this kit was a rubber stamp with three lines of print assembled :"L. H. OSWALD/4907 MAGAZINE ST/NEW ORLEANS, LA." 225 Cole found a perfect agreement in measurement and design between the letters stamped on the certificate and the letters he examined from Oswald's rubber stamping kit. However, he was unable to determine whether the characteristics of Oswald's rubber stamping kit were distinctive, and therefore, while he concluded that Oswald's rubber stamping kit could have made the rubber stamp impressions on the certificate, he was unable to say that it was the only kit which could have made the impressions.226 On the basis of the comparison between the words "NEW ORLEANS, LA." set up in the rubber stamp in Oswald's kit, and the words "NEW ORLEANS, LA." on the certificate, Cadigan concluded that these words had been stamped on the certificate with Oswald's rubber stamp. However, he could draw no conclusion as to the remaining stamped material, which was not directly comparable to the remaining lines set up on Oswald's rubber stamp.227

On close examination, the circular impression resembling a seal consisted of the words "BRUSH IN CAN," printed in reverse.228 Apparently, the impression was made with the top of a container of solvent or cleaning fluid which bore these words in raised lettering. In the center of the impression was a mottled pattern which was similar to the blank areas on a date stamp found in Oswald's rubber stamping kit.229

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The Fair Play for Cuba Committee Card

The Fair Play for Cuba Committee card had two signatures: "L. H. Oswald" and "A. J. Hidell." Based on the standards, both Cole and Cadigan identified "L. H. Oswald" as the signature of Lee Harvey Oswald,230 but both were unable to identify the "A. J. Hidell" signature.231 Cadigan noted differences between the Hidell signature and Oswald's handwriting, indicating the possibility that someone other than Oswald had authored the signature.232 Cole believed that the signature was somewhat beyond Oswald's abilities as a penman.233 On the basis of a short English interlinear translation written by Marina Oswald, Cole felt that she might have been the author of the signature,234 but the translation did not present enough of her handwriting to make possible a positive identification.235 In subsequent testimony before the Commission, Marina stated that she was indeed the author of the Hidell signature on the card.236 Cadigan confirmed this testimony by obtaining further samples of Marina Oswald's handwriting and comparing these samples with the signature on the card.237

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The Unsigned Russian-Language Note

Cadigan's examination confirmed Marina's testimony that the handwriting in the unsigned note, Commission Exhibit No. 1, was that of

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Lee Harvey Oswald.238 Since the note was written almost entirely in the Russian language, which uses the Cyrillic alphabet (as opposed to the Latin alphabet used in the English language), in making his examination Cadigan employed not only Oswald's English language standards, but. also letters written by Oswald in the Russian language.239

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The Homemade Wrapping Paper Bag

In the absence of watermarks or other distinctive characteristics, it is impossible to determine whether two samples of paper came from the same manufacturer.240 The homemade paper bag found on the sixth floor of the Texas School Book Depository following the assassination was made out of heavy brown paper and glue-bearing brown paper tape, neither of which contained watermarks or other distinctive characteristics.241 However, Cadigan compared the questioned paper and tape in the paper bag with known paper and tape samples obtained from the shipping department of the Texas School Book Depository on November 22, 1963, to see if the questioned items could have come from the shipping room.242 The questioned and known items were examined visually by normal, incidental, and transmitted natural and electric light, and under ultraviolet light; 243 examined microscopically for surface, paper structure, color, and imperfections; 244 examined for their felting pattern, which is the pattern of light and dark areas caused by the manner in which the fibers become felted at the beginning stages of paper manufacture; 245 measured for thickness with a micrometer sensitive to one one-thousandth of an inch,246 subjected to a fiber analysis to determine the type of fibers of which they were composed, and whether the fibers were bleached or unbleached; 247 and examined spectrographically to determine what metallic ions were present.248 The questioned and known items were identical in all the properties measured by these tests.249 (The width of the type on the paper sack was 3 inches, while the width of the sample tape was 2.975, or twenty-five thousandths of an inch smaller; however, this was not a significant difference).250 In contrast, a paper sample obtained from the Texas School Book Depository shipping room on December 1, 1963, was readily distinguishable from the questioned paper.251

Examination of the tape revealed other significant factors indicating that it could have come from the Texas School Book Depository shipping room. There were several strips of tape on the bag.252 All but two of the ends of these strips were irregularly torn; the remaining two ends had machine-cut edges. This indicated that the person who made the bag had drawn a long strip of tape from a dispensing machine and had torn it by hand into several smaller strips.253 Confirmation that the tape had been drawn from a dispensing machine was supplied by the fact that a series of small markings in the form of half-inch lines ran down the center of the tape like ties on a railroad track. Such lines are made by a ridged wheel in a tape dispenser which is constructed so that when a hand lever is pulled, the wheel, which is

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connected to the lever, pulls the tape from its roll and dispenses it. Such dispensers are usually found only in commercial establishments. A dispenser of this type was located in the Texas School Book Depository shipping room. The length of the lines and the number of lines per inch on the tape from the paper bag was identical to the length of the lines and the number of lines per inch on the tape obtained from the dispenser in the Texas School Book Depository shipping room.254

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WOUND BALLISTICS EXPERIMENTS

Purpose of the Tests

During the course of the Commission's inquiry, questions arose as to whether the wounds inflicted on President Kennedy and Governor Connally could have been caused by the Mannlicher-Carcano rifle found on the sixth floor of the Texas School Book Depository Building and Western Cartridge Co. bullets and fragments of the type found on the Governor's stretcher and in the Presidential limousine. In analyzing the trajectory of the bullets after they struck their victims, further questions were posed on the bullet's velocity and penetration power after exiting from the person who was initially struck. To answer these and related questions, the Commission requested that a series of tests be conducted on substances resembling the wounded portions of the bodies of President Kennedy and Governor Connally under conditions which simulated the events of the assassination.

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The Testers and Their Qualifications

In response to the Commission's request, an extensive series of tests were conducted by the Wound Ballistics Branch of the U.S. Army Chemical Research and Development Laboratories at Edgewood Arsenal, Md. Scientists working at that branch are engaged in full-time efforts to investigate the wound ballistics of missiles in order to test their effects on substances which simulate live human bodies.255 The tests for the Commission were performed by Dr. Alfred G. Olivier under the general supervision of Dr. Arthur J. Dziemian with consultation from Dr. Frederick W. Light, Jr.256 Dr. Olivier received His doctorate in veterinary medicine from the University of Pennsylvania in 1953. Since 1957 he has been engaged in research on wound ballistics at Edgewood Arsenal and is now chief of the Wound Ballistics Branch.257 His supervisor, Dr. Dziemian, who is chief of the Bio-physics Division at Edgewood Arsenal, holds a Ph.D. degree from Princeton in 1939, was a national research fellow in physiology at the University of Pennsylvania and was a fellow in anatomy at. Johns Hopkins University Medical School.258 Since 1947, Dr. Dziemian has been continuously engaged in wound ballistics work at Edgewood Arsenal.259 In 1930, Dr. Light was awarded an M.D. degree from

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Johns Hopkins Medical School and in 1948 received his Ph.D. from t, he same institution.260 After serving a residency in pathology, he worked as a pathologist until 1940 when he returned to Johns Hopkins University to study mathematics. Since 1951, Dr. Light has been engaged in the study of the pathology of wounding at Edgewood Arsenal.261 All three of these distinguished scientists testified before the Commission.

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General Testing Conditions

The Commission made available to the Edgewood Arsenal scientists all the relevant facts relating to the wounds which were inflicted on President Kennedy and Governor Connally including the autopsy report on the President, and the reports and X-rays from Parkland Hospital.262 In addition, Drs. Olivier and Light had an opportunity to discuss in detail the Governor's wounds with the Governor's surgeons, Drs. Robert R. Shaw and Charles F. Gregory.263 The Zapruder films of the assassination were viewed with Governor and Mrs. Connally to give the Edgewood scientists their version.264 The Commission also provided the Edgewood scientists with all known data on the source of the shots, the rifle and bullets used, and the distances involved. For purposes of the experiments, the Commission turned over to the Edgewood testers the Mannlicher-Carcano rifle found on the sixth floor of the Depository Building.265 From information provided by the Commission, the Edgewood scientists obtained Western bullets of the type used by the assassin.266

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Tests on Penetration Power and Bullet Stability

Comparisons were made of the penetrating power of Western bullets fired from the assassination rifle with other bullets.267 From the Mannlicher-Carcano rifle, the Western bullet was fired through two gelatin blocks totaling 72.5 centimeters in length. 268 As evidenced by Commission Exhibit No. 844, which is a photograph from a high-speed motion picture, the Western bullets passed through 1.5 blocks in a straight line before their trajectory curved.269 After coming out of the second gelatin block, a number of the bullets buried themselves in a mound of earth.270



Under similar circumstances, a bullet described as the NATO round M-80 was fired from a M-14 rifle.271 The penetrating power of the latter is depicted in Commission Exhibit No. 845 which shows that bullet possesses much less penetrating power with a quicker tumbling action. Those characteristics cause an early release of energy which brings the bullet to a stop at shorter distances.272 A further test was made with a 257 Winchester Roberts soft-nosed hunting bullet as depicted in Commission Exhibit No. 846. That bullet became deformed almost immediately upon entering the block of gelatin and released its energy very rapidly.278 From these tests, it was concluded that the Western bullet fired from the Mannlicher-Carcano had "terrific penetrating ability" and would retain substantial veloc-

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ity after passing through objects such as the portions of the human body. 274

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Tests Simulating President Kennedy's Neck Wound

After reviewing the autopsy report on President Kennedy, the Edgewood scientists simulated the portion of the President's neck through which the bullet passed. It was determined that the bullet traveled through 13.5 to 14.5 centimeters of tissue in the President's neck.275 That substance was simulated by constructing three blocks: one with a 20-percent gelatin composition, a second from one animal meat and a third from another animal meat.276 Those substances duplicated as closely as possible the portion of the President's neck through which the bullet passed.277 At the time the tests were conducted, it was estimated that the President, was struck at a range of approximately 180 feet, and the onsite tests which were conducted later at Dallas established that the President was shot through the neck at a range of 174.9 feet to 190.8 feet. 278 At a range of 180 feet, the Western bullets were fired from the assassination weapon, which has a muzzle velocity of approximately 2,160 feet per second, through those substances which were placed beside a break-type screen for measuring velocity.279 The average entrance velocity at 180 feet. was 1,904 feet per second.280

To reconstruct the assassination situation as closely as possible both sides of the substances were covered with material and clipped animal skin to duplicate human skin.281 The average exit velocity was 1,779 feet from the gelatin, 1,798 feet from the first animal meat and 1,772 feet from the second animal meat.282 Commission Exhibit No. 847 depicts one of the animal meats compressed to 13.5 to 14.5 centimeters to approximate the President's neck and Commission Exhibit No. 848 shows the analogous arrangement for the gelatin.283 The photograph marked Commission Exhibit No. 849 shows the bullet passing through the gelatin in a straight line evidencing very stable characteristics.284

Commission Exhibit No. 850 depicts the pieces of clipped animal skin placed on the points of entry and exit showing that the holes of entrance are round while the holes of exit are "a little more elongated." 285 From these tests, it was concluded that the bullet lost little of its velocity in penetrating the President's neck so that there would have been substantial impact on the interior of the Presidential limousine or anyone else struck by the exiting bullet. In addition, these tests indicated that the bullet, had retained most of its stability in penetrating the President's neck so that the exit hole would be only Slightly different from the appearance of the entry hole.286

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Tests Simulating Governor Connally's Chest Wounds

To most closely approximate the Governor's chest injuries, the Edgewood scientists shot an animal with the assassination weapon

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using the Western bullets at a distance of 210 feet.287 The onsite tests later determined that the Governor was wounded at a distance of 176.9 feet to 190.8 feet from the sixth-floor window at the southeast corner of the Depository Building.288 The average striking velocity of 11 shots at 210 feet was 1,929 feet per second and the average exit velocity was 1,664 feet per second.289

One of the shots produced an injury on the animal's rib very similar to that inflicted on Governor Connally. 290 For purposes of comparison with the Governor's wound, the Edgewood scientists studied the Park]and Hospital report and X-rays, and they also discussed these wounds with Dr. Shaw, the Governor's chest surgeon.291 The similar animal injury passed along the animal's eighth left rib causing a fracture which removed a portion of the rib in a manner very similar to the wound sustained by the Governor. 292 The X-ray of that wound on the animal is reproduced as Commission Exhibit No. 852. 293 A comparison with the Governor's chest wound, shown in X-ray marked as Commission Exhibit No. 681, shows the remarkable similarity between those two wounds.294

The bullet which produced the wound depicted in Commission Exhibits Nos. 851 and 852 was marked as Commission Exhibit No. 853 and possessed characteristics very similar to the bullet marked as Commission Exhibit No. 399 found on Governor Connally's stretcher and believed to have been the bullet which caused his chest wound.295 Those bullets, identified as Commission Exhibits Nos. 399 and 853, were flattened in similar fashion.296 In addition, the lead core was extruded from the rear in the same fashion on both bullets.297 One noticeable difference was that the bullet identified as Commission Exhibit No. 853, which penetrated the animal, was somewhat more fiat than Commission Exhibit No. 399 which indicated that Commission Exhibit No. 853 was probably traveling at somewhat greater speed than the bullet which penetrated the Governor's chest.298 After the bullet passed through the animal, it left an imprint on the velocity screen immediately behind the animal which was almost the length of the bullet indicating that the bullet was traveling sideways or end over end.299 Taking into consideration the extra girth on the Governor, the reduction in the velocity of the bullet passing through his body was estimated at 400 feet.300 The conclusions from the animal shots are significant when taken in conjunction with the experiments performed simulating the injuries to the Governor's wrist.

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Tests Simulating Governor Connally's Wrist Wounds

Following procedures identical to those employed in simulating the chest wound, the wound ballistics experts from Edgewood Arsenal reproduced, as closely as possible, the Governor's wrist wound. Again the scientists examined the reports and X-rays from Parkland Hospital and discussed the Governor's wrist wound with the attending orthopedic surgeon, Dr. Charles F. Gregory.301 Bone structures were then shot with Western bullets fired from the assassination

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weapon at a distance of 210 feet.302 The most similar bone-structure shot was analyzed in testimony before the Commission. An X-ray designated as Commission Exhibit No. 854 and a photograph of that X-ray which appears as Commission Exhibit No. 855 show a fracture at a location which is very similar to the Governor's wrist wound depicted in X-rays marked as Commission Exhibits Nos. 690 and 691.303

The average striking velocity of the shots was 1,858 feet per second. 304 The average exit velocity was 1,786 feet per second for the 7 out of 10 shots from bone structures which could be measured.305 These tests demonstrated that Governor Connally's wrist was not struck by a pristine bullet, which is a missile that strikes an object before hitting anything else.306 This conclusion was based on the following factors: (1) Greater damage was inflicted on the bone structure than that which was suffered by the Governor's wrist; 307 and (2) the bone structure had a smaller entry wound and a larger exit wound which is characteristic of a pristine bullet as distinguished from the Governor's wrist which had a larger wound of entry indicating a bullet which was tumbling with substantial reduction in velocity.308 In addition, if the bullet found on the Governor's stretcher (Commission Exhibit No. 399) inflicted the wound on the Governor's wrist, then it could not have passed through the Governor's wrist had it been a pristine bullet, for the nose would have been considerably flattened, as was the bullet which struck the bone structure, identified as Commission Exhibit No. 856.309

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Conclusions From Simulating the Neck, Chest, and Wrist Wounds

Both Drs. Olivier and Dziemian expressed the Opinion that one bullet caused all the wounds on Governor Connally.310 The wound to the Governor's wrist was explained by circumstances where the bullet passed through the Governor's chest, lost substantial velocity in doing so, tumbled through the wrist, and then slightly penetrated the Governor's left thigh.311 Thus, the results of the wound ballistics tests support the conclusions of Governor Connally's doctors that all his wounds were caused by one bullet.312

In addition, the wound ballistics tests indicated that it was most probable that the same bullet passed through the President's neck and then proceeded to inflict all the wounds on the Governor. That conclusion was reached by Drs. Olivier and Dziemian based on the medical evidence on the wounds of the President and the Governor and the tests they performed.313 It was their opinion that the wound on the Governor's wrist would have been more extensive had the bullet which inflicted that injury merely passed through the Governor's chest exiting at a velocity of approximately 1,500 feet per second.

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Thus, the Governor's wrist wound indicated that the bullet passed through the President's neck, began to yaw in the air between the President and the Governor, and then lost substantially more velocity than 400 feet per second in passing through the Governor's chest.314 A bullet which was yawing on entering into the Governor's back would lose substantially more velocity in passing through his body than a pristine bullet.315 In addition, the greater flattening of the bullet. that struck the animal's rib (Commission Exhibit No. 853) than the bullet which presumably struck the Governor's rib (Commission Exhibit No. 399) indicates that the animal bullet was traveling at a greater velocity.316 That suggests that the bullet which entered the Governor's chest had already lost velocity by passing through the President's neck.317 Moreover, the large wound on the Governor's back would be explained by a bullet which was yawing although that type of wound might also be accounted for by a tangential striking.318

Dr. Frederick W. Light, Jr., the third of the wound ballistics experts, testified that the anatomical findings alone were insufficient for him to formulate a firm opinion on whether the same bullet did or did not pass through the President's neck first before inflicting all the wounds on Governor Connally.319 Based on the other circumstances, such as the relative positions in the automobile of the President and the Governor, Dr. Light concluded that it was probable that the same bullet traversed the President's neck and inflicted all the wounds on Governor Connally.320

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Tests Simulating President Kennedy's Head Wounds

Additional tests were performed on inert. skulls filled with a 20 percent gelatin substance and then coated with additional gelatin to approximate the soft tissues overlying the skull.321 The skull was then draped with simulated hair as depicted in Commission Exhibit No. 860.322 Using the Mannlicher-Carcano rifle and the Western bullets, 10 shots were fired at the reconstructed skulls from a distance of 270 feet which was the estimated distance at the time those tests were conducted.323 It was later determined through the onsite tests that President Kennedy was struck in the back of the head at a distance of 265.3 feet from the assassination weapon.324

The general results of these tests were illustrated by the findings on one skull which was struck at a point most nearly approximating the wound of entry on President Kennedy's head.325 The whole skull, depicted in Commission Exhibit No. 860, was struck 2.9 centimeters to the right and almost horizontal to the occipital protuberance or slightly above it, which was virtually the precise point of entry on the President's head as described by the autopsy surgeons.326 That bullet blew out the right side of the reconstructed skull in a manner very similar to the head wounds of the President.327 The consequences on that skull are depicted in Commission Exhibits Nos. 861 and 862, which illustrate the testimony of Dr. Alfred G. Olivier, who supervised the experiments.328 Based on his review of the autopsy report,

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Dr. Olivier concluded that the damage to the reconstructed skull was very similar to the wound inflicted on the President.329

Two fragments from the bullet which struck the test skull closely resembled the two fragments found in the front seat of the Presidential limousine. The fragment designated as Commission Exhibit No. 567 is a mutilated piece of lead and copper very similar to a mutilated piece of copper recovered from the bullet which struck the skull depicted in Commission Exhibit No. 860. The other fragment, designated as Commission Exhibit No. 569 which was found in the front seat of the Presidential limousine, is the copper end of the bullet.330 Commission Exhibit No. 569 is very similar to a copper fragment of the end of the bullet which struck the test skull.331 The fragments from the test bullet are designated as Commission Exhibit No. 857 and are depicted in a photograph identified as Commission Exhibit No. 858.332 A group of small lead particles, recovered from the test bullet, are also very similar to the particles recovered under the left. jump seat and in the President's head. The particles from the test bullet are a part of Commission Exhibit No. 857 and are depicted in photograph designated as Commission Exhibit No. 859. 333 That skull was depicted as Commission Exhibit No. 862.334

As a result of these tests, Dr. Olivier concluded that the Western bullet fired from the Mannlicher-Carcano rifle at a distance of 270 feet would make the same type of wound found on the President's head.335 Prior to the tests, Dr. Olivier had some doubt that such a stable bullet would cause a massive head wound like that inflicted on the President.336 He had thought it more likely that such a striking bullet would make small entrance and exit holes.337 The tests, however, showed that the bones of the skull were sufficient to deform the end of the bullet causing it to expend a great deal of energy and thereby blow out the side of the skull.338 These tests further confirmed the autopsy surgeons' opinions that the President's head wound was not caused by a dumdum bullet. 339 Because of the test results, Dr. Olivier concluded that the fragments found on and under the front seat of the President's car most probably came from the bullet which struck the President's head.340 It was further concluded that the damage done to Governor Connally's wrist could not have resulted from a fragment from the bullet which struck President Kennedy's head.341

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HAIRS AND FIBERS

Testimony on hairs and fibers was given by Paul M. Stombaugh 342 of the FBI. Stombaugh has been a specialist in hairs and fibers since 1960, when he began a 1-year period of specialized training in this field. He has made thousands of hair and fiber examinations, and has testified in Federal and State courts in approximately 28 States.343 Stombaugh examined and gave testimony on the following objects: (1) The green and brown blanket found in the Paine's garage, Commission Exhibit No. 140; (2) the homemade paper bag found on the sixth floor

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This page reproduces COMMISSION EXHIBIT 666: Diagram of a hair

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of the Texas School Book Depository following the assassination, Commission Exhibit No. 142; (3) the shirt worn by Oswald on November 22, 1963, Commission Exhibit No. 150; and (4) the C2766 rifle, Commission Exhibit No. 139.

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General Principles

Hairs.--As shown in Commission Exhibit No. 666 (p. 587), a hair consists of a central shaft of air cells, known as the medulla; a cortex containing pigment granules (which give the hair its color) and cortical fusi (air spaces); and a cuticle and an outer layer of scales. Unlike fingerprints, hairs are not unique. However, human hairs can be distinguished from animal hairs by various characteristics, including color, texture, length, medullary structure and shape, shape of pigment, root size, and scale size. In addition, hairs of the Caucasian, Negroid, and Mongoloid human races can be distinguished from each other by color, texture., size and degree of fluctuation of diameter, thickness of cuticle, shape and distribution of pigment, and shape of cross-section. Moreover, even though individual hairs are not unique, the expert usually can distinguish the hairs of different individuals. Thus, Stombaugh, who had made approximately 1,000 comparison examinations of Caucasian hairs and 500 comparison examinations of Negroid hairs, had never found a case in which he was unable to differentiate the hairs of two different Caucasian individuals, and had found only several cases in which he could not distinguish, with absolute certainty, between the hairs of two different Negroid individuals. 344

Fibers.--Like hairs, the various types of natural and artificial fibers can be distinguished from each other under the microscope. Like hairs too, individual fibers are not unique, but the expert usually can distinguish fibers from different fabrics. A major identifying characteristic of most fibers is color, and under the microscope many different shades of each color can be differentiated--for example, 50-100 shades of green or blue, and 25-30 shades of black. The microscopic appearance of three types of fibers---cotton, wool, and viscose-is illustrated in Commission Exhibit No. 665 (p. 589). Two of these, cotton and viscose, were the subject of testimony by Stombaugh. Cotton is a natural fiber. Under the microscope, it resembles a twisted soda straw, and the degree of twist is an additional identifying characteristic of cotton. Cotton may be mercerized or (more commonly) unmercerized. Viscose is an artificial fiber. A delustering agent is usually added to viscose to cut down its luster, and under the microscope this agent appears as millions of tiny spots on the outside of the fiber. The major identifying characteristics of viscose, apart from color, are diameter--hundreds of variations being possible -- and size and distribution of delustering agent, if any. 345

The blanket.--Stombaugh received the blanket, Commission Exhibit No. 140, in the FBI Laboratory at 7:30 a.m., on November 23, 1963.346 Examination showed that it was composed of brown and green fibers, of which approximately 1-2 percent were woolen, 20-35 percent

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This page reproduces COMMISSION EXHIBIT No. 665: Diagrams of Textile Fibers showing cotton, wool, and viscose.

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were cotton, and the remainder were delustered viscose.347 The viscose fibers in the blanket were of 10-15 different diameters, and also varied slightly in shade and in the size and distribution of the delustering agent. (The apparent cause of those variations was that the viscose in the blanket consisted of scrap viscose.) 348 The cotton also varied in shade, about seven to eight different shades of green cotton being present, but was uniform in twist.349

When received by Stombaugh, the blanket was folded into approximately the shape of a narrow right triangle.350 A safety pin was inserted in one end of the blanket, and also at this end, loosely wrapped around the blanket, was a string.351 On the basis of creases in the blanket in this area it appeared that the string had been tied around the blanket rather tightly at one time while something was inside the blanket.352 Other creases and folds were also present, as illustrated in Commission Exhibit No. 663.353 Among these was a crease or hump approximately 10 inches long.354 This crease must have been caused by a hard protruding object approximately 10 inches long which had been tightly wrapped in the blanket, causing the yarn to stretch so that the hump was present even when the object had been extracted.355 The hump was approximately the same length and shape as the telescopic sight on the C2766 rifle, and its position with respect to the ends of the blanket was such (based on the manner in which the blanket was folded when Stombaugh received it) that had the rifle been in the blanket the telescopic sight could have made the hump.356

The string wrapped around the blanket was made of ordinary white cotton.357 It had been tied into a granny knot (a very common knot tied right over right, right over right) and the dangling ends had been further tied into a bow knot (the knot used on shoelaces).358

After receiving the blanket, Stombaugh scraped it to remove the foreign textile fibers and hairs that were present.359 He found numerous foreign textile fibers of various types and colors, and a number of limb, pubic, and head hairs, all of which had originated from persons of the Caucasian race, and had fallen out naturally, as was shown by the shape of their roots.360 Several of the limb and pubic hairs matched samples of Oswald's limb and pubic hairs obtained by the Dallas police in all observable characteristics, including certain relatively unusual characteristics.361 For example, in both Oswald's pubic hairs and some of the blanket pubic hairs, the color was a medium brown, which remained constant to the tip, where it changed to a very light brown and then became transparent, due to lack of color pigments; the diameters were identical, and rather narrow for pubic hairs; the hairs were very smooth, lacking the knobbiness characteristic of pubic hairs, and the upper two-thirds were extremely smooth for pubic hairs; the tips of the hairs were sharp, which is unusual for pubic hairs; the cuticle was very thin for pubic hairs; the scales displayed only a very small protrusion; the pigmentation was very fine, equally dispersed, and occasionally chained together, and displayed only very slight gapping; cortical fusi were for the most part absent; the medulla was either fairly continuous or completely absent; and the

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root area was rather clear of pigment, and contained only a fair amount of cortical fusi, which was unusual.362 Similarly, in both Oswald's limb hairs and some of the limb hairs from the blanket the co]or was light brown through its entire length; the diameter was very fine and did not noticeably fluctuate; the tips were very sharp, which is unusual; the scales were of medium size, with very slight protrusion; there was a very slight gapping of the pigmentation near the cuticle; there was an unusual amount of cortical fusi, equally distributed through the hair shaft; and the medulla was discontinuous, granular, very bulbous, and very uneven.363

Other limb, pubic, and head hairs on the blanket did not come from Oswald.364

The paper bag.--Stombaugh received the paper bag, Commission Exhibit No. 142, at 7:30 a.m. on November 23, 1963.365 No foreign material was found on the outside of the bag except traces of fingerprint powder and several white cotton fibers, which were of no significance, since white cotton is the most common textile, and at any rate the fibers may have come from Stombaugh's white cotton gloves.366 Inside the bag were a tiny wood fragment which was too minute for comparison purposes, and may have come from the woodpulp from which the paper was made; a particle of a waxy substance, like candle wax; and a single brown delustered viscose fiber and several light-green cotton fibers.367

The fibers found inside the bag were compared with brown viscose and green cotton fibers taken from the blanket.. The brown viscose fiber found in the bag matched some of the brown viscose fibers from the blanket in all observable characteristics, i.e., shade, diameter, and size and distribution of delustering agent. 368 The green cotton fibers found in the bag were, like those from the blanket, of varying shades, but of a uniform twist. Each green cotton fiber from the bag matched some of the green cotton fibers from the blanket. in all observable characteristics, i.e., shade and degree of twist. Like the blanket cotton fibers, the cotton fibers found in the bag were unmercerized. 369

The shirt.--Stombaugh received the shirt, Commission Exhibit No. 150, at 7:30 a.m. on November 23, 1963.370 Examination showed that it was composed of gray-black, dark blue, and orange-yellow cotton fibers.371 The orange-yellow and gray-black cotton fibers were of a uniform shade, and the dark-blue fibers were of three different shades.372 All the fibers were mercerized and of substantially uniform degree of twist.373

The C2766 rifle.-- The rifle, Commission Exhibit No. 139, was received in the FBI Laboratory on the morning of November 1963, and examined for foreign material at that time.374 Stombaugh noticed immediately that the rifle had been dusted for fingerprints, "and at the time I noted to myself that I doubted very much if there would be any fibers adhering to the outside of this gun--I possibly might. find some in a crevice some place--because when the latent fingerprint man dusted this gun, apparently in Dallas, they use a little brush to dust with they would have dusted any

Page 592

fibers off the gun at the same time ... "375 In fact, most of the fibers Stombaugh found were either adhering to greasy, oily deposits or were jammed down into crevices, and were so dirty, old, and fragmented that he could not even determine what type of fibers they were.376 However, Stombaugh found that a tiny tuft of fibers had caught on a jagged edge on the rifle's metal butt plate where it met the end of the wooden stock, and had adhered to this edge, so that when the rifle had been dusted for fingerprints the brush had folded the tuft into a crevice between the butt plate and the stock, where it remained.377 Stombaugh described these fibers as "fresh," 378 by which he meant that "they were clean, they had good color to them, there was no grease on them and they were not fragmented." 379 However, it was not possible to determine how long the fibers had been on the rifle, in the absence of information as to how frequently the rifle had been used.380 Examination showed that the tuft was composed of six or seven orange-yellow, gray-black, and dark-blue cotton fibers. These fibers were compared with fibers from the shirt, Commission Exhibit No. 150, which was also composed of orange- yellow, gray-black, and dark-blue cotton fibers. The orange-yellow and gray-black tuft fibers matched the comparable shirt fibers in all observable characteristics, i.e., shade and twist. The three dark-blue fibers matched two of the three shades of the dark-blue shirt fibers, and also matched the dark-blue shirt. fibers in degree of twist.381 Based on these facts, Stombaugh concluded that the tuft of fibers found on the rifle "could easily" have come from the shirt, and that "there is no doubt in my mind that these fibers could have come from this shirt. There is no way, however, to eliminate the possibility of the fibers having come from another identical shirt." 382

Return to Top

PHOTOGRAPHS

Two photographs of Lee Harvey Oswald holding a rifle were found among Oswald's possessions in Mrs. Ruth Paine's garage at 2515 West Fifth Street, Irving, Tex.383 In one, Commission Exhibit No. 133-A, Oswald is holding the rifle generally in front of his body; in the other, Commission Exhibit. No. 133-B, he is holding the rifle to his right. Also found at Mrs. Paine's garage were a negative of 133-B and several photographs of the rear of General Walker's house.384 An Imperial reflex camera,385 which Marina Oswald testified she used to take 133-A and 133-B, was subsequently produced by Robert Oswald, Lee Harvey Oswald's brother.386 Testimony concerning the photographs, the negative, and the camera was given by Lyndal D. Shaneyfelt of the FBI.387 Shaneyfelt has been connected with photographic work since 1937. He has made 100-300 photographic examinations, and has testified frequently on the subject in court.388

Photographs 133-A and 133-B.--The background and lighting in 133-A and 133-B are virtually identical; the only apparent difference between the two photographs is the pose. However, in 188-A the rifle

Page 593

is held in a position showing many more of its characteristics than are shown in 133-B.389 In order to bring out the details in the rifle pictured in 133-A, Shaneyfelt rephotographed 133-A and prepared prints of varying densities from the new negative.390 He also took two new photographs of the C2766 rifle itself: one shows the rifle in approximately the same position as the rifle pictured in 133-A. The other shows a man holding the rifle simulating the pose in 133-A.391 Shaneyfelt compared the actual rifle, the photograph 133-A, his rephotographs of 133-A, and the two new photographs to determine whether the rifle pictured in 133-A was the C2766 rifle. He found it to be the same in all appearances, noted no differences, and found a notch in the stock of the C2766 which also appeared very faintly in 133-A. However, he did not find enough peculiarities to positively identify the rifle in 133-A as the C2766 rifle, as distinguished from other rifles of the same configuration.392

The rifle's position in 133-B is such that less of its characteristics were visible than in 183-A; essentially, 133-B show's only the bottom of the rifle. However, the characteristics of the rifle visible in 133-B are also similar to the observable characteristics of the C2766 rifle, except that while the C2766 rifle was equipped with a homemade leather sling when it was found after the assassination, the rifle in 133-B seems to be equipped with a homemade rope sling.393 The portion of the sling visible in 133-A is too small to establish whether it is rope or leather, but it has the appearance of rope, and its configuration is consistent with the rope sling pictured in 133-B.394

The negative.--Shaneyfelt's examination of the negative, Commission Exhibit No. 749, showed that the photograph, 133-B, had been printed directly or indirectly from the negative. lt was Shaneyfelt's opinion that 188-B had been directly from the negative, but he could not absolutely eliminate the possibility of an internegative, that is, the possibility that a print had been produced from the negative 749, a photograph had been taken of that print, and 133-B had been produced from the new negative, rather than from the original negative.395 "I think this is highly unlikely, because if this were the result of a copied negative, there would normally be evidence that I could detect, such as a loss of detail and imperfections that show up due to the added process." 396 In any event, any "intermediate" print would have been virtually indistinguishable from 133-B, so that Shaneyfelt's testimony conclusively established that either 133-B or a virtually indistinguishable print had been produced from the negative 749.

The camera.--The Imperial camera, Commission Exhibit No. 750, was a relatively inexpensive, fixed- focus, one-shutter-speed, box-type camera, made in the United States.397 Shaneyfelt compared this camera with the negative, Commission Exhibit No. 749, to determine whether this negative had been taken with the camera.398 To make this determination, Shaneyfelt compared the margins of the image on Commission Exhibit No. 749 with the margins of the image on a negative

Page 594

This page reproduces COMMISSION EXHIBIT NO. 751: Photograph of Oswald's Imperial Reflex camera, with the back removed to show the camera's film- plane aperture.

Page 595

he himself had taken with the camera. Microscopic examination shows that the margins of a negative's image, although apparently straight, are actually irregular. The irregularities usually do not show on a finished print, because they are blocked out to give the print a neat border.399 The cause of these irregularities can be best understood by examination of Commission Exhibit No. 751 (p. 594), a photograph of the Imperial camera with the back removed to show the camera's film-plane aperture. When the camera's shutter is opened, light exposes that portion of the film which is not blocked off by this aperture. The edges of the aperture, therefore, define the edges of the image which will appear on the developed negative. In effect, the edge of the image is a shadowgraph of the edge of the aperture. As Shaneyfelt testified:
... the basis of the examination was a close microscopic study of the negative made in the camera to study the shadowgraph that. is made of the edge of the aperture.

As the film is placed across the aperture of the camera, and the shutter is opened, light comes through and exposes the film only in the opening within the edges. Where the film is out over the edges of the aperture it is not exposed, and your result is an exposed negative with a- clear edge, and on the negative then, the edges of that exposure of the photograph, are actually shadow-graphs of the edges of the aperture.400
The basis of the identification is that the microscopic characteristics of every film-plane aperture, like those of a rifle barrel, are distinctive, for much the same reason; that is, when the camera is manufactured, certain handwork is done which differs microscopically from camera to camera, and further differences accrue as the camera is used. As Shaneyfelt testified:
Q. Mr. Shaneyfelt, what is the basis of your statement, the theoretical basis of your statement, that every camera with this type of back aperture arrangement is unique in the characteristics of the shadowgraph it makes on the negative?

Mr. SHANEYFELT. It is because of the minute variations that even two cameras from the same mold will have. Additional handwork on cameras, or filing the edges where a little bit of plastic or a little bit of metal stays on, make individual characteristics apart from those that would be general characteristics on all of them from the same mold.

In addition, as the film moves across the camera and it is used for a considerable length of time, dirt and debris tend to accumulate a little--or if the aperture is painted, little lumps in the paint will make little bumps along that edge that would make that then individually different from every other camera.

Q. Is this similar then to toolmark identification?

Mr. SHANEYFELT. Very similar; yes.401
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Based on his examination of the shadowgraph on the negative, Commission Exhibit No. 749, Shaneyfelt determined that it had been taken with the Imperial camera.402

Three edges of the shadowgraph of the film-plane aperture were also visible on one of the photographs of General Walker's house, not having been blocked out in the making of the print. On the basis of these three margins, Shaneyfelt determined that this photograph had also been taken with Oswald's Imperial Reflex camera. Shaneyfelt could not determine whether 133-A had been photographed with the Imperial camera, because the negative of 133-A had not been found, and the print itself did not show a shadowgraph area.403

During his interrogations Oswald had been shown 133-A, and had claimed it was a. composite--that the face in the picture was his, but the body was not.404 Shaneyfelt examined 133-A and 133-B to. determine if they were composite pictures. He concluded that they were not:
... it is my opinion that they are not composites. Again with very, very minor reservation, because I cannot entirely eliminate an extremely expert composite. I have examined many composite photographs, and there is always an inconsistency, either in lighting of the portion that is added, or the configuration indicating a different lens used for the part that was added to the original photograph, things many times that you can't point to and say this is a. characteristic, or that is a characteristic, but they have definite variations that are not consistent throughout the picture.

I found no such characteristics in this picture.

In addition, with a composite it is always necessary to make a print that you then make a pasteup of. In this instance paste the face in, and rephotograph it, and then retouch out the area where the head was cut out, which would leave a characteristic that would be retouched out on the negative and then that would be printed.

Normally, this retouching can be seen under magnification in the resulting composite--points can be seen where the edge of the head had been added and it hadn't been entirely retouched out.

This can nearly always be detected under magnification. I found no such characteristics in these pictures.

Q. Did you use the technique of magnification in your analysis?

A. Yes.405
Furthermore, the negative, Commission Exhibit No. 749, showed absolutely no doctoring or composition.406 Since the negative was made in Oswald's Imperial camera, Commission Exhibit No. 750, a composite of 133-B could have been made only by putting two pictures together and rephotographing them in the Imperial camera--all without leaving a discernible trace. This, to Shaneyfelt, was "in the realm of the impossible":

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In addition, in this instance regarding 133-B which I have just stated, I have identified as being photographed or exposed in the camera which is Exhibit 750, for this to be a composite, they would have had to make a picture of the background with an individual standing there, and then substitute the face, and retouch it and then possibly rephotograph it and retouch that negative, and make a print, and then photo graph it with this camera, which is Commission Exhibit 750, in order to have this negative which we have identified with the camera, and is Commission Exhibit 749.

This to me is beyond reasonable doubt, it just doesn't seem that it would be at all possible, in this particular photograph.407

Q. You have the negative of this? [Referring to Exhibit 133B.]

A. We have the negative of 133B.

Q. You have the negative of 133B. That negative in itself shows no doctoring or composition at all?

A. It shows absolutely no doctoring or composition.

Q. So that the only composition that could have been made would have been in this process which you have described of picture on picture and negative and then photographing?

A. And then finally rephotographing with this camera.

Q. Rephotographing with this camera, this very camera?

A. That is correct, and this then, to me, becomes in the realm of the impossible.408
Following the assassination, photographs similar to 133-A appeared in a number of newspapers and magazines.409 At least some of these photographs, as reproduced, differed both from 133-A and from each other in minor details.410 Shaneyfelt examined several of these reproductions and concluded that in each case the individual publisher had taken a reproduction of 133-A and retouched it in various ways, apparently for clarifying purposes, thus accounting for the differences between the reproductions and 133-A, and the differences between the reproductions themselves.411 Subsequently one of the publishers involved submitted the original photographs which it had retouched. Shaneyfelt's examination of this photograph confirmed his original conclusion.412 The remaining publishers either confirmed that they had retouched the photographs they had used, or failed to contradict Shaneyfelt's testimony after having been given an opportunity to do so.413

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Appendix 11: Reports Relating to the Interrogation of Lee Harvey Oswald at the Dallas Police Department
As discussed in chapters IV and V, Lee Harvey Oswald was interrogated for a total of approximately 12 hours between 2:30 p.m. on Friday, November 22, 1963, and 11:15 a.m. on Sunday, November 24, 1963. There were no stenographic or tape recordings of these interviews. Several of the investigators present at one or more of the interrogation sessions, prior to testifying before the Commission, had prepared memoranda setting forth their recollections of the questioning of Oswald and his responses. The following are the most important of these reports.

Pages 599 through 611 reproduce the report of Capt. J. W. Fritz, Dallas Police Department.

Pages 612 through 625 reproduce reports of Agents of the Federal Bureau of Investigation.

Pages 626 through 632 reproduce reports of Inspector Thomas J. Kelley, U.S. Secret Service.

Pages 632 through 636 reproduce a report of U.S. Postal Inspector H. D. Holmes.

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Appendix 12: Speculations and Rumors
Introduction
The Source of the Shots
The Assassin
Oswald's Movements between 12:33 and 1:15 P.M.
Murder of Tippit
Oswald After his Arrest
Oswald in the Soviet Union
Oswald's Trip to Mexico City
Oswald and U.S. Government Agencies
Conspiratorial Relationships
Other Rumors and Speculations
Myths have traditionally surrounded the dramatic assassinations of history. The rumors and theories about the assassination of Abraham Lincoln that are still being publicized were for the most part first bruited within months of his death. Wherever there is any element of mystery in such dramatic events misconceptions often result from sensational speculations.

Lacking the testimony of Lee Harvey Oswald, it has been necessary to reconstruct painstakingly all of the facts that led the Commission to the conclusion that Oswald assassinated President Kennedy, acting alone and without advice or assistance. The Commission has found no credible evidence that he was a member of a foreign or domestic conspiracy of any kind. Nor was there any evidence that he was involved with any criminal or underworld elements or that he had any association with his slayer, Jack Ruby, except as his victim. The evidence on these issues has been set forth in great detail in this report.

In addition the Commission has inquired into the various hypotheses, rumors, and speculations that have arisen from the tragic developments of November 22-24, 1963. It is recognized that the public judgment of these events has been influenced, at least to some extent, by these conjectures.

Many questions have been raised about the facts out of genuine puzzlement or because of misinformation which attended some of the early reporting of the fast-crowding events of these 3 days. Most of the speculation and attempted reconstruction of these events by the public centered on these basic questions: Was Lee Harvey Oswald really the assassin of the President; why did he do it; did he have any accomplices; and why did Ruby shoot Oswald? Many of the theories and hypotheses advanced have rested on premises which the Commission feels deserve critical examination.

Many people who witnessed the assassination and the killing of Oswald or were present in the area were a major source of diverse and often contradictory information. As is easily understood under such circumstances, all of the witnesses did not see and hear the same thing or interpret what they saw and heard the same way and many changed their stories as they repeated them. Moreover, they were interviewed at different times after the event by different people and often under circumstances which made accurate reporting extremely difficult.

Even the occupants of the cars in the Presidential motorcade were not entirely in agreement in their accounts because they, too, saw and heard what happened from different positions. Moreover, those closest to the assassination were subjected to a physical and emotional

Page 638

strain that tended to affect their recollections of what they thought they saw or heard. Consequently, the presentation of the news from Dallas included much misinformation. This, to some extent, was unavoidable, but the widespread and repetitive dissemination of every scrap of information about the President's assassination and its aftermath has helped to build up a large number of erroneous conclusions. The manner in which local authorities released information about. the investigation, sometimes before it could be verified in all detail, has further contributed to the fund of ill-founded theories. Typographical mistakes in the press and failure to transcribe sound accurately from tapes resulted in errors, some of which have remained uncorrected in print at the time of the publication of this report.

Much of the speculation that has persisted in one form or another since November 22-24 came from people who usually spoke in good faith. Some of the errors have resulted simply from a lack of complete knowledge at the time of the event. In this category are the statements attributed to doctors at Parkland Memorial Hospital who attended the dying President and described his wounds to the press afterward. It remained for the autopsy in Washington, completed early the next morning, to ascertain the full facts concerning the wounds. The correction of earlier assertions of fact on the basis of later and fuller analysis or investigation is a normal part of the process of accumulation of evidence. But it is not often that the process is conducted in such an intense glare of worldwide publicity, and later corrections have difficulty overtaking the original sensational reports.

There is still another category of speculation and rumor that complicated and broadened the work of the Commission. Numerous people claimed to have seen Oswald or Ruby at various times and places in the United States or abroad. Others insisted that during the days following the assassination, they had detected significant actions on television that- were witnessed by no one else. Still others assumed from a widely published picture that Oswald was standing on the steps of the entrance to the Texas School Book Depository at the time the President was shot. Throughout the country people reported overheard remarks, conversations, threats, prophesies, and opinions that seemed to them to have a possible bearing on the assassination. More than a few informants initially told their speculations or professed firsthand information to newspaper and television reporters. Later, many of them changed or retracted their stories in telling them to official investigators.

The U.S. investigative agencies expended much valuable time and effort inquiring into these leads. Investigations of a vast number of rumors and speculations reached into almost every part of the United States and to most of the other continents of the world.

The Commission's work was also handicapped by those witnesses and other persons connected with the investigation who sold for publication evidence pertinent to the investigation. These persons sold pictures and documents and even recollections, sometimes before the

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Commission had an opportunity to receive their evidence. Some of the evidence thus published was changed from its original form and gave misleading impressions to the public. The piecemeal release of this evidence, sometimes in distorted or exaggerated form, and often out of context, provided the basis for new speculations and rumors or served to reinforce already current ones. The practice was frequently harmful to the work of the Commission and a disservice to the public.

This appendix is intended to clarify the most widespread factual misunderstandings. False or inaccurate speculations concerning the assassination and related events are set forth below together with brief summary statements of what the Commission has found to be the true facts. The citation following each Commission finding is either to that portion of the report in which the subject is discussed more fully, to the evidence in the record supporting the finding, or to both. For complete answers to these speculations, the sources cited in the footnotes should be consulted. The speculations are considered under the following headings:
The source of the shots.
The identity of the assassin.
Oswald's movements between 12:33 and 1:15 p.m. on November 22, 1963.
The murder of Patrolman Tippit.
Oswald after his arrest.
Oswald in the Soviet Union.
Oswald's trip to Mexico City.
Oswald and U.S. Government agencies.
Conspiratorial relationships.
Miscellaneous charges.
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THE SOURCE OF THE SHOTS

There have been speculations that some or all of the shots aimed at President Kennedy and Governor Connally came from the railroad overpass as the Presidential automobile approached it, or from somewhere other than the Texas School Book Depository Building. Related speculations maintain that the shots came from both the railroad overpass and the Texas School Book Depository Building. These are supported by a number of assertions that have been carefully examined by the Commission in the course of its investigation and rejected as being without foundation. They are set forth below, together with the results of the Commission's investigation.

Speculation.--The shots that killed the President came from the railroad overpass above the triple underpass.

Commission finding.--The shots that entered the neck and head of the President and wounded Governor Connally came from behind and above. There is no evidence that any shots were fired at the Presi-

Page 640

dent from anywhere other than the Texas School Book Depository Building.1

Speculation--The railroad overpass was left unguarded on November 22.

Commission finding.--On November 22 the railroad overpass was guarded by two Dallas policemen, Patrolmen J. W. Foster and J. C. White, who have testified that they permitted only railroad personnel on the overpass.2

Speculation.--There are witnesses who alleged that the shots came from the overpass.

Commission finding.-- The Commission does not have knowledge of any witnesses who saw shots fired from the overpass. Statements or depositions from the 2 policemen and 13 railroad employees who were on the overpass all affirm that no shots were fired from the overpass. Most of these witnesses who discussed the source of the shots stated that they came from the direction of Elm and Houston Streets. 3

Speculation.--A rifle cartridge was recovered on the overpass.

Commission finding.--No cartridge of any kind was found on the overpass nor has any witness come forward to claim having found one.4

Speculation.---A witness to the assassination said that she saw a man run behind the concrete wall of the overpass and disappear.

Commission finding.--Mrs. Jean L. Hill stated that after the firing stopped she saw a white man wearing a brown overcoat and a hat running west away from the Depository Building in the direction of the railroad tracks. There are no other witnesses who claim to have seen a man running toward the railroad tracks. Examination of all available films of the area following the shooting, reexamination of interviews with individuals in the vicinity of the shooting, and interviews with members of the Dallas Police Department and the Dallas County sheriff's office failed to corroborate Mrs. Hill's recollection or to reveal the identity of the man described by Mrs. Hill. 5

Speculation.--Immediately after the shooting a motorcycle policeman was seen racing up the grassy embankment to the right of the shooting scene pursuing a couple seeking to flee from the overpass.

Commission finding.--There are no witnesses who have ever stated this and there is no evidence to support the claim. A motorcycle policeman, Clyde A. Haygood, dismounted in the street and ran up the incline. He stated that he saw no one running from the railroad yards adjacent to the overpass. Subsequently, at 12:37 p.m., Haygood reported that the shots had come from the Texas School Book Depository Building. 6

Speculation.---More than three shots, perhaps as many as five or six, were fired at the President and Governor Connally.

Commission finding.--The weight of the evidence indicates that three shots were fired, of which two struck President Kennedy. There is persuasive evidence from the experts that one of these two bullets also struck Governor Connally. Some witnesses claimed that they

Page 641

heard more than three shots but, as fully described in chapter III, the great majority heard only three shots. 7

Speculation.--At least four or five bullets have been found.

Commission finding.--After the assassination, metal remains of bullets were recovered. These included an almost whole bullet of 158.6 grains, fragments weighing 44.6 grains and 21.0 grains, and other fragments too small to be identified. These metal remains indicate that at least two shots were fired. The Commission believes that three shots were fired. 8

Speculation.--A bullet was found on the stretcher used for President Kennedy at Parkland Hospital.

Commission finding.--No bullet was found on the stretcher used by President Kennedy. An almost whole bullet was found when it rolled off the stretcher used by Governor Connally. 9

Speculation.--A bullet was found in the grass near the scene of the assassination shortly afterward by a deputy sheriff of Dallas County, E. R. Walthers.

Commission finding.--Walthers has denied that he found a bullet at any time or that he told anyone that he had found one. With another deputy sheriff he made a diligent search for such a bullet 2 or 3 days after the assassination. 10

Speculation.--The Presidential car stopped momentarily or almost came to a complete halt after the first shot. This is evidence that the driver had the impression that the first shot came from the front and therefore hesitated to drive closer to the overpass.

Commission finding.--The Presidential car did not stop or almost come to a complete halt after the firing of the first shot or any other shots. The driver, Special Agent William R. Greer, has testified that he accelerated the car after what was probably the second shot. Motion pictures of the scene show that the car slowed down momentarily after the shot that struck the President in the head and then speeded up rapidly. 11

Speculation.--The Presidential car had a small round bullet hole in the front windshield. This is evidence that a shot or shots were fired at the President from the front of the car.

Commission finding.--The windshield was not penetrated by any bullet. A small residue of lead was found on the inside surface of the windshield; on the outside of the windshield was a very small pattern of cracks immediately in front of the lead residue on the inside. The bullet from which this lead residue came was probably one of those that struck the President and therefore came from overhead and to the rear. Experts established that the abrasion in the windshield came from impact on the inside of the glass. 12

Speculation.--The throat wound sustained by the President was the result of a shot fired from the front according to doctors at Parkland Hospital.

Commission finding.--Doctors at Parkland Hospital originally believed that the throat wound could have been either an entry or exit wound, but they made no examination to determine entry and exit

Page 642

wounds. Subsequently, when the evidence of the autopsy became available, the doctors at Parkland agreed that it was an exit wound.13

Speculation.--It is inconceivable that the doctors at Parkland Hospital did not turn the President over on his face and notice the bullet hole in the back of his neck.

Commission finding.--Doctors at Parkland Hospital have testified that the President remained on his back while he was at Parkland Hospital for treatment and that they did not turn him over at any time; they were busy trying to save his life. Consequently, they were never aware of the hole in the back of his neck until they were notified of it later.14

Speculation.--The first shot struck the President in the throat as the car was proceeding along Houston Street toward the Texas School Book Depository. The car then made a left turn on to Elm Street and proceeded for some distance before additional shots were fired at the President.

Commission finding.--Before the autopsy findings made it clear that the shots were fired from the rear, there was speculation that the first shot may have been fired before the Presidential car turned on to Elm Street. As this report demonstrates, all of the shots that struck the President were fired from the rear and in a time period inconsistent with the theory that the first shot struck him while his car was coming down Houston Street. Motion pictures taken at the time show that the first shot struck the President after the car had turned onto Elm Street and was proceeding away from the Depository. 15
Top of Page

THE ASSASSIN

Speculations tending to support the theory that Oswald could not have assassinated President Kennedy are based on a wide variety of assertions. Among these are statements that Oswald could not have been acquainted with the motorcade route before he came to work on November 22, that he may well have carried curtain rods rather than a rifle in a brown paper package he brought with him, that there may have been other people in the building who could have fired the rifle, that Oswald could not have fired the shots in the time available to him, that he was not a good enough marksman to have scored the hits with the rifle, that there were other people in the lunchroom of the Depository Building when he was confronted by Patrolman M. L. Baker, and that there are no eyewitnesses who could identify Oswald as having been in the window. Each of these speculations is dealt with below in the light of the testimony and evidence considered by the Commission.

Speculation.--Oswald could not have known the motorcade route before he arrived at work on November 22.

Commission finding.--The motorcade route was published in both Dallas papers on November 19 and was therefore available at least 72 hours before Oswald reported for work on November 22. 16

Page 643

Speculation.--The route as shown in the newspaper took the motorcade through the Triple Underpass via Main Street, a block away from the Depository. Therefore, Oswald could not have known that the motorcade would pass directly by the Texas School Book Depository Building.

Commission finding.--The motorcade route as published showed the motorcade turning right off Main Street onto Houston for one block and then left on Elm to the access road to the Stemmons Freeway. This route was clearly indicated in published descriptions and maps of the motorcade route. There was no mention of continuing on Main Street through the Triple Underpass.17

Speculation.--The motorcade route was changed on November 22 after the map had been printed. The motorcade was shifted from Main Street over to Elm Street to bring it by the Texas School Book Depository Building.

Commission finding.--The motorcade route was decided upon on November 18 and published in the Dallas newspapers on November 19. It was not changed in any way thereafter. The route called for the motorcade to turn off Main Street at Houston, go up to Elm, and then turn left on Elm Street. 18

Speculation.--The normal and logical route would have been straight down Main Street through the Triple Underpass to the Stemmons Freeway. It is possible to drive from Main onto the access road to the Stemmons Freeway from a point beyond the underpass.

Commission finding.--The normal, direct, and only permissible route to the Stemmons Freeway from Main Street is via Houston and Elm Streets. Any attempt to turn onto the access road to the Stemmons Freeway from Main Street beyond the Triple Underpass would have been extremely difficult because of a concrete strip dividing Elm and Main Streets. Such an attempt would have required making an S-turn beyond the strip at a very tight angle, thereby slowing the Presidential car almost to a stop.19

Speculation.--Oswald may well have carried curtain rods to work on November 22 in the brown paper package he was observed to bring into the building because he lived in a room where he needed them.

Commission finding.--According to Oswald's landlady at 1026 North Beckley Avenue, Mrs. A. C. Johnson, the room had venetian blinds, curtain rods, and curtains while Oswald was living there. The curtain rods in the Paine garage that belonged to Mrs. Paine were still there after Oswald went to work on November 22. Mrs. Paine and Marina Oswald testified that Oswald had not spoken to them about curtain rods. After the assassination the empty package was found near the window from which the shots were fired, but no curtain rods were found. 20

Speculation.--Oswald spent the morning of November 22 in the company of other workers in the building and remained with them until they went downstairs to watch the President go by, no later probably than 12:15.

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Commission finding.--Oswald did not spend the morning in the company of other workers in the building, and before the assassination he was last seen in the building on the sixth floor at about 11:55 a.m. by Charles Givens, another employee.21

Speculation.--It is probable that the chicken lunch, remains of which were found on the sixth floor, was eaten by an accomplice of Oswald who had hidden on the sixth floor overnight.

Commission finding.--The chicken lunch had been eaten shortly after noon on November 22 by Bonnie Ray Williams, an employee of the Texas School Book Depository, who after eating his lunch went to the fifth floor where he was when the shots were fired. Oswald did not eat the chicken lunch, nor did he drink from the soft drink bottle found near the chicken lunch.22

Speculation.--Laboratory tests showed remains of the chicken lunch found on the sixth floor were 2 days old.

Commission finding.--The chicken lunch remains had been left there shortly after noon on November 22 by Bonnie Ray Williams. 23

Speculation.--An amateur 8-millimeter photograph taken at 12:20 p.m., 10 minutes before the assassination of President Kennedy, showed two silhouettes at the sixth-floor window of the Depository.

Commission finding.-- A film taken by an amateur photographer, Robert J. E. Hughes, just before the assassination, shows a shadow in the southeast corner window of the sixth floor. This has been determined after examination by the FBI and the U.S. Navy Photographic Interpretation Center to be the shadow from the cartons near the window.24

Speculation.--A picture published widely in newspapers and magazines after the assassination showed Lee Harvey Oswald standing on the front steps of the Texas School Book Depository Building shortly before the President's motorcade passed by.

Commission finding.--The man on the front steps of the building, thought or alleged by some to be Lee Harvey Oswald, is actually Billy Lovelady, an employee of the Texas School Book Depository, who somewhat resembles Oswald. Lovelady has identified himself in the picture, and other employees of the Depository standing with him, as shown in the picture, have verified that he was the man in the picture and that Oswald was not there. 25

Speculation.--The post office box in Dallas to which Oswald had the rifle mailed was kept under both his name and that of A. Hidell.

Commission finding.--It is not known whether Oswald's application listed the name A. Hidell as one entitled to receive mail at the box. In accordance with U.S. Post Office regulations, the portion of the application listing the names of persons other than the applicant entitled to receive mail was discarded after the box was closed on May 14, 1963. During the summer of 1963, Oswald rented a post office box in New Orleans, listing the name "Hidell" in addition to his own name and that of his wife. Hidell was a favorite alias used by Oswald on a number of occasions. Diligent search has failed to re-

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veal any person in Dallas or New Orleans by that name. It was merely a creation for his own purposes.26

Speculation.--The President's car was going at a speed estimated at from 12 to 20 miles per hour, thus presenting a target comparable to the most difficult that a soldier would encounter under battlefield conditions.

Commission finding.--During the period between the time that the first and second shots struck the President, the Presidential car was traveling at an avenge speed of approximately 11.2 miles per hour. Expert witnesses testified that the target is regarded as a favorable one because the car was going away from the marksman in a straight line. 27

Speculation.--Oswald could not have fired three shots from the Mannlicher-Carcano rifle in 5.5 seconds.

Commission finding.--According to expert witnesses, exacting tests conducted for the Commission demonstrated that it was possible to fire three shots from the rifle within 5.5 seconds. It should be noted that the first loaded shell was already in the chamber ready for firing; Oswald had only to pull the trigger to fire the first shot and to work the bolt twice in order to fire the second and third shots. They testified that if the second shot missed, Oswald had between 4.8 and 5.6 seconds to fire the three shots. If either the first or third shot missed, Oswald had in excess of 7 seconds to fire the three shots. 28

Speculation.--Oswald did not have the marksmanship ability demonstrated by the rifleman who fired the shots.

Commission finding.--Oswald qualified as a sharpshooter and a marksman with the M-1 rifle in the Marine Corps. Marina Oswald testified that in New Orleans her husband practiced operating the belt of the rifle. Moreover, experts stated that the scope was a substantial aid for rapid, accurate firing. The Commission concluded that Oswald had the capability with a rifle to commit assassination.29

Speculation.--The name of the rifle used in the assassination appeared on the rifle. Therefore, the searchers who found the rifle on the sixth floor of the Texas School Book Depository should have been able to identify it correctly by name.

Commission finding.--An examination of the rifle does not reveal any manufacturer's name. An inscription on the rifle shows that it was made in Italy. The rifle was identified by Captain Fritz and Lieutenant Day, who were the first to actually handle it.30

Speculation.--The rifle found on the sixth floor of the Texas School Book Depository was identified as a 7.65 Mauser by the man who found it, Deputy Constable Seymour Weitzman.

Commission finding.--Weitzman, the original source of the speculation that the rifle was a Mauser, and Deputy Sheriff Eugene Boone found the weapon. Weitzman did not handle the rifle and did not examine it at close range. He had little more than a glimpse of it and thought it was a Mauser, a German bolt-type rifle similar in appearance to the Mannlicher-Carcano. Police laboratory technicians

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subsequently arrived and correctly identified the weapon as a 6.5 Italian rifle.31

Speculation.--There is evidence that a second rifle was discovered on the roof of the Texas School Book Depository or on the overpass.

Commission finding--No second rifle was found in either of these places or in any other place. The shots that struck President Kennedy and Governor Connally came from the rifle found on the sixth floor of the Texas School Book Depository. 32

Speculation.--It is possible that there was a second Mannlicher-Carcano rifle involved in the assassination. The Irving Sports Shop mounted a scope on a rifle 3 weeks before the assassination.

Commission finding.--Dial D. Ryder, an employee of the Irving Sports Shop, has stated that he found on his workbench on November 23 an undated work tag with the name "Oswald" on it, indicating that sometime during the first 2 weeks of November three holes had been bored in a rifle and a telescopic sight mounted on it and bore-sighted. However, Ryder and his employer, Charles W. Greener, had no recollection of Oswald, of his Mannlicher-Carcano rifle, of the transaction allegedly represented by the repair tag, or of any person for whom such a repair was supposedly made. The rifle found on the sixth floor of the Texas School Book Depository had two holes in it bored for the installation of a scope prior to shipment to Oswald in March 1963. The Commission concluded that it is doubtful whether the tag produced by Ryder was authentic. All of the evidence developed proves that Oswald owned only the one rifle--the Mannlicher-Carcano--and that he did not bring it or a second rifle to the Irving Sports Shop.33

Speculation.--Ammunition for the rifle found on the sixth floor of the Texas School Book Depository had not been manufactured since the end of World War II. The ammunition used by Oswald must, therefore, have been at least 90 years old, making it extremely unreliable.

Commission finding.--The ammunition used in the rifle was American ammunition recently made by the Western Cartridge Co., which manufactures such ammunition currently. In tests with the same kind of ammunition, experts fired Oswald's Mannlicher-Carcano rifle more than 100 times without any misfires.34

Speculation.--The assertion that Oswald's palmprint appeared on the rifle is false. The FBI told newsmen in an off-the-record briefing session that there was no palmprint on the rifle.

Commission finding.--The FBI confirmed that the palmprint lifted by the Dallas police from the rifle found on the sixth floor of the Texas School Book Depository Building was Oswald's palmprint. The FBI informed the Commission that no FBI agent made statements of any type to the press concerning the existence or nonexistence of this print. 35

Speculation.--If Oswald had been gloveless, he would have left fingerprints on the rifle because he would not have had time to wipe the prints off the rifle after he had fired it.

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Commission finding.--An FBI fingerprint expert testified that the poor quality of the metal and wooden parts would cause them to absorb moisture from the skin, thereby making a clear print unlikely. There is no evidence that Oswald wore gloves or that he wiped prints off the rifle. Latent fingerprints were found on the rifle but they were too incomplete to be identified.36

Speculation.--Gordon Shanklin, the special agent in charge of the Dallas office of the FBI, stated that the paraffin test of Oswald's face and hands was positive and proved that he had fired a rifle.

Commission finding.--The paraffin tests were conducted by members of the Dallas Police Department and the technical examinations by members of the Dallas City-County Criminal Investigation Laboratory. The FBI has notified the Commission that neither Shanklin nor any other representative of the FBI ever made such a statement. The Commission has found no evidence that Special Agent Shanklin ever made this statement publicly. 37

Speculation.--Marina Oswald stated that she did not know that her husband owned a rifle nor did she know that he owned a pistol.

Commission finding.--There is no evidence that Marina Oswald ever told this to any authorities. On the afternoon of November 22, she told the police that her husband owned a rifle and that he kept it in the garage of the Paine house in Irving. Later, at Dallas police headquarters, she said that she could not identify as her husband's the rifle shown her by policemen. When Marina Oswald appeared before the Commission she was shown the Mannlicher-Carcano 6.5 rifle found on the sixth floor of the Depository and identified it as the "fateful rifle of Lee Oswald." 38

Speculation.--The picture of Oswald taken by his wife in March or April 1963 and showing him with a rifle and a pistol was "doctored" when it appeared in magazines and newspapers in February 1964. The rifle held by Oswald in these pictures is not the same rifle that was found on the sixth floor of the Texas School Book Depository Building.

Commission finding.--Life magazine, Newsweek, and the New York Times notified the Commission that they had retouched this picture. In doing so, they inadvertently altered details of the configuration of the rifle. The original prints of this picture have been examined by the Commission and by photographic experts who have identified the rifle as a Mannlicher-Carcano 6.5, the same kind as the one found on the sixth floor of the Texas School Book Depository. FBI experts testified that the picture was taken with Oswald's camera.39

Speculation.--The rifle picture of Oswald was a composite one with Oswald's face pasted on somebody else's body.

Commission finding.--Marina Oswald has testified that she took this picture with a camera owned by her husband and subsequently identified as Oswald's Imperial Reflex camera. She identified the man in the picture as her husband. Experts also state the picture was not a composite. 40

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Speculation.--After firing the shots, Oswald could not have disposed of the rifle and descended the stairs to the lunchroom in time to get a drink from a soft drink machine and be there when Patrolman Baker came in.

Commission finding.---A series of time tests made by investigators and by Roy S. Truly and Patrolman M. L. Baker at the request of the Commission, show that it was possible for Oswald to have placed the rifle behind a box and descended to the lunchroom on the second floor before Patrolman Baker and Truly got up there. Oswald did not have a soft drink bottle in his hand at the time he was confronted by Baker and he was not standing by the soft, drink machine. He was just entering the lunchroom; Baker caught a glimpse of him through the glass panel in the door leading to the lunchroom vestibule. 41

Speculation.--There were other people present in the lunchroom at the time that Baker and Truly saw Oswald there.

Commission finding.--Baker and Truly have both stated that there was no one in the lunchroom other than Oswald at the time that they entered. No other witness to this incident has been found. 42

Speculation.--Police were sealing off all exits from the building by the time Oswald got to the second floor.

Commission finding.--Police may have begun to take up positions at the exits to the building as early as 12:33, but it is unlikely that they had blocked them off completely until 12:37 p.m. at the earliest. Oswald was seen in an office, walking toward an exit leading to the front stairway, at about 12:33 p.m. Oswald probably had at least 7 minutes in which to get out of the building without being stopped. 43
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OSWALD'S MOVEMENTS BETWEEN 12:33 AND 1:15 P.M.

One of the major theses urged in support of the theory that Oswald did not murder Patrolman Tippit was that his known movements after he left the Texas School Book Depository would not have permitted him to have arrived at 10th Street and Patton Avenue in time to encounter Tippit by 1:16 p.m. Careful reenactments by investigative agencies and by members of the Commission staff of Oswald's movements from the time he left the Texas School Book Depository until he encountered Tippit verified that Oswald could reach his roominghouse at 1026 North Beckley Avenue at approximately 1 p.m. or earlier. The housekeeper at the roominghouse testified that Oswald spent only a few minutes at the house, leaving as hurriedly as he had arrived. During police interrogation after his arrest, Oswald admitted to riding both bus and taxi in returning to his roominghouse after the assassination of the President. From 1026 North Beckley Avenue, Oswald could easily have walked the nine tenths of a mile to 10th Street and Patton Avenue where he encountered Tippit.

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Speculation.--A detailed and remarkably clear description of Oswald was sent over the police radio in Dallas at 12:36 p.m., November 22, 1963.

Commission finding.--The radio logs of the Dallas Police Department and the Dallas County Sheriff's Office show that no description of a suspect in the assassination of the President was broadcast before 12 :45 p.m. on that day. No reference to Oswald by name was broadcast before he was arrested. The description of the suspect that was broadcast was similar to that of Oswald, but it lacked some important specific details such as color of hair and eyes. The information for the initial broadcasts most probably came from Howard Brennan, who saw Oswald in the window when he was firing the rifle. 44

Speculation.--Oswald did not have time for all of the movements imputed to him between his departure from the Texas School Book Depository and his encounter with Tippit.

Commission finding.--Time tests of all of Oswald's movements establish that these movements could have been accomplished in the time available to him. 45

Speculation.--Oswald was stopped by police as he left the building and was permitted to pass after he told them he worked in the building.

Commission finding.---The Commission has found no witness who saw Oswald leave the building. This speculation is probably a misinterpretation of the fact that he was stopped in the lunchroom by Patrolman Baker before he left the building and was allowed to proceed after Truly, the Depository superintendent, identified him as an employee there. Police did not seal off the building until at least several minutes after Oswald could have left. 46

Speculation.--The log of the cabdriver who took Oswald to North Beckley Avenue, William W. Whaley, shows that Oswald entered his cab at 12:30 p.m. Since this occurred at some distance from the point of the President's assassination, Oswald could not have shot the President.

Commission finding.--Whaley's log does show 12:30 p.m., but he has testified that he was not accurate in logging the time that passengers entered his cab, that he usually logged them at 15-minute intervals, and that it was undoubtedly some time later than 12:30 when Oswald entered his cab. Sometimes he did not make entries in his logbook until three or four trips later. The bus transfer in Oswald's possession was issued after 12:36 p.m. The Commission has determined that Oswald probably entered Whaley's cab at about 12:47 or 12:48 p.m.47

Speculation.--The distance from the Greyhound terminal in Dallas, where Oswald entered the cab, to North Beckley Avenue, where he probably left the cab, is something over 3 miles--normally a 10-minute cab drive. Given the traffic jam that existed at the time, it is doubtful that Whaley could have made the trip in less than 15 minutes. One estimate has placed the time at 24 minutes from the Greyhound terminal to Oswald's roominghouse.

Commission finding.--The distance from the Greyhound bus terminal at Jackson and Lamar Streets to the 500 block of North Beckley

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is 2.5 miles. Oswald actually got out in the 700 block of North Beck-ley. The distance was, therefore, less than 2.5 miles. Whaley has testified to the Commission that the trip took 6 minutes. Test runs made by members of the Commission staff under traffic conditions somewhat similar to those that existed on November 22, took approximately 5 minutes and 30 seconds. To walk from Beckley and Neely, which is the 700 block of Beckley, where Oswald probably left the cab, to 1026 North Beckley, took Commission staff members 5 minutes and 45 seconds.48

Speculation--Oswald was on his way to Jack Ruby's apartment when he was stopped by Patrolman Tippit.

Commission finding.--There is no evidence that Oswald and Ruby knew each other or had any relationship through a third party or parties. There is no evidence that Oswald knew where Ruby lived. Accordingly, there is neither evidence nor reason to believe that Oswald was on his way to Ruby's apartment when he was stopped by Tippit.49
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MURDER OF TIPPIT

Speculations on the murder of Tippit centered about assertions that he was elsewhere than he was supposed to be when he was shot, that he knew the man who shot him, and that the description of the murderer given by one of the eyewitnesses did not fit Oswald's description.

The Commission found that Tippit was unquestionably patrolling in an area to which he had been directed by police headquarters. There was no evidence to support the speculation that Tippit and Oswald knew each other or had ever seen each other before. The description of the murderer imputed to one of the witnesses was denied by her and had no support from any other eyewitness.

Speculation.--Tippit was driving alone in his police car even though standing orders for police in Dallas were that radio cars of the type Tippit was driving must have two policemen in them.

Commission finding.--Dallas police officials stated that department policy required about 80 percent of the patrolmen on the day shift, 7 a.m. to 3 p.m., to work alone. Tippit was one of the patrolmen assigned to work alone that day.50

Speculation.---Tippit was violating an order he had received the day before not to leave the sector to which he had been assigned. This sector was supposed to be in downtown Dallas at the time he stopped Oswald.

Commission finding.--A review of Tippit's file in the Dallas Police Department and the department's radio log revealed that following the shooting of the President, Tippit was directed to move into and remain in the central Oak Cliff area available for any emergency.51

Speculation.--The police had been withdrawn from the area in which Tippit found Oswald.

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Commission finding.--Other police cars were operating in the Oak Cliff area at the same time as Tippit. They participated in the subsequent search for and apprehension of Tippit's slayer.52

Speculation.--Tippit violated a procedure governing radio cars when he failed to notify headquarters that he was stopping to question a suspect.

Commission finding.--The Dallas Police Department had no requirement or regulation for police officers to notify headquarters when stopping to question a suspect. Therefore, Tippit did not violate any police radio procedure in failing to notify the radio dispatcher that he was stopping Oswald.53

Speculation.--Tippit could not have recognized Oswald from the description sent out over the police radio.

Commission finding.--There is no certain way of knowing whether Tippit recognized Oswald from the description put out by the police radio. The Dallas Police Department radio log shows that the police radio dispatcher at 1:29 p.m. noted a similarity between the broadcast descriptions of the President's assassin and Tippit's slayer. It is conceivable, even probable, that Tippit stopped Oswald because of the description broadcast by the police radio.54

Speculation.--Tippit and his killer knew each other.

Commission finding.--Investigation has revealed no evidence that Oswald and Tippit were acquainted, had ever seen each other, or had any mutual acquaintances. Witnesses to the shooting observed no signs of recognition between the two men.55

Speculation.--Mrs. Helen Markham, a witness to the slaying of Tippit, put the time at just after 1:06 p.m. This would have made it impossible for Oswald to have committed the killing since he would not have had time to arrive at the shooting scene by that time.

Commission finding.--The shooting of Tippit has been established at approximately 1:15 or 1:16 p.m. on the basis of a call to police headquarters on Tippit's car radio by another witness to the assassination, Domingo Benavides. In her various statements and in her testimony, Mrs. Markham was uncertain and inconsistent in her recollection of the exact time of the slaying.56

Speculation.--Mrs. Helen Markham is the only witness to the killing of Tippit.

Commission finding.--Other witnesses to the killing of Tippit include Domingo Benavides, who used Tippit's car radio to notify the police dispatcher of the killing at 1:16 p.m., and William Scoggins, a cabdriver parked at the corner of 10th Street and Patton Avenue. Barbara Jeanette Davis and Virginia Davis saw a man with a pistol in his hand walk across their lawn immediately after they heard the sound of the shots that killed Tippit. The man emptied the shells from his pistol and turned the corner from 10th Street onto Patton Avenue. All of these witnesses, except Benavides, subsequently picked Oswald out of a lineup as the slayer. Benavides did not feel that he could make a positive identification and never attended a lineup for the purpose.57

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Speculation.--Mrs. Markham said that the man she saw shooting Tippit was about 30, short, with bushy hair, and wearing a white coat. Since Oswald does not fit this description he could not be the killer.

Commission finding.--In evaluating Helen Markham's testimony the Commission is aware of allegations that she described the killer of Patrolman Tippit as short, stocky, and with bushy hair, which would not be a correct description of Oswald. It has also been alleged that Mrs. Markham identified Oswald in the lineup because of his clothing rather than his appearance. When Oswald appeared in the lineup at which Mrs. Markham was present, he was not wearing the jacket which he wore at the time of the shooting, and Mrs. Markham has testified that her identification was based "mostly from his face." 58 Moreover, Mrs. Markham has denied that she ever described the man who killed Tippit as short, stocky, and with bushy hair. The Commission reviewed the transcript of a telephone conversation in which Mrs. Markham was alleged to have made such a description. In the transcription Mrs. Markham reaffirmed her positive identification of Oswald and denied having described the killer as short, stocky, and bushy haired.59

Speculation.--Another witness to the slaying of Patrolman Tippit, an unidentified woman, was interviewed by the FBI but was never called as a witness by the President's Commission on the Assassination of President Kennedy. This witness is alleged to have stated that she saw two men involved in the shooting and that they ran off in opposite directions afterward.

Commission finding.--The only woman among the witnesses to the slaying of Tippit known to the Commission is Helen Markham. The FBI never interviewed any other woman who claimed to have seen the shooting and never received any information concerning the existence of such a witness. Two women, Barbara Jeanette Davis and Virginia Davis is, saw the killer immediately after the shooting as he crossed the lawn at the corner of Patton Avenue and 10th Street, but they did not witness the shooting itself. They were both interviewed by the FBI and appeared before the Commission. The Commission has no evidence that there was any witness to the slaying other than those identified in chapter IV.60

Speculation.--No witness saw Oswald between the time he was supposed to have reloaded his gun near the scene of the slaying and his appearance at the shoestore on Jefferson Boulevard.

Commission finding.--Six witnesses identified Oswald as the man they saw in flight after the murder of Tippit. The killer was seen, gun in hand, by Ted Callaway and Sam Guinyard in the block of Patton Avenue between 10th Street and Jefferson Boulevard after the shooting of Tippit. They saw him run to Jefferson and turn right. On the evening of November 22, Callaway and Guinyard picked Oswald out of a police lineup as the man they saw with the gun. Two other men, Warren Reynolds and Pat Patterson, saw a man with a pistol in his hand running south on Patton Avenue. They followed him for a block on Jefferson Boulevard and then lost sight

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of him. Both men subsequently identified pictures of Oswald as the man they saw with the gun. Harold Russell also saw a man with a gun running south on Patton Avenue and later identified him from pictures as Oswald. Mrs. Mary Brock saw a man she later identified as Oswald walk at a fast pace into the parking lot behind the service station at the corner of Jefferson and Crawford, where Oswald's jacket was found shortly after.61

Speculation.--When Oswald left his roominghouse at about 1 p.m. on November 22 he had on a zipper-type tan plaid jacket.

Commission finding.--The jacket that Oswald was wearing at the time of the slaying of Tippit was a light-gray jacket. According to Marina Oswald, her husband owned only two jackets--one blue and the other light gray. The housekeeper at 1026 North Beckley Avenue, Mrs. Earlene Roberts, was not certain about the color of the jacket that Oswald was wearing when he left the house.62

Speculation.--Oswald wore an olive-brown plain jacket which is visible in all the pictures of him after his arrest.

Commission finding.--At the time of his arrest, Oswald was not wearing a jacket. The jacket that was subsequently recovered in a parking lot and identified as Oswald's was a light-gray one. There are no witnesses who have stated that Oswald was wearing an olive-brown jacket immediately before or after his arrest. The Commission has seen no pictures of Oswald taken subsequent to his arrest that show him in such a jacket. Pictures taken shortly after his arrest show him in the shirt that Mrs. Bledsoe described him as wearing when she saw him on the bus at approximately 1:40 p.m.63

Speculation.--Oswald's landlady, Mrs. A. C. Johnson, said that Oswald never had a gun in the room.

Commission finding.--In her testimony before the Commission, Mrs. Johnson said that he "never brought that rifle in my house.... He could have had this pistol, I don't know, because they found the scabbard." 64 As shown in chapter IV, Oswald kept his rifle in the Paine garage in Irving while he was living in Dallas during October and November. The pistol was small and easily concealed.65

Speculation.--There was absolutely no place to hide a gun in Oswald's room at 1026 North Beckley Avenue.

Commission finding.--In the search of Oswald's room after his apprehension police found a pistol holster. Oswald's landlady, Mrs. A. C. Johnson, stated that she had not seen the holster before. There is no reason to believe that Oswald could not have had both a pistol and the holster hidden in the room. Oswald's pistol was a small one with the barrel cut down to 2.25 inches. It could have been concealed in a pocket of his clothes.66

Speculation.--Oswald did not pick up the revolver from his room at 1 p.m.

Commission finding.--There is reason to believe that Oswald did pick up the revolver from his room, probably concealing it beneath his jacket. This likelihood is reinforced by the finding of the pistol holster in the room after the assassination, since this indicates that

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Oswald did not store the pistol at the home of Mrs. Paine where he spent the night before the assassination.67

Speculation--No one saw Oswald enter the Texas Theatre.

Commission finding.--A nearby shoe store manager, Johnny C. Brewer, and the theatre cashier, Julia Postal, saw Oswald enter the lobby of the theatre from where he went on into the theatre proper.68

Speculation.--Not a single one of the people in the Texas Theatre at the time of Oswald's arrest has come forward or been brought forward to give an eyewitness account of the arrest.

Commission finding.--Johnny C. Brewer, the shoe store manager, and two patrons of the theatre--John Gibson and George Jefferson Applin, Jr.--were present in the theatre and testified before the Commission on the circumstances of Oswald's arrest at the Texas Theatre. Only 6 or 7 people were seated on the main floor of the theatre.69

Speculation.--There is no independent witness aside from the police who testified that Oswald was carrying a gun when arrested by the police.

Commission finding.--Johnny Brewer testified before the Commission that he saw Oswald pull a gun and that he saw it taken away from him by a policeman.70
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OSWALD AFTER HIS ARREST

The Commission found that assertions that the Dallas police treated Oswald brutally and denied him his constitutional rights to legal counsel had no foundation in fact. Insinuations that Dallas police officials and District Attorney Henry M. Wade fabricated or altered evidence to establish the guilt of Oswald were baseless. It is true that police officials and the district attorney made errors in giving evidential information to the press, but these were dearly the result of misapprehensions or ignorance rather than intent, and at the worst represent bad judgment. At least one imputed fabrication of fact, further embellished by repetition, never really occurred. Sinister connotations were evoked by the attribution to the district attorney of the statement that a taxicab driver named Darryl Click drove Oswald from downtown Dallas to the area of his roominghouse in Oak Cliff. It has been correctly ascertained that no such taxicab driver existed in Dallas. On the other hand, the district attorney, who was quoted in a newspaper transcript as making the statement, never made the statement nor did any one else. Audio tapes of the district attorney's press conference make clear that the person who transcribed the conference rendered a reference to the "Oak Cliff" area of Dallas as a person, "Darryl Click". This error in transcription is the sole source for the existence of a "Darryl Click" as a taxicab driver.

Speculation.--Oswald was the victim of police brutality.

Commission finding.--Oswald resisted arrest in the Texas Theatre and drew a gun. He received a slight cut over his right eye and a

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bruise under his left eye in the course of his struggles. During the time he was in police custody, he was neither ill-treated nor abused.71

Speculation.--Oswald was never formally charged with the assassination of the President; he was charged only with the shooting of Patrolman J. D. Tippit.

Commission finding.--Oswald was arraigned for the murder of President Kennedy before Justice of the Peace David Johnston on the fourth floor of the Police Department building at 1:35 a.m., November 23. Previously, he had been arraigned before Johnston for the murder of Tippit at 7:10 p. m., November 22.72

Speculation.--The police questioned Oswald extensively about the Tippit murder on the first day of his detention. They did not question him about the assassination of President Kennedy.

Commission finding.--Dallas police officials stated that they questioned Oswald repeatedly on November 22 about the assassination of President Kennedy and his relationship to it. At the first interrogation, Captain Fritz asked Oswald to account for himself at the time the President was shot. FBI agents who were present also stated that he was questioned about the assassination of the President.73

Speculation.--Oswald's attempts to get legal counsel were deliberately thwarted by the police and he was cut off from outside calls that would have permitted him to obtain a lawyer.

Commission finding.--On November 23, Oswald was visited by the president of the Dallas Bar Association, H. Louis Nichols, who offered him help in getting a lawyer; Oswald refused the offer. Oswald was told by the police that he could use the telephone when he wished, and he did make telephone calls. He attempted to call attorney John Abt in New York but was unsuccessful in reaching him. Mrs. Paine testified that at Oswald's request she tried without success to reach Abt. Oswald was also visited by his wife, mother, and brother, to any of whom he could have turned for help in getting counsel.74
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OSWALD IN THE SOVIET UNION

Oswald's residence in the Soviet Union for more than 2 1/2 years aroused speculation after his arrest that he was an agent of the Soviet Union or in some way affiliated with it. This speculation was supported by assertions that he had received exceptionally favored treatment from the Soviet Government in securing permission to enter and leave the country, especially the latter, because his Russian wife and child were permitted to leave with him. The careful analysis of these speculations in chapter VI of this report led to the Commission's conclusion that there is no credible evidence that Oswald was an agent of the Soviet Government and that he did not receive unusually favorable treatment in entering or leaving the Soviet Union or in returning to the United States.

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Speculation.--A young private in the Marine Corps in the 1950's could not study Marxism, learn Russian, and read Soviet newspapers without any adverse repercussions in his unit.

Commission finding.---Although Oswald's interest in the Soviet Union was well known, his interest in Marxism was apparently known to only a few of his fellow marines. While stationed in California he studied Russian. In February 1959, while still in the Marines, he took an official test on his proficiency in Russian and was rated "Poor." In California at about this time he probably read a Russian-language newspaper. The reactions of his fellow Marines who were aware of his interests in Marxism and the Soviet Union were apparently not antagonistic and did not deter him from pursuing these interests.75

Speculation.--Oswald learned Russian during his service in the Marines as part of his military training.

Commission finding.--Oswald never received any training from the Marine Corps in the Russian language. His studies of Russian were entirely on his own time and at his own initiative.76

Speculation.--Oswald could not have saved $1,600 from his Marine pay for his trip to Russia in 1959.

Commission finding.--In November 1959, Oswald told an American reporter in Moscow, Aline Mosby, that he had saved $1,500 (not $1,600) while in the Marines. It is entirely consistent with Oswald's known frugality that he could have saved the money from the $3,452.20 in pay he received while he was in the Marines. Moreover, despite his statement to Aline Mosby, he may not actually have saved $1,500, for it was possible for him to have made the trip to Russia in 1959 for considerably less than that amount.77

Speculation.--It is probable that Oswald had prior contacts with Soviet agents before he entered Russia in 1959 because his application for a visa was processed and approved immediately on receipt.

Commission finding.--There is no evidence that Oswald was in touch with Soviet agents before his visit to Russia. The time that it took for him to receive his visa in Helsinki for entrance to the Soviet Union was shorter than the average but not beyond the normal range for the granting of such visas. Had Oswald been recruited as a Russian agent while he was still in the Marines, it is most improbable that he would have been encouraged to defect. He would have been of greater value to Russian intelligence as a Marine radar operator than as a defector.78

Speculation.--Soviet suspicion of Oswald is indicated by the fact that he was sent off to work in a radio plant in Minsk as an unskilled hand at the lowest rate of pay although he qualified as a trained radar and electronics technician.

Commission finding.--The Soviet Government probably was suspicious of Oswald, as it would be of any American who appeared in Moscow and said he wanted to live in the Soviet Union. Under the circumstances it is to be expected that he would be placed in a position that would not involve national security. Moreover, Oswald had been a radar operator, not a technician, in the Marines. His total income in Russia was higher than normal because his pay was sup-

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plemented for about a year by payments from the Soviet "Red Cross," an official agency of the Soviet Government. Oswald believed that these payments really came from the MVD. It is a policy of the Soviet Government to subsidize defectors from Western nations who settle in the Soviet Union, in order that their standard of living may not be too much lower than their previous standard in their own country.79

Speculation.--Oswald was trained by the Russians in a special school for assassins at Minsk.

Commission finding.--Commission investigations revealed no evidence to support this claim or the existence of such a school in Minsk during the time Oswald was there. Oswald belonged to a hunting club near Minsk, but there is no evidence that this was other than an ordinary hunting club.80

Speculation.--Marina Oswald's father was an important part of the Soviet intelligence apparatus.

Commission finding.--Marina Oswald's father died while she was still an infant. This reference is presumably to her uncle, Ilya Prusakov, who was an executive in the lumber industry, which position carried with it the rank of lieutenant colonel or colonel in the Ministry of Internal Affairs (MVD). Since 1953 the MVD has not been concerned with internal security or other police functions.81

Speculation.--It was most exceptional that Oswald was able to bring his wife and child out of the Soviet Union with him.

Commission finding.--There is no reason to believe that the Oswalds received unusually favorable treatment in being permitted or assisted to leave the Soviet Union together. Other American citizens have brought their Russian wives out of the Soviet Union, both before and after Oswald.82

Speculation.--Oswald never would have been permitted to return to the United States if Soviet intelligence had not planned to use him in some way against the United States.

Commission finding.--There is no evidence that Oswald had any working relationship with the Soviet Government or Soviet intelligence. The Russians have permitted other American defectors to return to the United States.83

Speculation.--Since the exit visa for Marina Oswald was granted so promptly the Soviet authorities must have wanted Marina to accompany her husband.

Commission finding.--Marina Oswald's exit visa application was not acted upon with unusual rapidity. It took at least 5 1/2 months from the time the Oswalds applied until they were notified of permission in December 1961. There have been many instances where visas were granted more quickly to other Soviet wives of American citizens.84

Speculation.--Soviet authorities gave Oswald notice a month and a half in advance that they had granted him an exit visa, an unprecedented act for the Soviet Government.

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Commission finding.--The Oswalds were notified on December 25, 1961, that their requests for exit visas had been granted by Soviet authorities. Marina Oswald picked up her visa, valid until December 1, 1962, on January 11, 1962, 17 days after receiving notice that it was available. Oswald did not pick up his visa until May 22. The Soviets did not give the Oswalds any advance notice; the visas could have been picked up immediately had the Oswalds so desired. Because his exit visa had a 45-day expiration time after date of issuance, Lee Oswald delayed picking it up until he knew when he was leaving. He could not arrange a departure date until he received permission from the Department of State in May to return to the United States.85
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OSWALD'S TRIP TO MEXICO CITY

Oswald's trip to Mexico City in late September and early October 1963, less than 2 months before he assassinated President Kennedy, has provoked speculation that it was related in some way to a conspiracy to murder the President. Rumors include assertions that he made a clandestine flight from Mexico to Cuba and back and that he received a large sum of money--usually estimated at $5,000--which he brought back to Dallas with him. The Commission has no credible evidence that Oswald went to Mexico pursuant to a plan to assassinate President Kennedy, that he received any instructions related to such an action while there, or that he received large sums of money from any source in Mexico.

Speculation.--Oswald could not have received an American passport in June 1963 within 24 hours without special intervention on his behalf.

Commission finding.--Oswald's passport application was processed routinely by the Department of State. No person or agency intervened specially on his behalf to speed the issuance of the passport. The passports of 24 other persons, on the same list sent to Washington from New Orleans, were authorized at the same time. The Passport Office of the Department of State had no instructions to delay issuance of or to deny a passport to Oswald.86

Speculation.--The Walter-McCarran Act specifically requires anyone who has attempted to renounce his U.S. citizenship to file an affidavit stating why he should receive a U.S. passport. Therefore, Oswald should have been required to file such an affidavit before receiving his passport in June 1963.

Commission finding.--The Internal Security Act of 1950 (Walter-McCarran Act) contains no reference to an affidavit being required of a U.S. citizen who has attempted to expatriate himself.87

Speculation.--Oswald did not have money for his trip to Mexico in September 1963.

Commission finding.--An analysis of Oswald's finances by the Commission indicates that he had sufficient money to make the trip to and from Mexico City. There is no evidence that he received any

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assistance in financing his trip to Mexico. The total cost of his 7-day trip has been reliably estimated at less than $85. 88

Speculation.--Oswald was accompanied on his trip to Mexico City by a man and two women.

Commission finding.--Investigation has revealed that Oswald traveled alone on the bus. Fellow passengers on the bus between Houston and Mexico City have stated that he appeared to be traveling alone and that they had not previously known him.89

Speculation.--While in Mexico, Oswald made a clandestine flight to Havana and back.

Commission finding.--The Commission has found no evidence that Oswald made any flight to Cuba while he was in Mexico. He never received permission from the Cuban Government to enter Cuba nor from the Mexican Government to leave Mexico bound for Cuba. A confidential check of the Cuban airline in Mexico City indicates that Oswald never appeared at its office there.90

Speculation.--Oswald came back from Mexico City with $5,000.

Commission finding.--No evidence has ever been supplied or obtained to support this allegation. Oswald's actions in Mexico City and after his return to Dallas lend no support to this speculation.91

Speculation.--On November 27, 1963, in a speech at the University of Havana, Fidel Castro, under the influence of liquor, said "The first time that Oswald was in Cuba ..." Castro therefore had knowledge that Oswald had made surreptitious visits to Cuba.

Commission finding.--Castro's speeches are monitored directly by the U.S. Information Agency as he delivers them. A tape of this speech reveals that it did not contain the alleged slip of the tongue. Castro did refer to Oswald's visit to the "Cuban Embassy" in Mexico which he immediately corrected to "Cuban consulate." The Commission has found no evidence that Oswald had made surreptitious visits to Cuba.92
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OSWALD AND U.S. GOVERNMENT AGENCIES

Rumors and speculations that Oswald was in some way associated with or used by agencies of the U.S. Government grew out of his Russian period and his investigation by the FBI after his return to the United States. Insinuations were made that Oswald had been a CIA agent or had some relationship with the CIA and that this explained the supposed ease with which he received passports and visas. Speculation that he had some working relationship with the FBI was based on an entry in Oswald's notebook giving the name and telephone number of an agent from the FBI office in Dallas. The Directors of the CIA and the FBI have testified before the Commission that Oswald was never in the employ of their agencies in any capacity. The Commission has concluded on the basis of its own investigations of the files of Federal agencies that Oswald was not and had never been an agent of any agency of the U.S. Government (aside

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from his service in the Marines) and was not and had never been used by any U.S. Government agency for any purpose. The FBI was interested in him as a former defector and it maintained a file on him.

Speculation.--Oswald was an informant of either the FBI or the CIA. He was recruited by an agency of the U.S. Government and sent to Russia in 1959.

Commission finding.--Mrs. Marguerite Oswald frequently expressed the opinion that her son was such an agent, but she stated before the Commission that "I cannot prove Lee is an agent." 93 The Directors of the CIA and of the FBI testified before the Commission that Oswald was never employed by either agency or used by either agency in any capacity. Investigation by the Commission has revealed no evidence that Oswald was ever employed by either the FBI or CIA in any capacity.94

Speculation.--Oswald told Pauline Bates, a public stenographer in Fort Worth, Tex., in June 1962, that he had become a "secret agent" of the U.S. Government and that he was soon going back to Russia "for Washington."

Commission finding.--Miss Bates denied a newspaper story reporting that Oswald had told her that he was working for the U.S. Department of State. She stated that she had assumed incorrectly that he was working with the Department of State when he told her that the State Department had told him in 1959 that he would be on his own while in the Soviet Union.95

Speculation.--The FBI tried to recruit Oswald. An FBI agent's name, telephone number, and automobile license number were found among Oswald's papers.

Commission finding.--FBI officials have testified that they had never tried to recruit Oswald to act on behalf of the FBI in any capacity. The Commission's investigation corroborates this testimony. An FBI agent, James P. Hosty, Jr., had given his name and telephone number to Mrs. Ruth Paine so that she could call and give him Oswald's address in Dallas when she learned it. Mrs. Paine and Marina Oswald have stated that Mrs. Paine gave Oswald a slip of paper with the agent's name and telephone number on it. Marina Oswald had taken down the license number of Hosty's car on one of his visits and given it to her husband.96

Speculation.--Dallas police must have known where Oswald was living in the city because Mrs. Paine had given the address of Oswald's room on North Beckley Avenue to the FBI some time before the assassination.

Commission finding.--Mrs. Paine had never given the address of Oswald's roominghouse to the FBI, nor had she known the address prior to the assassination. Therefore, the Dallas police could not have learned the address from the FBI which did not know the address before the assassination. The Dallas Police did not know that Oswald was in the city before the assassination.97

Speculation.--It has been FBI policy for 20 years to inform employers of Communists or suspected Communists employed by them.

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It is a mystery, therefore, how Oswald retained his job at the Texas School Book Depository.

Commission finding.--The FBI advised the Commission that it has never been its policy to inform employers that they have Communists or suspected Communists working for them and that the FBI does not disseminate internal security information to anyone outside the executive branch of the U.S. Government. FBI agents had no contacts with Texas School Book Depository officials until after the assassination.98

Speculation.--Municipal and Federal police had observed Oswald closely for some time but had not regarded him as a potential killer.

Commission finding.--The Dallas police had not been aware of Oswald's presence in the city before the assassination. The FBI knew the Oswald was in Dallas from an interview with Mrs. Paine, but no FBI agents had interviewed him there before the assassination. The FBI had not regarded him as a potential killer.99

Speculation.--The FBI probably knew that Oswald had the rifle before the President's murder because it was most unlikely that it could have traced the ownership of the rifle within 1 day if it had not already had information on the rifle.

Commission finding.--The FBI successfully traced the purchase of the rifle by Oswald within 24 hours of the assassination. It had no previous information about the rifle.100

Speculation.--The FBI interviewed Oswald 10 days before the assassination.

Commission finding.--The last FBI interview with Oswald, before the assassination, took place in New Orleans in August 1963, when he asked to see an FBI agent after his arrest by police for disturbing the peace, the outcome of his distribution of Fair Play for Cuba handbills. Neither Special Agent Hosty nor any other FBI agent saw or talked with Oswald between his return to Dallas, on October 3, and November 22. Hosty did interview Mrs. Paine at her home about Oswald on November 1 and 5, 1963. He also saw Marina Oswald briefly on November 1 at Mrs. Paine's house, but he did not interview her.101.
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CONSPIRATORIAL RELATIONSHIPS

Rumors concerning accomplices and plots linked Oswald and Ruby with each other, or with others, including Patrolman J. D. Tippit, Gen. Edwin A. Walker, and Bernard Weissman of the nonexistent American Fact-finding Committee, in a conspiratorial relationship. The Commission made intensive inquiry into the backgrounds and relationships of Oswald and Ruby to determine whether they knew each other or were involved in a plot of any kind with each other or others. It was unable to find any credible evidence to support the rumors linking Oswald and Ruby directly or through others. The Commission concluded that they were not involved in a conspiratorial relationship with each other or with any third parties.

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Speculation.---Lee Harvey Oswald, Jack Ruby, and Patrolman J. D. Tippit lived within a few blocks of each other.

Commission finding.--Oswald's room was 1.3 miles from Ruby's apartment and Tippit lived 7 miles away from Ruby. Tippit's residence was about 7 miles from Oswald's room.102

Speculation.--Since Oswald did not have the money to repay the $435.61 he had received from the Department of State to cover part of the expenses of his return from Russia, he must have received help from some other source. Ruby lent Oswald money to pay back the loan and lent him small amounts of money thereafter.

Commission finding.--The Commission has no credible evidence that Oswald received any money from Ruby or anyone else to repay his State Department loan, nor that he received small amounts of money from Ruby at any time. An exhaustive analysis of Oswald's income and expenditures, made for the Commission by an Internal Revenue Service expert, reveals that Oswald had sufficient funds to make the State Department repayments from his earnings.103

Speculation.--Just before Oswald was shot by Ruby, he looked directly at Ruby in apparent recognition of him.

Commission finding.--The Commission has been unable to establish as a fact any kind of relationship between Ruby and Oswald other than that Oswald was Ruby's victim. The Commission has examined television tapes and motion picture films of the shooting and has been unable to discern any facial expression that could be interpreted to signify recognition of Ruby or anyone else in the basement of the building.104

Speculation.--The Dallas police suspected Oswald and Ruby of being involved in an attack on General Walker and planned to arrest the two when the FBI intervened, at the request of Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy, and asked the police not to do so for reasons of state.

Commission finding.--This allegation appeared in the November 29, 1963, issue (actually printed on November 25 or 26) of a German weekly newspaper, Deutsche National Zeiting und Soldaten Zeitung, published in Munich. The allegation later appeared in the National Enquirer of May 17, 1964. The Commission has been reliably informed that the statement was fabricated by an editor of the newspaper. No evidence in support of this statement has ever been advanced or uncovered. In their investigation of the attack on General Walker, the Dallas police uncovered no suspects and planned no arrests. The FBI had no knowledge that Oswald was responsible for the attack until Marina Oswald revealed the information on December 3, 1963.105

Speculation.--Ruby and Oswald were seen together at the Carousel Club.

Commission finding.--All assertions that Oswald was seen in the company of Ruby or of anyone else at the Carousel Club have been investigated. None of them merits any credence.106

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Speculation.--Oswald and General Walker were probably acquainted with each other since Oswald's notebook contained Walker's name and telephone number.

Commission finding.--Although Oswald's notebook contained Walker's name and telephone number there was no evidence that the two knew each other. It is probable that this information was inserted at the time that Oswald was planning his attack on Walker. General Walker stated that he did not know of Oswald before the assassination.107

Speculation.--Patrolman J. D. Tippit, Bernard Weissman, and Jack Ruby met by prearrangement on November 14, 1963, at the Carousel Club.

Commission finding.--Investigation has revealed no evidence to support this assertion. Nor is there credible evidence that any of the three men knew each other.108

Speculation.--Ruby's sister, Mrs. Eva Grant, said that Ruby and Tippit were "like two brothers."

Commission finding.--Mrs. Grant has denied ever making this statement or any statement like it, saying it was untrue and without foundation. Ruby was acquainted with another Dallas policeman named Tippit, but this was O. M. Tippit of the special services bureau of the department, not the Tippit who was killed.109

Speculation.--Jack Ruby was one of the most notorious of Dallas gangsters.

Commission finding.--There is no credible evidence that Jack Ruby was active in the criminal underworld. Investigation disclosed no one in either Chicago or Dallas who had any knowledge that Ruby was associated with organized criminal activity.110

Speculation.--The shooting in Dallas on January 23, 1964, of Warren A. Reynolds, who witnessed the flight of Patrolman Tippit's slayer on November 22 and followed him for a short distance, may have been connected in some way with the assassination of President Kennedy and the slaying of Patrolman Tippit. A man arrested for the attempt on Reynolds, Darrell Wayne Garner, was released as a result, in part, of testimony by Betty (Nancy Jane Mooney) MacDonald, who had allegedly worked at one time as a stripper at Jack Ruby's Carousel Club.

Commission finding.--This rumor, originally publicized by a newspaper columnist on February 23, 1964, was apparently based on the alleged connection between Betty MacDonald and the Carousel Club. Investigation revealed no evidence that she had ever worked at the Carousel Club. Employees of the club had no recollection that she bad ever worked there. Betty MacDonald was arrested and charged with disturbing the peace on February 13, 1964. After being placed in a cell at the Dallas city jail, she hanged herself. The Commission has found no evidence that the shooting of Warren Reynolds was in any way related to the assassination of President Kennedy or the murder of Patrolman Tippit.111

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OTHER RUMORS AND SPECULATIONS

Many rumors and speculations difficult to place in the categories treated above also required consideration or investigation by the Commission. In some way or other, much of this miscellany was related to theories of conspiracy involving Oswald. The rest pertained to peripheral aspects that were of sufficient import to merit attention. The Commission's findings are set forth below.

Speculation.--Oswald was responsible in some way for the death of Marine Pvt. Martin D. Schrand.

Commission finding.--This rumor was mentioned by at least one of Oswald's fellow Marines. Private Schrand was fatally wounded by a discharge from a riot-type shotgun while he was on guard duty on January 5, 1958, near the carrier pier, U.S. Naval Air Station, Cubi Point, Republic of the Philippines. The official Marine investigation in 1958 found that Schrand's death was the result of an accidental discharge of his gun and that no other person or persons were involved in the incident. The rumor that Oswald was involved in Schrand's death in some way may have had its origin in two circumstances: (1) Oswald was stationed at Cubi Point at the time of Schrand's death; (2) on October 27, 1957, while stationed in Japan, Oswald accidentally shot himself in the left elbow with a .22 derringer that he owned. the Commission has found no evidence that Oswald had any connection with the fatal shooting of Private Schrand.112

Speculation.--The Texas School Book Depository is owned and operated by the city of Dallas, and Oswald was therefore a municipal employee. Accordingly, he could have secured his job. at the Depository only if someone in an official capacity vouched for him.

Commission finding.--The Texas School Book Depository is a private corporation unconnected with the city of Dallas. Oswald therefore was not a municipal employee. He obtained his position at the Depository with the assistance of Mrs. Ruth Paine, who learned of a possible opening from a neighbor and arranged an interview for him with Superintendent Roy S. Truly at the Depository.113

Speculation.--Prior to the assassination Dallas police searched other buildings in the area of the Texas School Book Depository but not the School Book Depository itself.

Commission finding--The Dallas police and the Secret Service both notified the Commission that, other than the Trade Mart, they had searched no buildings along the route of the President's motorcade or elsewhere in Dallas in connection with the President's visit. It was not Secret Service practice to search buildings along the routes of motorcades.114

Speculation.--Sheriff E. J. Decker of Dallas County came on the police radio at 12:25 p.m. with orders to calm trouble at the Texas School Book Depository.

Commission finding.--The final edition of the Dallas Times-Herald of November 22 (p. 1, col. 1) reported that "Sheriff Decker came on the air at 12:25 p.m." and stated: "'I don't know what's happened. Take

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every available man from the jail and the office and go to the railroad yards off Elm near the triple underpass?" The article in the Times-Herald did not mention the time that the President was shot. The radio log of the Dallas County Sheriff's Office shows that Sheriff Decker came on the air at 40 seconds after 12:30 p.m. and stated: "Stand by me. All units and officers vicinity of station report to the railroad track area, just north of Elm- -Report to the railroad track area, just north of Elm." The radio log does not show any messages by Sheriff Decker between 12:20 p.m. and 40 seconds after 12:30 p.m.115

Speculation.--Police precautions in Dallas on November 22 included surveillance of many people, among them some who did no more than speak in favor of school integration.

Commission finding.--The Dallas Police Department notified the Commission that on November 22 it had no one under surveillance as a precaution in connection with President Kennedy's visit except at the Trade Mart. The Commission received no evidence that the Dallas police had under surveillance people who spoke in favor of school integration.116

Speculation.--Oswald was seen at shooting ranges in the Dallas area practicing firing with a rifle.

Commission finding.--Marina Oswald stated that on one occasion in March or April 1963, her husband told her that he was going to practice firing with the rifle. Witnesses have testified that they saw Oswald at shooting ranges in the Dallas area during October and November 1963. Investigation has failed to confirm that the man seen by these witnesses was Oswald.117

Speculation.--Oswald could drive a car and was seen in cars at various places.

Commission finding.--Oswald did not have a driver's license. Marina Oswald and Ruth Paine have testified that he could not drive a car, and there is no confirmed evidence to establish his presence at any location as the driver of a car. Mrs. Paine did give Oswald some driving lessons and he did drive short distances on these occasions.118

Speculation.--Oswald received money by Western Union telegraph from time to time for several months before the assassination of President Kennedy.

Commission finding.--An employee in the Western Union main office in Dallas, C. A. Hamblen, made statements that he remembered seeing Oswald there on some occasions collecting money that had been telegraphed to him. In his testimony before the Commission, Hamblen was unable to state whether or not the person he had seen was Lee Harvey Oswald. Western Union officials searched their records in Dallas and other cities for the period from June through November 1963 but found no money orders payable to Lee Oswald or to any of his known aliases. A Western Union official concluded that the allegation was "a figment of Mr. Hamblen's imagination." 119 The Commission has found no evidence to contradict this conclusion.120

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Speculation.--On his way back from Mexico City in October 1963, Oswald stopped in Alice, Tex., to apply for a job at the local radio station.

Commission finding.--This rumor apparently originated with the manager of radio station KOPY, Alice, who stated that Oswald visited his office on the afternoon of October 4 for about 25 minutes. According to the manager, Oswald was driving a battered 1953 model car and had his wife and a small child in the car with him. Oswald traveled from Mexico City to Dallas by bus, arriving in Dallas on the afternoon of October 3. The bus did not pass through Alice. On October 4, Oswald applied for two jobs in Dallas and then spent the afternoon and night with his wife and child at the Paine residence in Irving. Investigation has revealed that Oswald did not own a car and there is no convincing evidence that he could drive a car. Accordingly, Oswald could not have been in Alice on October 4. There is no evidence that he stopped in Alice to look for a job on any occasion.121

Speculation.--Oswald or accomplices had made arrangements for his getaway by airplane from an airfield in the Dallas area.

Commission finding.--Investigation of such claims revealed that they had not the slightest substance. The Commission found no evidence that Oswald had any prearranged plan for escape after the assassination.122

Speculation.--One hundred and fifty dollars was found in the dresser of Oswald's room at 1026 North Beckley Avenue after the assassination.

Commission finding.--No money was found in Oswald's room after the assassination. Oswald left $170 in the room occupied by his wife at the Paine residence in Irving. At the time of his arrest Oswald had $13.87 on his person.123

Speculation.-- After Oswald's arrest, the police found in his room seven metal file boxes filled with the names of Castro sympathizers.

Commission finding.--The Dallas police inventories of Oswald's property taken from his room at 1026 North Beckley Avenue do not include any file boxes. A number of small file boxes listed in the inventory as having been taken from the Paine residence in Irving contained letters, pictures, books and literature, most of which belonged to Ruth Paine, not to Oswald. No lists of names of Castro sympathizers were found among these effects.124

Speculation.--Oswald's letters vary so greatly in quality (spelling, grammar, sentence structure) that he must have had help in preparing the better constructed letters or someone else wrote them for him.

Commission finding.--There is no evidence that anyone in the United States helped Oswald with his better written letters or that anyone else wrote his letters for him. His wife stated that he would write many drafts of his more important letters. His mother indicated that he would work hard over the drafts of some of his letters. It is clear that he did take greater pains with some of his letters than with others and that the contrasts in quality were accordingly substantial.

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It is also clear that even his better written letters contained some distinctive elements of spelling, grammar, and punctuation that were common to his poorer efforts. Oswald wrote in his diary that he received help from his Intourist Guide, Rima Shirokova, in the preparation of his letter of October 16, 1959, to the Supreme Soviet.125

Speculation.--A Negro janitor who was a witness to the shooting and was supposed to be able to identify Oswald as the killer was held in protective custody by the Dallas police until he could appear before the President's Commission on the Assassination of President Kennedy.

Commission finding.--Investigation revealed that this story had no foundation in fact. No such witness was kept in protective custody by the Dallas police for appearance before the Commission. The story had its origin in a newspaper account based on hearsay.126

Speculation.--The Secret Service incarcerated Marina Oswald immediately after the assassination.

Commission finding.--Marina Oswald was given protection by the Secret Service for a period of time after the assassination. She had freedom to communicate with others at anytime she desired, to go where she pleased, or to terminate the protection at any time.127

Speculation.--Mrs. Marguerite Oswald was shown a photograph of Jack Ruby by an FBI agent the night before Ruby killed her son.

Commission finding.--On the night of November 23, 1963, Special Agent Bardwell D. Odum of the FBI showed Mrs. Marguerite Oswald a picture of a man to determine whether the man was known to her. Mrs. Oswald stated subsequently that the picture was of Jack Ruby. The Commission has examined a copy of the photograph and determined that it was not a picture of Jack Ruby.128

Speculation.--The son of the only witness to the Tippit slaying was arrested after talking to some private investigators and soon plunged to his death from an unbarred jail window.

Commission finding.--According to Mrs. Helen Markham, one of the witnesses to the Tippit slaying, Mrs. Marguerite Oswald and two men who claimed to be reporters from Philadelphia sought to interview her on June 27, 1964. Mrs. Markham did not wish to be interviewed and put them off. Afterward, Mrs. Markham's son, William Edward Markham, talked with Mrs. Oswald and the men about the Oswald matter and the shooting of Patrolman Tippit. William Edward Markham had been in Norfolk, Va., at the time of the assassination and had not returned to Dallas until May 7, 1964. He had no personal knowledge of the shooting of Patrolman Tippit. On June 30, 1964, another of Mrs. Markham's sons, James Alfred Markham, was arrested at Mrs. Markham's apartment by Dallas Police on a charge of burglary. While trying to escape, he fell from the bathroom of the apartment to a concrete driveway about 20 feet below. He was taken to Parkland Memorial Hospital, treated for injuries, and after 6½ hours was taken to jail. As of July 31, 1964, he was in Dallas County Jail awaiting trial. There was also a warrant outstanding against him for parole violation's. 129

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Speculation.--The headquarters detachment of the U.S. Army, under orders from [Secretary of Defense Robert S.] McNamara's office, began to rehearse for the funeral more than a week before the assassination.

Commission finding.--This assertion is based on an interview with U.S. Army Capt. Richard C. Cloy that appeared in the Jackson, Miss., Clarion-Ledger of February 21, 1964. The newspaper quotes Captain Cloy, who was a member of the Army unit charged with conducting funeral ceremonials in honor of deceased Chiefs of State, as having said that, "we were in a state of readiness and had just finished a funeral rehearsal because there was grave concern for President Hoover's health. But we never expected that our practice was preparing us for President Kennedy." 130

Speculation.---The ship in which Oswald went to Europe in 1959 stopped in Havana on the way.

Commission finding.--Oswald boarded the SS Marion Lykes in New Orleans and it sailed on September 20, 1959. It docked in Le Havre France, on October 8 with only one previous stop--at another French port, La Pallice.131

[monosylab1k]

Appendix 13: Biography of Lee Harvey Oswald
Early Years
Marines
Soviet Union
Fort Worth, Dallas, New Orleans
Mexico City
Dallas
EARLY YEARS
Marguerite Claverie, the mother of Lee Harvey Oswald, was born in New Orleans in 1907,1 into a family of French and German extraction. 2 Her mother died a few years after Marguerite was born leaving her and five other young children in the care of their father, a streetcar conductor.3 Although Marguerite describes herself as a child of one parent," she recalls being one of the most popular young ladies in the [grammar] school," and thinks of her childhood as a "very full happy" one.4 Her older sister, Mrs. Lillian Murret, remembers Marguerite as "a very pretty child, a very beautiful girl," 5 as does a former acquaintance, Clem H. Sehrt, who knew the Claveries.6 The family was poor but, according to Mrs. Murret, was a "happy family ... singing all the time."7 Marguerite had 1 year of high school.8 Shortly before she was 17, she went to work as a receptionist for a law firm in New Orleans?

In August 1929, while she was still working at the law firm, Marguerite married Edward John Pic, Jr.,10 a quiet man of her own age, who worked as a clerk for T. Smith & Son, a New Orleans stevedoring company.11 The marriage was not a success, and by the summer of 1931 she and Pic were separated.12 Marguerite was then 3 months pregnant; she told her family that Pic did not want any children and refused to support her.13 Pic ascribed the separation simply to their inability to get along together.14 A boy was born on January 17, 1932, whom Marguerite named John Edward Pic.15 Pic saw his son occasionally until he was about 1 year old; after that, he did not see the boy again 16 but contributed to his support until he was 18 years old.17

During her separation from her first husband, Marguerite saw a great deal of Robert Edward Lee Oswald, an insurance premium collector,18 who also was married but was separated from his wife.19 In 1933, Marguerite was divorced from Pic20 and, Oswald's wife also having obtained a divorce,12 they were married in a Lutheran church on July 20.22 Marguerite has described the period of her marriage to Oswald as "the only happy part" of her life.23 A son was born on April 7, 1934, who was named for his father; 24 Oswald wanted to adopt John Pic, but his mother objected on the ground that John's father might cut off the support payments.25 In 1938, the Oswalds purchased a new house on Alvar Street for $3,900,26 in what John remembered as "a rather nice neighborhood." 27 The house was across the street from the William Frantz School,28 which first John and

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later both he and Robert, Jr., attended. 29 On August 19, 1939, little more than a year after the Oswalds bought the Alvar Street house, Robert Oswald died suddenly of a heart attack. 30

Two months later, on October 18, 1939, a second son was born.31 He was named Lee after his father; Harvey was his paternal grandmother's maiden name. 32 For a while after her husband's death, Mrs. Oswald remained in the Alvar Street house without working; she probably lived on life insurance proceeds. 33 Sometime in 1940, she rented the house to Dr. Bruno F. Mancuso the doctor who had delivered Lee.34 (Dr. Mancuso continued to rent the house until 1944,35 when Marguerite obtained a judgment of possession against him.36 She sold the house for $6,500 to the First Homestead and Savings Association, which resold it to Dr. Mancuso.)37 She herself moved to a rented house at 1242 Congress Street, where she lived for about half a year.38 For part of this period after Oswald's death, the two older boys were placed in the Infant Jesus College, a Catholic boarding school in Algiers, La., a suburb of New Orleans. 39 Neither they nor their mother liked this arrangement, 40 which John thought was intended to save money;41 it lasted for less than a year, after which the boys returned to the school Frantz and then transferred to the George Washington Elementary School. 42

On March 5, 1941, Mrs. Oswald purchased a frame 43 house at 1010 Bartholomew Street, for $1,300.44 According to John's recollection, the neighborhood was not as pleasant as Alvar Street; the house had a backyard, and the family kept a dog named "Sunshine." 45 A neighbor, Mrs. Viola Peterman, recalls that Mrs. Oswald kept to herself but appeared to be "a good mother to her children." 46 She opened a shop in the front room, where she sold things like sewing"'supplies and small groceries.47 Oswald's Notion Shop, as it was called, failed to make money,49 and on January 16, 1942, Mrs. Oswald sold the house back to the Third District Home Association, from which she had purchased it, for a profit of $800.50

Probably in contemplation of the sale of the house, Mrs. Oswald applied in December 1941 to the Evangelical Lutheran Bethlehem Orphan Asylum Association for the admission of her two older sons to the orphan asylum, known as the Bethlehem Children's Home; she stated on the application that she could contribute $20 per month to their maintenance and would supply shoes and clothing.51 She had inquired also about Lee, who was too young to be admitted. 52 John and Robert were accepted and entered the home on January 3, 1942. 53

Mrs. Oswald moved to an apartment at 831 Pauline Street,54 and returned to work. In December 1942, she listed her occupation as "telephone operator"; 55 this may be the job she held at the Pittsburgh Plate Glass Co., a company for which she worked at some point during this period. 56 She left Lee for much of this time with his aunt, Mrs. Murret, who thought him a good looking, friendly child, but could not devote a great deal of attention to him because she had five children of her own. 57 In the late spring of 1942, Lee was watched for several weeks by Mrs. Thomas Roach, who lived with her husband in the

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same house as the Oswalds.58 Lee evidently did not get along with Mrs. Roach who told the next occupant of the house that Lee was a bad, unmanageable child who threw his toy gun at her.59 Apparently referring to the Roaches, Mrs. Oswald testified that she had once hired a couple to care for Lee; the couple neglected him, so she "put them out" and cared for Lee herself until Mrs. Murret was able to help her again. 60 Soon after the incident with the Roaches, Mrs. Oswald moved again,61 this time to 111 Sherwood Forest Drive, near the Murrets. 62

Mrs. Murret took care of Lee for several months longer. Near Lee's third birthday, Mrs. Oswald again inquired about his admission into the Bethlehem Children's Home, 63 perhaps because a disagreement with her sister made it impossible to leave him with her any longer.64 He was admitted on December 26.65 On his application, Mrs. Oswald agreed to contribute $10 per month and to supply shoes and clothing, as for the other boys. 66

Lee remained in the home for about 13 months, but according to John's testimony, left on several occasions to spend short periods of time with his mother or the Murrets. 67 John and Robert have pleasant memories of the home,68 which apparently gave the children a good deal of freedom.69 Robert described it as nondenominational but having "a Christian atmosphere"; "it might have been just a Protestant home." 70 Mrs. Oswald visited them regularly, 71 and they occasionally left the home to visit her or the Murrets.72

In July 1943, Mrs. Oswald was hired to manage a small hosiery store.73 This is probably the store to which she referred in her testimony as the "Princess Hosiery Shop on Canal Street," at which, she testified, she was left by herself and "in 6 days' time ... hired four girls." 74 Her employer remembers her as a neat, attractive, and hardworking woman, an aggressive person who would make a good manager. 75 She was not good with figures, however, and after several months he discharged her. 76 At about this same time, she met Edwin A. Ekdahl, an electrical engineer older than herself, who was originally from Boston but was then working in the area. 77 They saw each other often. Ekdahl met the boys 78 and, according to John's testimony, on at least one occasion, they all spent a weekend at a summer resort area in Covington, La. 79

By January 1944, Mrs. Oswald and Ekdahl had decided to marry.80 She withdrew Lee from the Children's Home 81 and moved with him to Dallas, where Ekdahl expected to be located. 82 They planned to postpone the marriage until the end of the school year so that the older boys could complete the year at the home before they left it.83 In the meantime, she would care for Ekdahl,84 who was recovering from a serious illness, probably a heart attack. 85 Mrs. Oswald has testified that when she arrived in Dallas, she decided that she did not want to marry Ekdahl after all.86 Using part of the proceeds from the sale of the Alvar Street house,87 she purchased a house at 4801 Victor Street,88 a portion of which she rented. 89 In June, John and Robert left the Children's Home and joined their mother in

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Dallas.90 They entered the nearby Davy Crockett Elementary School the following September.91

Ekdahl visited Mrs. Oswald on weekends and stayed at Victor Street. 92 By the following year she had resolved her doubts about marrying him, influenced in part by his substantial income 93 and perhaps by the visit some time earlier of his sister, who favored the marriage because of his ill health.94 Explaining that she expected to travel a great deal, Mrs. Oswald tried unsuccessfully to return the older boys to the home in February 1945.95 She and Ekdahl were married in May.96 After a brief honeymoon, they returned to Victor Street.97

Ekdahl got along well with the boys, on whom he lavished much attention.98 John testified that Ekdahl treated them as if they were his own children and that Lee seemed to find in Ekdahl "the father he never had"; John recalled that on one occasion he told Lee that Ekdahl and his mother had become reconciled after a separation, and that "this seemed to really elate Lee, this made him really happy that they were getting back together." 99

Because Ekdahl's business required him to make frequent trips, in September, John and Robert were placed in the Chamberlain-Hunt Military Academy at Port Gibson, Miss.;100 their mother paid the tuition herself, using the proceeds from the sale of the Alvar Street property. 101 They remained at the academy for the next 3 years, returning home only for or vacations. 102 Lee accompanied his parents on their travels.103 Mrs. Myrtle Evans, who had known both Marguerite and Ekdahl before their marriage,104 testified that Marguerite insisted on keeping Lee with her; Mrs. Evans thought that Marguerite was "too close" to Lee and "spoiled him to death," which hurt her marriage to Ekdahl.105

Sometime in the fall after John and Robert were at boarding school, the Ekdahls moved to Benbrook, a suburb of Fort Worth, where they lived on Granbury Road, 106 in a house of stone or brick, set on a large plot of land.107 Records of the Benbrook Common School show Lee's admission into the first grade on October 31; his birth date is incorrectly given as July 9, 1939, his mother presumably having given that date to satisfy the age requirement. 108 On February 8, 1946, he was admitted to the Harris Hospital in Fort Worth with "acute mastoiditis."109 A mastoidectomy was performed without complications, and Lee left the hospital in 4 days.110 (In 1955, Lee indicated on a school form that he had an "abnormal ear drum in left ear," 111 presumably a reference to the mastoidectomy; but when he entered the Marines year later, physical examination disclosed no physical defects.)

The Ekdahls' marriage quickly broke down. Before they had been married a year, Marguerite suspected Ekdahl of infidelity.113 She thought him stingy, 114 and there were frequent arguments about his insistence that she account for her expenditures and his refusal to share his money with her.115 In the summer of 1946, she left Ekdahl, picked up John and Robert at Chamberlain-Hunt, and moved with the boys to Covington, La., 116 where they lived for at least part of the time

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at 311 Vermont Street.117 Mrs. Evans described them at Covington, possibly during this summer, as "really a happy family"; Lee seemed like a normal boy but "kept to himself" and seemed not "to want to be with any other children." 118 The separation continued after the two boys returned to boarding school, and in September Lee was enrolled in the Covington Elementary School.119 His record at Benbrook had been satisfactory he was present on 82 school days and absent on 15, and received all A's and B's 120--but he had not completed the work of the first grade, in which he was enrolled for a second time.121

Lee received no grades at the Covington School, from which he was withdrawn on January 23, 1947,122 because his parents, now reconciled, were moving to Fort Worth, where they lived at 1505 Eighth Avenue.123 Four days later, he enrolled in the Clayton Public School; he was still in the first grade, which he completed in May with B's in every subject except physical education and health, in which he received A's. 124 In the fall, he entered the second grade in the same school but, relations between his parents having deteriorated again, was withdrawn before any grades were recorded.125

After the move to Fort Worth, the Ekdahls continued to argue frequently; according to John, "they would have a fight about every other day and he would leave and come back." 126 That summer, Marguerite obtained what she regarded as proof that Ekdahl was having some sort of affair. According to her testimony, a neighbor told her that Ekdahl had been living on Eighth Avenue with another woman while she was in Covington.127 Then, at a time when Ekdahl was supposed to be out of town,128 she went with John and several of his friends to an apartment in Fort Worth; one of the boys posed as a telegram carrier, and when the door opened she pushed her way into the apartment and found Ekdahl in his shirt sleeves in the company of a woman in a negligee.129

Despite this apparent confirmation of her suspicions, Marguerite continued to live with Ekdahl until January 1948.130 In January, according to Ekdahl's allegations in the subsequent divorce proceedings, she "directed ... [him] to leave the home immediately and never to return," which he did.131 Ekdahl filed suit for divorce in March.132 The complaint alleged that Marguerite constantly nagged Ekdahl and argued "with reference to money matters," accused him of infidelity, threw things at him, and finally ordered him out of the house; that these acts were unprovoked by Ekdahl's conduct toward her; that her acts endangered his already impaired health; and that her "excesses, harsh and cruel treatment and outrages" toward him made it impossible for them to live together.133 She denied all these allegations. 134 After a trial, at which John testified and, he thought, Lee was called to the stand but was excused without testifying,135 the jury found on special issues that Marguerite was "guilty of excesses, cruel treatment, or outrages" unprovoked by Ekdahl's conduct.

June 24, the court granted the divorce and approved an agreement between the parties disposing of their property between them and

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awarding Marguerite $1,500; at her request, the divorce restored to Marguerite her former name, Marguerite C. Oswald.137

While the divorce suit was pending, Marguerite moved from Eighth Avenue to a house on 3300 Willing Street, next to railroad tracks.138 The boys found her there in May when they returned from the military academy; for John, the move signified that they "were back down in the lower class again." 139 Lee's withdrawal from the Clayton School on March 18, 1948, 140 probably coincided with the move to Willing Street. He entered the Clark Elementary School on the following day, and in June completed the second grade with a record mostly of B's and A's.141 Philip Vinson, a classmate at the Clayton School has described Lee at, that time as "a quiet type of kids" who "didn't make a lot of noise." 142 Lee was "stocky and well built," which made other boys look up to him and regard him as the leader of one of their schoolyard "gangs." 143 Vinson thought that Lee was not a bully and got along with his classmates, but had the impression that he rarely played with them or brought them home after school.144

Shortly after the divorce, Mrs. Oswald purchased a small house in Benbrook, on what is now San Saba Street; 145 John has testified that it had a single bedroom, in which Lee slept with his mother, and a screened porch where John and Robert slept.146 Mrs. Oswald worked at a department store in Fort Worth, and left the three boys home alone.147 A neighbor, Mrs. W. H. Bell, has stated that Lee seemed to enjoy being by himself and to resent discipline; 148 another neighbor, Otis R. Carlton, stated that he once saw Lee chase John with a knife and throw it at him, an incident which, Carlton said, their mother passed off as a "little scuffle." 149 At the end of the summer, Carlton purchased the property. He stated that he appraised it at $2,750 at Mrs. Oswald's request; she then insisted that he had made an offer to purchase at that price, which he finally agreed to do.150

After the house was sold, the family returned to Fort Worth, a move necessitated by Mrs. Oswald's, and now John's, employment.151 Mrs. Oswald bought a two-bedroom, frame house at 7408 Ewing, from which Robert and Lee could walk to school.152 John, who was then 16, obtained a job as a shoe stockboy at Everybody's Department Store; he testified that he wanted to finish high school at the military academy, but that his mother advised him to leave school and help to support the family.153 He gave her $15 per week out of his salary of $25.154 Robert returned to school.155

Lee entered the third grade at the Arlington Heights Elementary School.156 He remained at Arlington Heights for the entire school year, completing the third grade with a satisfactory record, which included A's in social studies, citizenship, elementary science, art, and music, and a D in spelling. 157 In September 1949, he transferred to the Ridglea West Elementary School, where he remained for the next 3 years.158 Lee's record at Ridglea is not remarkable in any respect. In the fourth and fifth grades, he received mostly B's; in the sixth grade, B's and C's predominate.159 He received D's in

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both the fifth and sixth grades in spelling and arithmetic; in the fourth and sixth grades, C's are recorded for Spanish,160 which may account for his rudimentary familiarity with that language later on. 161 In the fourth grade his IQ was recorded at 103; on achievement tests in each of the 3 years, he twice did best in reading and twice did worst in spelling.162

Lee is generally characterized as an unexceptional but rather solitary boy during these years. His mother worked in a variety of jobs,163 and, according to her own testimony, told Lee not to contact her at work except in an emergency. 164 He ordinarily returned home alone directly after school, in obedience to his mother's instructions.165 A fourth grade teacher, Mrs. Clyde I. Livingston, described him as a lonely boy, quiet and shy, who did not easily form friendships with other students.166 But Richard W. Garrett has stated that he was a classmate of Lee in the fourth or fifth grade and found him easy to get along with; he recalled playing with Lee often at school and sometimes walking home together with him.167 Mrs. Livingston recalled that at Christmas 1949, Lee gave her a puppy and afterward came to her home to see the puppy and talk to her and her family.168

Lee's relationship with his brothers was good but limited by the difference in their ages.169 He still had a dog,170 but there were few children of his age in the neighborhood, and he appears to have been by himself after school most of the time. 171 He read a lot,172 had a stamp collection, and played chess and Monopoly with his brothers.173 Mrs. Murret remembered that on a visit to her home in New Orleans, Lee refused to play with other children or even to leave the house; he preferred to stay indoors and read (mostly "funnybooks") or listen to the radio. 174 After several weeks with the Murrets, Lee wrote to his mother and asked her to come for him.175 Hiram Conway, a neighbor on Ewing Street, thought Lee was an intelligent child, who picked things up easily; although he did not recall many specific incidents to support his impressions, Conway regarded Lee as "a bad kid," who was "quick to anger" and "mean when he was angry, just ornery." 176 John's general picture of Lee in these years is that of "a normal healthy robust boy who would get in fights and still have his serious moments." 177

John returned to high school in January 1949, but continued to work part time. 178 Early in 1950, he entered the Coast Guard.179 Robert left school soon after John's departure and went to work full time, contributing most of his earnings to the support of his family. 180 He returned to school in 1951-52, and after completing his junior year in high school, joined the Marines in July 1952. 181 In August, Mrs. Oswald and Lee moved to New York, where John was living with his wife and a very young baby in an apartment at 325 East 92d Street; the apartment belonged to John's mother-in-law, who was temporarily away.182 Mrs. Oswald has explained that with Robert gone she did not want Lee to be alone while she worked and that she went to New York City "not as a venture," but because she "had family" there.183

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The visit began well. John testified of his meeting with Lee: "We met in the street and I was real glad to see him and he was real glad to see me. We were real good friends." 184 He took about a week of leave and showed Lee the city; he remembered trips to the Museum of Natural History and Polk's Hobby Shop, and a ride on the Staten Island ferry.185 But when it became obvious that his mother intended to stay, the atmosphere changed. Mrs. Oswald did not get along with John's wife, with whom she quarreled frequently.186 There was difficulty about her failure to contribute anything towards her own and Lee's support.187 According to John, his wife liked Lee and would have been glad to have him alone stay with them but felt that his mother set Lee against her; they never suggested that Lee remain with them since they knew that it would not work out.188 The visit ended when Lee threatened Mrs. Pic with a pocket knife during a quarrel,189 and she asked Mrs. Oswald to leave.190 John testified that during this same quarrel Lee hit his mother, who appeared to have lost all control over him.191 The incident permanently destroyed the good relationship between Lee and his brother.192

Mrs. Oswald and Lee moved uptown to a one-room basement apartment 193 in the Bronx, at 1455 Sheridan Avenue.194 While they were still at the Pics, he had been enrolled at the Trinity Evangelical Lutheran School on Watson Avenue.195 He was withdrawn on September 26, after several weeks of irregular attendance, and 4 days later enrolled in the seventh grade of Public School 117, a junior high school.196 Mrs. Oswald found a job at one of the Lerner Shops, a chain of dress shops for which she had worked briefly in Fort Worth several years before.197 In January, they moved again, to 825 East 179th Street,198 and a few weeks later, she left the employ of Lerner Shops.199 In April, she was working at Martin's Department Store in Brooklyn, where she earned $45 per week;200 in May, she went to work for a chain of hosiery shops, with which she remained until December.201 Lee was registered at Public School 117 until January 16, 1953,202 although the move to 179th Street, which took him out of that school district, probably took place before that date.203 He had been at Public School 117 for 64 schooldays, out of which he had been present on 15 full and 2 half days;204 he had received failing grades in most of his courses.205

Lee's truancy increased after he moved; he was now located in the school district of Public School 44 but refused to go to school there.206 On one occasion that spring, an attendance officer located Lee at the Bronx Zoo; the officer testified that Lee was clean and well dressed, but was surly and referred to the officer as a "damned Yankee." 207 Several truancy hearings were held in January, at the first of which at least, both Mrs. Oswald and Lee evidently failed to appear.208 At a hearing on January 27, by which time it was known that Lee was living in the Public School 44 district, it was decided to commence judicial proceedings if his truancy continued.209 Meanwhile, on January 16, his mother called the Community Service Society, to which she had

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been referred by the Federation of Protestant Welfare Agencies, and asked for an appointment to discuss the problem.210 She mentioned that a truancy hearing had been held and said that Lee would not attend school despite the threat of official action; she thought that his behavior was due to difficulty in adjusting to his new environment.211 An appointment was scheduled for January 30, but she failed to appear, and the case was closed.212 Sometime in February, the Pics visited the Oswalds. John testified that his mother told him about Lee's truancy and asked how she could get Lee to accept psychiatric aid. Nothing came of these discussions.213

On March 12, the attendance officer in charge of Lee's case filed a petition in court which alleged that Lee had been "excessively absent from school" between October and January, that he had refused to register at Public School 44 or to attend school there, and that he was "beyond the control of his mother insofar as school attendance is concerned? 214 On the same day, Mrs. Oswald appeared in court alone and informed the presiding judge that Lee refused to appear in court.215 Evidently impressed by the proceedings, however, Lee did register at Public School 44 on March 23.216 Nevertheless, on April 16, Justice Delany declared him a truant, and remanded him to Youth House until May 7 for psychiatric study.217

In accordance with the regular procedures at Youth House, Lee took a series of tests and was interviewed by a staff social worker and a probation officer, both of whom interviewed Mrs. Oswald as well.218 Their findings, discussed more fully in chapter VII of the Commission's report, indicated that Lee was a withdrawn, socially maladjusted boy, whose mother did not interest herself sufficiently in his welfare and had failed to establish a close relationship with him.219 Mrs. Oswald visited Lee at Youth House and came away with a highly unfavorable impression; she regarded it as unfit for her son.220 On the basis of all the test results and reports and his own interview with Lee, Dr. Renatus Hartogs, the chief staff psychiatrist, recommended that Lee be placed on probation with a requirement that he seek help from a child guidance clinic, and that his mother be urged to contact a family agency for help; he recommended that Lee not be placed in an institution unless treatment during probation was unsuccessful.221

Lee returned to court on May 7. He and his mother appeared before Justice McClancy, who discussed the Youth House reports with them.222 He released Lee on parole until September 24, and requested that a referral be made to the Community Service Society for treatment.223 The probation officer called the society on the same day but was told that it would probably not be able to take the case because of its already full case load and the intensive treatment which Lee was likely to require; 224 it confirmed this position 1 week later and closed the case on May 31.225 An application was made to the Salvation Army also, which turned it down because it could not provide the needed services.226

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During the few weeks of school which remained, Lee attended school regularly, and completed the seventh grade with low but passing marks in all his academic subjects.227 (He received a failing mark in a home economics course.)228 His conduct was generally satisfactory and he was rated outstanding in "Social-Participation"; the record indicates that he belonged to a model airplane club and had a special interest in horseback riding.229 Robert Oswald visited New York that summer, while he was on leave from the Marines.230 Lee did not appear to him to be unhappy or to be acting abnormally, nor did Robert observe that relations between Lee and his mother were strained.231 Lee's truancy the previous fall and winter was apparently discussed only in passing, when Mrs. Oswald mentioned that Lee had to appear before a judge.232

On September 14, Lee entered the eighth grade at Public School 44.233 His parole was due to end 10 days later. On September 24, however, Mrs. Oswald telephoned the probation officer and advised that she could not appear in court; she added that there was no need for her to do so, since Lee was attending school regularly and was now well adjusted.234 The parole was extended until October 29, before which date the school was to submit a progress report.235 The report was highly unfavorable. Although Lee was attending school regularly, his conduct was unsatisfactory; teachers reported that he refused to salute the flag, did little work, and seemed to spend most of his time "sailing paper planes around the room." 236 On October 29, Mrs. Oswald again telephoned to say that she would be unable to appear. Justice Sicher continued Lee's parole until November 19 and directed the probation officer to make a referral to the Berkshire Industrial Farm or Children's Village.237

Before the next hearing, Mrs. Oswald discussed Lee's behavior with the school authorities, who indicated to the probation officer that Lee's behavior improved considerably after her visit to the school.238 He did, in fact, receive passing grades in most of his subjects in the first marking period. His report also contains notations by his teachers that he was "quick-tempered," "constantly losing control," and "getting into battles with others.239 Both Lee and his mother appeared in court on November 19. Despite Mrs. Oswald's request that Lee be discharged, Justice Sicher stated his belief that Lee needed treatment, and continued his parole until January 28, 1954; the probation officer was directed to contact the Big Brothers counseling service in the meantime.240

At the request of the probation officer, the Big Brothers office contacted Mrs. Oswald in December, and on January 4 a caseworker visited her and Lee at home.241 The caseworker reported that he was cordially received but was told by Mrs. Oswald that continued counseling was unnecessary; she pointed out to him that Lee now belonged to the West Side YMCA, which he attended every Saturday. The caseworker reported, however, that Lee was plainly "displeased with the idea of being forced to join various 'Y' organizations about which he cared little." Mrs. Oswald declared her intention to return to New

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Orleans and was advised to obtain Lee's release from the court's jurisdiction before she left.242 On the following day, she called the probation officer, who was away on vacation, and was advised by his office again not to take Lee out of the jurisdiction without the court's consent.243 The same advice was repeated to her by the Big Brothers caseworker on January 6.244 Through all these contacts, Mrs. Oswald had evidenced reluctance to bring Lee into court, prompted probably by fear that he would be retained in some sort of custody as he had been at the time of the commitment to Youth House.245 Without further communication to the court, Mrs. Oswald and Lee returned to New Orleans sometime before January 10.246 On March 11, the court dismissed the case.247

In New Orleans, Lee and his mother stayed with the Murrets at 757 French Street while they looked for an apartment.248 Lee enrolled in the eighth grade at Beauregard Junior High School on January 13 249 and completed the school year without apparent difficulty.250 He entered the ninth grade in September and again received mediocre but acceptable marks.251 In October 1954, Lee took a series of achievement tests, on which he did well in reading and vocabulary, badly in mathematics.252 At the end of the school year, on June 2, 1955, he filled out a "personal history." He indicated that the subjects which he liked best were civics, science, and mathematics; those he liked least were English and art. His vocational preferences were listed as biology and mechanical drawing; his plans after high school, however, were noted as "military service" and "undecided." He said that reading and outdoor sports were his recreational activities and that he liked football in particular. In response to the question whether he had "any close friends in this school," he wrote,"no." 253

Lee is remembered by those who knew him in New Orleans as a quiet., solitary boy who made few friends.254 He was briefly a member of the Civil Air Patrol,255 and considered joining an organization of high school students interested in astronomy; 256 occasionally, he played pool or darts with his friend, Edward Voebel.257 Beyond this, he seems to have had few contacts with other people. He read a lot, starting at some point to read Communist literature which he found at the public library; 258 he walked or rode a bicycle, sometimes visiting a museum.259 Except in his relations with his mother, he was not unusually argumentative or belligerent, but he seems not to have avoided fights if they came; they did come fairly frequently, perhaps in part because of his aloofness from his fellows and the traces of a northern accent in his speech.260 His only close friendship, with Voebel, arose when Voebel helped him tend his wounds after a fight.261 Friends of Mrs. Oswald thought that he was demanding and insolent toward her and that she had no control over him.262

While Lee was in the eighth and ninth grades, Mrs. Oswald worked first at Burt's Shoestore 263 and then at the Dolly Shoe Co.264 One of her employers at Dolly, where she worked as a cashier and salesclerk, remembered her as a pleasant person and a good worker.265 At her request, the company hired Lee to work part time; he worked there,

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mostly on Saturdays, for about 10 weeks in 1955.266 On the "personal history" record which he filled out in school, he stated that he had been a "retail shoesaleman"; 267 but his employer recalled that they had tried to train him as a salesman without success and that he had in fact, been a stockboy.268

After a short period with the Murrets, Mrs. Oswald and Lee had moved to an apartment owned by Myrtle Evans at 1454 Saint Mary Street, which she and Mrs. Murret helped to furnish; later they moved to a less expensive apartment in the same building, the address of which was 1452 Saint Mary Street.269 Relations between Mrs. Oswald and Mrs. Evans became strained,270 and in the spring of 1955 the Oswalds moved to a new apartment at 126 Exchange Place in the French Quarter.271 Although Lee gave the Exchange Place address on a school form at the end of the ninth grade,272 the school authorities had apparently not been advised of these moves earlier, because Mrs. Oswald did not want Lee to be transferred from Beauregard, which she considered a good school.273 During the summer of 1955, Robert left the Marine Corps and spent a week with his mother and Lee in New Orleans before moving to Fort Worth; he found Lee unchanged.274

That fall, Lee entered the 10th grade at Warren Easton High School.275 He had been there for about a month when he presented to the school authorities a note written by himself to which he had signed his mother's name. It was dated October 7, 1955, and read:

To whom it may concern,

Becaus we are moving to San Diego in the middle of this month Lee must quit school now. Also, please send by him any papers such as his birth certificate that you may have. Thank you.

Sincirely

Mrs. M. Oswald 276
He dropped out of school a few days later, shortly before his 16th birthday.277 After his birthday, he tried to enlist in the Marines, using a false affidavit from his mother that he was 17.278 (Some years before, John Pic had joined the Marine Corps Reserve by means of his mother's false affidavit that he was 17.) 279 The attempt failed, and, according to his mother's testimony, Lee spent the next year reading and memorizing the "Marine Manual," which he had obtained from Robert and "living to when he is age 17 to join the Marines."

He worked for the rest of the school year. Between November 10 and January 14, he was a messenger boy for Gerald F. Tujague, Inc., a shipping company, where he earned $130 per month.281 His employer remembers him as a quiet, withdrawn person.282 In January he worked briefly as an office boy for J. R. Michels, Inc.283 For several months thereafter, he was a messenger for the Pfisterer Dental Laboratory.284 His military record subsequently described his prior civilian jobs as follows:

[monosylab1k]

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Performed various clerical duties such as distributing mail, delivering messages & answering telephone. Helped file records & operated ditto, letter opening & sealing machines.285
Anticipating that Lee would join the Marines as soon as he was 17, Mrs. Oswald moved in July 1956 to Fort Worth,286 where she took an apartment at 4936 Collinswood for herself, Lee, and Robert.287 In September, Lee enrolled in the 10th grade at the Arlington Heights High School 288 but attended classes for only a few weeks. He dropped out of school on September 28. 289 A few days later, he wrote the following letter to the Socialist Party of America:

October 3, 1956

Dear Sirs;

I am sixteen years of age and would like more information about your youth League, I would like to know if there is a branch in my area, how to join, ect., I am a Marxist, and have been studying socialist principles for well over fifteen months I am very interested in your Y.P.S.L.

Sincerely

/s/ Lee Oswald 290
Accompanying the letter was an advertisement coupon, on which he had checked the box requesting information about the Socialist Party.291

Lee became 17 on October 18. He enlisted in the Marines on October 24.292

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MARINES
On October 26, 1956, Lee Harvey Oswald reported for duty at the Marine Corps Recruit Depot in San Diego, Calif., where he was assigned to the Second Recruit Training Battalion.293 He was 68 inches tall and weighed 135 pounds; he had no physical defects.294 On October 30, he took a series of aptitude tests, on which he scored significantly above the Marine Corps average in reading and vocabulary and significantly below the average in tests in arithmetic and pattern analysis. His composite general classification score was 105, 2 points below the Corps average. He scored near the bottom of the lowest group in a radio code test.295 His preference of duty was recorded as Aircraft Maintenance and Repair, the duty assignment for which he was recommended.296

While he was at San Diego, Oswald was trained in the use of the M-1 rifle.297 His practice scores were not very good,298 but when his company fired for record on December 21, he scored 212, 2 points above the score necessary to qualify as a "sharpshooter" on a marksman/sharpshooter/expert scale.299 He did not do nearly as well when

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he fired for record again shortly before he left the Marines.300 He practiced also with a riot gun and a .45-caliber pistol when he was in the Marines but no scores were recorded.301

Oswald was given a 4.4 rating in both "conduct" and "proficiency" at the Recruit Depot, the highest possible rating being 5.0 and an average rating of 4.0 being required for an honorable discharge.302 On January 18, 1957, he reported to Camp Pendleton, Calif., for further training and was assigned to "A" Company of the First Battalion, Second Infantry Training Regiment.303 He was at Pendleton for a little more than 5 weeks, at the end of which he was rated 4.2 in conduct and 4.0 in proficiency.304 Allen R. Felde, a fellow recruit who was with Oswald at San Diego and Pendleton, has stated that Oswald was generally unpopular and that his company was avoided by the other men.305 When his squad was given its first weekend leave from Pendleton, all eight men took a cab to Tijuana, Mexico. Oswald left the others and did not rejoin them until it was time to return to camp. Felde said that this practice was repeated on other trips to Los Angeles; Oswald accompanied the men on the bus to and from camp but did not stay with them in the city.306 On February 27, he went on leave for 2 weeks,307 during which he may have visited his mother in Fort Worth.308

On March 18, he reported to the Naval Air Technical Training Center at the Naval Air Station in Jacksonville, Fla.309 For the next 6 weeks he attended an Aviation Fundamental School, in which he received basic instruction in his specialty, including such subjects as basic radar theory, map reading, and air traffic control procedures.310 This course, as well as his next training assignment at Keesler Air Force Base, required Oswald to deal with confidential material.311 He was granted final clearance up to the "confidential" level on May 3, "after [a] careful check of local records had disclosed no derogatory data." 312 He completed the course on the same day, ranking 46th in a class of 54 students.313 On the previous day, he had been promoted to private, first class, effective May 1.314 At Jacksonville, he received ratings of 4.7 in conduct and 4.5 in proficiency, the highest ratings he ever attained.315

Oswald left for Keesler Air Force Base in Biloxi, Miss., on the day his course was completed; 316 he traveled, probably by overnight train, in a group of six marines led by Pfc. Daniel P. Powers, the senior marine in charge.317 At Keesler, he attended the Aircraft Control and Warning Operator Course, which included instruction in aircraft surveillance and the use of radar.318 Powers was not sure whether he had met Oswald before the trip to Biloxi 319 but remembers him there as "a somewhat younger individual less matured than the other boys," who "was normally outside the particular group of marines that were in this attachment to Keesler." 320 (Oswald was in fact 3 years younger than Powers.) 321 Powers testified that Oswald had the nickname "Ozzie Rabbit." 322 Oswald generally stayed to himself, often read-

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ing; he did not play cards or work out in the gym with the others.323 He spent his weekends alone, away from the base; Powers thought he left Biloxi and perhaps went "home" to New Orleans, less than 100 miles away.324 He finished the course seventh in a class of 30 marines on June 17,325 and on June 25, was given an MOS (military occupational specialty) of Aviation Electronics Operator.326 On June 20, he went on leave,327 possibly visiting his mother.328 His ratings at Keesler were 4.2 in conduct. and 4.5 in proficiency,329 which Powers thought was "pretty good." 330

On July 9, Oswald reported at the Marine Corps Air Station at El Toro, Calif., near Santa Ana.331 He was classified as a replacement trainee and attached to the Fourth Replacement Battalion.332 Six weeks later, on August 22, he departed from San Diego for Yokosuka, Japan, on board the U.S.S. Bexar.333 Powers testified that while on board, Oswald taught him to play chess, which they played frequently, sometimes for more than 4 hours a day.334 Like most of the men on board, Oswald read a lot from the books which were available. Powers thought he read "a good type of literature," remembering in particular Whitman's "Leaves of Grass." 335

The Bexar docked at Yokosuka on September 12.336 Oswald was assigned to Marine Air Control Squadron No. 1 (MACS-1), Marine Air Group 11, 1st Marine Aircraft Wing, based at Atsugi, about 20 miles west of Tokyo.337 Oswald was a radar operator in MACS-1, which had less than 100 men.338 Its function was to direct aircraft to their targets by radar, communicating with the pilots by radio.339 The squadron had also the duty of scouting for incoming foreign aircraft, such as straying Russian or Chinese planes, which would be intercepted by American planes.340

On October 27, when Oswald opened his locker to remove some gear, a derringer .22 caliber pistol fell to the floor and discharged; the bullet hit him in the left elbow.341 Paul Edward Murphy, a fellow marine who was in the next cubicle, heard the shot, rushed in, and found Oswald sitting on the locker looking at his arm; without emotion, Oswald said to Murphy, "I believe I shot myself." 342 He was in the naval hospital at Yokosuka until November 15.343

The Judge Advocate General concluded that Oswald had "displayed a certain degree of carelessness or negligence" by storing a loaded revolver in his locker, but that his injury was incurred "in the line of duty" and was not the result of his own misconduct." 344 He was, however, charged with possession of an unregistered privately owned weapon in violation of general orders. A court-martial followed on April 11, 1958, when Oswald's unit returned from maneuvers, and on April 29 he was sentenced to be confined at hard labor for 20 days, to forfeit $25 per month for 2 months, and to be reduced to the grade of private.345 The confinement was suspended for 6 months, after which that portion of the sentence was to be remitted.346

Five days after Oswald left the hospital, MACS-1 embarked aboard the Terrell County, LST 1157, for maneuvers in the Philippine Islands

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area.347 According to Powers' recollection, the squadron was expected to return to Atsugi after maneuvers were completed, but an international crisis developed; since another operation was scheduled for a few months later, the squadron debarked at Cubi Point (Subic Bay) in the Philippines and set up a temporary installation.348 While he was in the Philippines, Oswald passed a test of eligibility for the rank of corporal; 349 in a semiannual evaluation, however, he was given his lowest ratings thus far: 4.0 in conduct and 3.9 in proficiency.350 The unit participated in exercises at Corregidor, from which it sailed for Atsugi on March 7, 1958, aboard the U.S.S. Wexford County, LST 1168.351 The Wexford County reached Atsugi 11 days later.352

Oswald was court-martialed a second time on June 27, for using "provoking words" to a noncommissioned officer (a sergeant) on June 20, at the Bluebird Cafe in Yamato, and assaulting the officer by pouring a drink on him.353 The findings were that Oswald spilled the drink accidentally, but when the sergeant shoved him away, Oswald invited the sergeant outside in insulting language.354 Oswald admitted that he was rather drunk and had invited the sergeant outside but did not recall insulting him.355 He was sentenced to be confined at hard labor for 28 days and to forfeit $55; 356 in addition, suspension of the previous sentence of confinement was withdrawn.357 He was in confinement until August 13.358 Meanwhile, a previously granted extension of oversea duty was canceled,359 and he was given ratings of 1.9 in conduct and 3.4 in proficiency.360

On September 14, Oswald sailed with his unit for the South China Sea area; the unit was at Ping Tung, North Taiwan on September 30, and returned to Atsugi on October 5.361 On October 6, he was transferred out of MACS-1 and put on general duty, in anticipation of his return to the United States.362 He spent several days thereafter in the Atsugi Station Hospital.363 On October 31, he received his last oversea ratings: 4.0 in both conduct and proficiency.364

Oswald appears generally to have been regarded by his fellows overseas as an intelligent person who followed orders and did his work well, but who complained frequently.365 He did not associate much with other marines and continued to read a great deal.366 Paul Murphy testified that Oswald could speak "a little Russian" while he was overseas.367 Powers believed that Oswald became more assertive in Japan and thought that he might have had a Japanese girl friend.368 He departed from Yokosuka on board the USNS Barbet on November 2, and arrived in San Francisco 13 days later.369 On November 19, he took 30 days' leave.370

On December 22, Oswald was assigned to Marine Air Control Squadron No. 9 (MACS-9) at the Marine Corps Air Station at El Toro, where he had been briefly before he went overseas.371 He was one of about seven enlisted men and three officers who formed a "radar crew," engaged primarily in aircraft surveillance.372 This work probably gave him access to certain kinds of classified material, some of which, such as aircraft call signs and radio frequencies, was

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changed after his defection to Russia.373 For part of his time at El Toro, Oswald may have been assigned to clerical or janitorial tasks on the base.374 Some of his associates believed rumors,375 incorrect according to official records,376 that he had lost his clearance to work on radar crews; one recalled hearing that Oswald had once had clearance above the "confidential" level and had lost it because he "had poured beer over a staff NCO's head in an enlisted club in Japan, and had been put in the brig." 377

The officer in command of the radar crew, Lt. John E. Donovan, found him "competent in all functions," and observed that he handled himself calmly and well in emergency situations.378 Donovan thought Oswald was not a leader but that he performed competently on occasions when, as the senior man present, he served as crew chief.379 This estimate was generally shared by his fellows, most of whom thought that he performed his assigned duties adequately but was deficient in disciplinary matters and such things as barracks inspection.380 One of them recalled that after a number of bad inspections, the other members of Oswald's quonset hut complained about him and secured his transfer to another hut.381 He was thought to be an intelligent person, somewhat better educated and more intellectually oriented than other men on the base.382 A few of the men thought it more accurate to describe him as someone who wanted to appear intelligent.383 He had a pronounced interest in world affairs, in which he appears to have been better informed than some of the officers, whose lack of knowledge amused and sometimes irritated him; he evidently enjoyed drawing others, especially officers, into conversations in which he could display his own superior knowledge.384

It seems clear from the various recollections of those who knew him at El Toro that by the time Oswald returned to the United States, he no longer had any spirit for the Marines; the attitudes which had prompted his enlistment as soon as he was eligible were entirely gone, and his attention had turned away from the Marines to what he might do after his discharge. While no one was able to predict his attempt to defect to Russia within a month after he left the Marines, the testimony of those who knew him at El Toro in contrast to that of his associates in Japan, leaves no doubt that his thoughts were occupied increasingly with Russia and the Russian way of life. He had studied the Russian language enough by February 25, 1959, to request that he be given a foreign language qualification test; his rating was "poor" in all parts of the test.385 Most of the marines who knew him were aware that he was studying Russian; 386 one of them, Henry J. Roussel, Jr., arranged a date between Lee and his aunt, Rosaleen Quinn, an airline stewardess who was also studying Russian.387 (Miss Quinn thought that Oswald spoke Russian well in view of his lack of formal training; she found the evening uninteresting.388 Donovan, with whom she had a date later, testified that she told him that Oswald was "kind of an oddball.") 389 He read, and perhaps subscribed to, a newspaper, possibly printed in Russian, which his associates connected with his Russian bent.390

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Most of those who knew him were able to recount anecdotes which suggest that he was anxious to publicize his liking for things Russian, sometimes in good humor and sometimes seriously. Some of his fellows called him "Oswaldskovich," apparently to his pleasure.391 He is said to have had his name written in Russian on one of his jackets;392 to have played records of Russian songs "so loud that one could hear them outside the barracks"; 393 frequently to have made remarks in Russian 394 or used expressions like "da" or "nyet," 395 or addressed others (and been addressed) as "Comrade";396 to have come over and said jokingly, "You called?" when one of the marines played a particular record of Russian music.397

Connected with this Russophilia was an interest in and acceptance of Russian political views and, to a lesser extent, Communist ideology. Less obvious to his fellows generally,398 it nevertheless led him into serious discussions with some of them. Donovan, who was a graduate of the School of Foreign Service of Georgetown University,399 thought Oswald was "truly interested in international fairs" 400 and "very well versed, at least on the superficial facts of a given foreign situation." 401 He recalled that Oswald had a particular interest in Latin America 402 and had a good deal of information about Cuba in particular.403 Oswald expressed sympathy for Castro but, according to Donovan, "what he said about Castro was not an unpopular belief at that time." 404 Donovan believed that Oswald subscribed to the Russian newspaper--which Donovan thought was a Communist newspaper--not only in order to read Russian but also because he thought it "presented a very different and perhaps equally just side of the international affairs in comparison with the United States newspapers." 405 Donovan was clear, on the other hand, that he never heard Oswald "in any way, shape or form confess that he was a Communist, or that he ever thought about being a Communist." 406

Private Kerry Thornley described himself as a close acquaintance, but not a good friend, of Oswald, whom he met in the spring of 1959; he later wrote an unpublished novel in which he drew heavily on his impressions of Oswald.408 Thornley generally corroborates Donovan's testimony but thought Oswald definitely believed that "the Marxist morality was the most rational morality to follow" and communism, "the best system in the world." 409 Thornley thought this belief was "theoretical," a "dispassionate appraisal" which did not indicate "any active commitment to the Communist ends"; he described Oswald as "idle in his admiration for communism." 410 He recalled discussions about Marxism in which Oswald criticized capitalism and praised the Soviet economic system.411 Thornley testified that his association with Oswald ended when, in response to Oswald's criticism of a parade in which they both had to march, he said "Well, comes the revolution you will change all that." Oswald, he said, looked at him "like a betrayed Caesar" and walked away.412 Thornley attributed Oswald's decision to go to Russia to a growing disillusionment with the United States, especially its role in the Far East, and a conviction that communism

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would eventually prevail.413 He was surprised by the decision but expected Oswald to adjust to Russian life and remain in Russia permanently

Another marine, Nelson Delgado, met Oswald soon after the latter arrived at El Toro.415 They were about the same age and had similar interests; Oswald enjoyed trying to speak Spanish with Delgado, who spoke it fluently.416 Delgado regarded him as a "complete believer that our way of government was not quite right," but did not think he was a Communist.417 Their discussions were concerned more with Cuba than Russia.418 They both favored the Castro government and talked--"dreaming," Delgado said--about joining the Cuban Army or Government and perhaps leading expeditions to other Caribbean islands to "free them too." 419 Oswald told Delgado that he was in touch with Cuban diplomatic officials in this count; which Delgado at first, took to be "one of his ... lies," 420 but later believed.421

Oswald's interest in Russia and developing ideological attachment to theoretical communism apparently dominated his stay at El Toro. He was still withdrawn from most of his fellows, although his special interests appear to have made him stand out more there than he had at other posts and to have given him a source for conversation which he had hitherto lacked.422 According to several of the witnesses, names like "Ozzie Rabbit" still clung to him; 423 others recalled no nickname or only shortened versions of his real name.424 His reading acquired direction; books like "Das Kapital" and Orwell's "Animal Farm" and "1984" are mentioned in the testimony concerning this period. He played chess; 426 according to one of his opponents he chose the red pieces, expressing a preference for the "Red Army." 427 He listened to classical music.428 For a short time, he played on the squadron football team.429 According to Donovan, who coached the team, Oswald was not very good; he lacked team spirit and often tried to call the plays, which was not his job.430 Delgado thought Oswald was a mediocre player.431 Donovan did not know whether Oswald quit or was thrown off the team.432 He spent most of his weekends alone, as he had at Keesler, and did not leave the post as often as the other men.433 Delgado once rode with him on the train to Los Angeles but separated from him there; Oswald returned to the base after one night.434 Delgado recalls that on another weekend Oswald accepted his invitation to go to Tijuana; they stayed there for one night.435

At the end of January 1959 and at the end of July, Oswald was given his semiannual ratings, scoring 4.0 in conduct both times, and 4.0 and 4.2 in proficiency.436 (The July ratings were repeated in September, when he was transferred from MACS-9 in preparation for his discharge.)437 On March 9, he was promoted as of March 1, to the rank of private, first class, for the second time.438 He took a series of high school level general educational development tests on March 23 and received an overall rating of "satisfactory." His best scores, in the 76th and 79th U.S. percentiles, were in English composition and physical sciences; his worst was English literature, in which he placed in the 34th percentile.439

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In the spring, Oswald applied to Albert Schweitzer College in Churwalden, Switzerland, for admission to the spring term in 1960; the application is dated March 19.440 Schweitzer is a small school, which specializes in courses in religion, ethics, science, and literature. He claimed a proficiency in Russian equal to 1 year of schooling and that he had completed high school by correspondence with an average grade of 85 percent.442 He listed philosophy, psychology, ideology, football, baseball, tennis and stamp-collecting as special interests, and writing short stories "on contemporary American life" as his vocational interest.443 Jack London, Charles Darwin, and Norman Vincent Peale were listed as favorite authors.444 He claimed membership in the YMCA and the "A.Y.H. Association," and said that he had participated in a "student body movement in school" for the control of juvenile delinquency.445 Asked to give a general statement of his reasons for wanting to attend the college, he wrote:

In order to aquire a fuller understanding of that subject which interest me most, Philosophy. To meet with Europeans who can broaden my scope of understanding. To receive formal Education by Instructers of high standing and character. To broaden my knowlege of German and to live in a healty climate and Good moral atmosphere.446
On the basis of these representations, Oswald's application was approved by the college.447 He enclosed a registration fee of $25 in a letter dated June 19, in which he said that he was "looking forward to a fine stay." 448 Few of the other marines seem to have known about this application. He told Delgado, however, that he planned to attend a Swiss school to study psychology, and Delgado knew that some application had been made.449 Another marine, Richard Call, also knew something of his plans.450

Oswald was obligated to serve on active duty until December 7, 1959 (the date having been adjusted to compensate for the period of confinement).451 On August 17, he submitted a request for a dependency discharge, on the ground that his mother needed his support.452 The request was accompanied by an affidavit of Mrs. Oswald and corroborating affidavits from an attorney, a doctor, and two friends, attesting that she had been injured at work in December 1958, and was unable to support herself.453 Oswald had previously made a voluntary allotment of part of his salary to his mother, under which arrangement she received $40 in August, and had submitted an application for a "Q" allotment (dependency allowance) in her behalf of $91.30; one payment of the "Q" allotment, for the month of August, was made in September.454 On August 28, the Wing Hardship or Dependency Discharge Board recommended that Oswald's request for a discharge be approved; 455 approval followed shortly.456 On September 4, he was transferred from MACS-9 to the H. & H. Squadron,457 and on September 11, he was released from active duty and transferred to the Marine Corps Reserve, in which he was expected to

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serve until December 8, 1962.458 He was assigned to the Marine Air Reserve Training Command at the Naval Air Station in Glenview, Ill.459

Almost exactly 1 year later, on September 13, 1960, Oswald was given an "undesirable discharge" from the Marine Corps Reserve,460 based on:

reliable information which indicated that he had renounced his U.S. citizenship with the intentions of becoming a permanent citizen of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. Further, that petitioner brought discredit to the Marine Corps through adverse newspaper publicity, which was generated by the foregoing action, and had thereby, in the opinion of his commanding officer, proved himself unfit for retention in the naval service.461
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SOVIET UNION
On September 4, the day on which he was transferred out of MACS-9 in preparation for his discharge, Oswald had applied for a passport at the Superior Court of Santa Ana, Calif. His application stated that he planned to leave the United States on September 21 to attend the Albert Schweitzer College and the University of Turku in Finland, and to travel in Cuba, the Dominican Republic, England, France Germany, and Russia.462 The passport was routinely issued 6 days later.463

Oswald went directly home after his discharge, and arrived in Fort Worth by September 14.464 He told his mother that he intended to get a job on a ship or possibly in the "export-import business." 465 If he stayed in Fort Worth, he said, he would be able to earn only about $30 per week; on a ship, he would earn "big money" and be able to send substantial amounts home.466 Three days after he arrived in Fort Worth, he left for New Orleans.467 While he was in Fort Worth he had registered his dependency discharge and entry into the Marine Reserve at the Fort Worth Selective Service Board,468 and visited his brother Robert and his family.469 He also gave his mother $100.470

On September 17, Oswald spoke with a representative of Travel Consultants, Inc., a New Orleans travel bureau; he filled out a "Passenger Immigration Questionnaire," on which he gave his occupation as "shipping export agent" and said that he would be abroad for 2 months on a pleasure trip. He booked passage from New Orleans to Le Havre, France, on a freighter, the SS Marion Lykes, scheduled to sail on September 18, for which he paid $220.75.471 On the evening of September 17, he registered at the Liberty Hotel.472

The Marion Lykes did not sail until the early morning of September 20.473 Before its departure, Oswald wrote his mother a letter, which was her last news of him until she read stories of his defection in Fort Worth newspapers:

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Dear Mother:
Well, I have booked passage on a ship to Europe, I would of had to sooner or later and I think it's best I go now. Just remember above all else that my values are very different from Robert's or your's. It is difficult to tell you how I feel, Just remember this is what I must do. I did not tell you about my plans because you could harly be expected to understand.

I did not see aunt Lilian while I was here. I will write again as soon as I land.

Lee 474

The Marion Lykes carried only four passengers.475 Oswald shared his cabin with Billy Joe Lord, a young man who had just graduated from high school and was going to France to continue his education. Lord testified that he and Oswald did not discuss politics but did have a few amicable religious arguments, in which Oswald defended atheism. Oswald was "standoffish," but told Lord generally about his background, mentioning that his mother worked in a drugstore in Fort Worth and that he was bitter about the low wages which she received. He told Lord that he intended to travel in Europe and possibly to attend school in Sweden or Switzerland if he had sufficient funds.476 The other two passengers were Lt. Col. and Mrs. George B. Church, Jr., who also found Oswald unfriendly and had little contact with him. Oswald told them that he had not liked the Marine Corps and that he planned to study in Switzerland; they observed some "bitterness" about his mother's difficulties, but did not discuss this with him. No one on board suspected that he intended to defect to Russia.477

Oswald disembarked at Le Havre on October 8. He left for England that same day, and arrived on October 9.478 He told English customs officials in Southampton that he had $700 and planned to remain in the United Kingdom for 1 week before proceeding to a school in Switzerland. But on the same day, he flew to Helsinki, Finland, where he registered at the Torni Hotel; on the following day, he moved to the Klaus Kurki Hotel.479

Oswald probably applied for a visa at the Russian consulate on October 12, his first business day in Helsinki.480 The visa was issued on October 14. It was valid until October 20 and permitted him to take one trip of not more than 6 days to the Soviet Union.481 He also purchased 10 Soviet "tourist vouchers" which cost $30 apiece.482 He left Helsinki by train on the following day, crossed the Finnish-Russian border at Vainikkala, and arrived in Moscow on October 16.483

He was met at the Moscow railroad station by a representative of "Intourist," the state tourist agency, and taken to the Hotel Berlin, where he registered as a student.484 On the same day he met the Intourist guide assigned to him during his stay in Russia, a young woman named Rima Shirokova. They went sightseeing the next day. Almost immediately he told her that he wanted to leave

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the United States and become a citizen of the Soviet Union. According to Oswald's "Historic Diary," she later told him that she had reported his statement to Intourist headquarters, which in turn had notified the "Passport and Visa Office" (probably the Visa and Registration Department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the MVD 485). She was instructed to help Oswald prepare a letter to the Supreme Soviet requesting that he be granted citizenship. Oswald mailed such a letter that same day.486 (The "Historic Diary" is Oswald's handwritten account of his life in Russia.487 The earlier entries were written after the events which they describe; later, in Minsk, he probably kept a contemporaneous record of his experiences. 488 The Commission has used the diary, which Oswald may have written with future readers in mind, only as Oswald's record of his private life and personal impressions as he sought to present them and has relied wherever possible on official documents, correspondence, and the testimony of witnesses.)

The diary records that when Oswald told Rima Shirokova that he intended to defect she was "flabbergassted," but agreed to help.489 She was "politly sympathetic but uneasy" when he told her that he wanted to defect because he was "a Communist, ect." 490 As an Intourist guide, Rima toured parts of Moscow with Oswald in the next few days. His primary concern, however, appeared to be his effort to become a Soviet citizen, and she also aided him in his dealings with the Soviet Government.491 He thought that Rima felt sorry for him and tried to be a friend because he was "someth. new." 492 On his 20th birthday, 2 days after he arrived in Russia, she gave him Dostoevski's "The Idiot," 493 in which she had written: "Dear Lee, Great congratulations! Let all your dreams come true! 18.X 1959" 494

On October 19, Oswald was probably interviewed in his hotel room by a man named Lev Setyayev, who said that he was a reporter for Radio Moscow seeking statements from American tourists about their impressions of Moscow,495 but who was probably also acting for the KGB.496 Two years later, Oswald told officials at the American Embassy that he had made a few routine comments to Setyayev of no political signifiance. The interview with Setyayev may, however, have been the occasion for an attempt by the KGB, in accordance with regular practice, to assess Oswald or even to elicit compromising statements from him; the interview was apparently never broadcast.497 (As discussed in ch. VI of this report, the Commission is aware that many of the Soviet officials with whom Oswald came into contact were employees of the KGB, the agency which has primary jurisdiction for the treatment of defectors.)

On the following day, Rima Shirokova told him that the "Pass. and Visa Dept." wanted to see him,498 and on the morning of October 21, he was interviewed by an official concerning his application for citizenship. The official offered little information and no encouragement; he told Oswald only that he would check to see if the visa could

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be extended. Oswald returned to the Hotel Berlin.499 That afternoon, he was notified that his visa had expired and that he had to leave Moscow within 2 hours.500

Oswald responded to the unfavorable decision by cutting himself above his left, wrist, in an apparent suicide attempt. Rima Shirokova found him unconscious in his hotel room and had him taken to the Botkinskaya Hospital. His diary states: "Poor Rimmea stays by my side as interrpator (my Russian is still very bad) far into the night, I tell her 'Go home' (my mood is bad) but she stays, she is 'my friend.'" 501

For 3 days Oswald was confined in the psychiatric ward of the hospital. He was examined by a psychiatrist, who concluded that he was not dangerous to other people and could be transferred to the "somatic" department. Hospital records containing the results of the examination 502 state that Oswald came to Russia in order to apply for citizenship, and that "in order to postpone his departure he inflicted the injury upon himself." 503 They note that Oswald understood some Russian and, presumably based on information which he provided, that he had "graduated from a technical high school in radio technology and radio electronics." 504 The record states: "He claims he regrets his action. After recovering he intends to return to his homeland." 505

Oswald resented being in the psychiatric ward and told Rima Shirokova that he wanted a transfer.506 She visited him at the hospital frequently and his diary records that "only at this moment" did he "notice [that] she is preety." 507 Another entry for the hospital period says: "Afternoon I am visited by Roza Agafonova of the hotel tourist office, who askes about my health, very beautiful, excelant Eng., very merry and kind, she makes me very glad to be alive." 508 These entries reflect an attitude gentler and friendlier than his attitude before the suicide attempt, when he seemed to be coldly concerned only with his status in Russia. Once Oswald was out of the psychiatric ward, he found the hospital more pleasant. The new ward, which he shared with 11 other patients, was "airy," and the food was good. His only complaint, according to his diary, was that an "elderly American" patient was distrustful of him because he had not registered at the American Embassy and because he was evasive about the reasons for his presence in Moscow and confinement in the hospital.509

He was released from the hospital on October 28,510 and, accompanied by Rima Shirokova, was driven to the Hotel Berlin in an Intourist car. After he said goodby to Lyudmila Dmitrieva, head of the In-tourist office at the Berlin, and to Roza Agafonova, another Intourist employee at the hotel, he checked out of the Berlin and registered at the Metropole, 511 a large hotel under the same administration as the Berlin.512 The Government had undoubtedly directed him to make the change. His visa had expired while he was in the hospital, and his presence in Russia was technically illegal; he had received no word that the decision that he must leave had been reversed. Later that day, however, Rima told him that the "Pass and Registration Office" wished

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to talk to him about his future.513 According to the diary, when Oswald appeared at the office he was asked whether he still wanted to become a Soviet citizen and he replied that he did; he provided his Marine Corps discharge papers for identification. He was told that he could not expect a decision soon, and was dismissed. During this interview, Oswald was apparently questioned about the interview which preceded his hospitalization, which led him to conclude that there had been no communication between the two sets of officials.514 That evening he met Rima, on whom he vented his frustration at being put off by the authorities.515

Oswald ate only once on the following day; he stayed near the telephone, fully dressed and ready to leave immediately if he were summoned. He remained in his room for 3 days, which seemed to him "like three years," 516 until October 31, when he decided to act. He met Rima Shirokova at noon and told her that he was impatient, but did not say what he planned to do; she cautioned him to stay in his room "and eat well." 517 She left him after a short while and, a few minutes later, he took a taxi to the American Embassy, where he asked to see the consul. (See Commission Exhibits Nos. 24, 912, 913, pp. 264, 263, 261.) When the receptionist asked him first to sign the tourist register, he laid his passport on the desk and said that he had come to "dissolve his American citizenship." Richard E. Snyder, the Second Secretary and senior consular official,518 was summoned, and he invited Oswald into his office.519

Oswald's meeting with Snyder, at which Snyder's assistant, John A. McVickar, was also present, is more fully discussed in appendix XV to the Commission's report. Oswald declared that he wanted to renounce his American citizenship; he denounced the United States and praised the Government of the Soviet Union. Over Oswald's objections, Snyder sought to learn something of Oswald's motives and background and to forestall immediate action. Oswald told him that he had already offered to tell a Soviet official what he had learned as a radar operator in the Marines. The interview ended when Snyder told Oswald that he could renounce his citizenship on the following Monday, 2 days later, if he would appear personally to do so. During the interview, Oswald handed to Snyder a note 520 which suggests that he had studied and sought to comply with section 349 of the Immigration and Nationality Act, which provides for loss of American citizenship.521 The note contains paragraphs which read like inartistic attempts to cast off citizenship in three of the ways specified by the statute. The attempts failed but there is no reason to doubt that they were sincere. Snyder has testified that he believed that Oswald would immediately have formally renounced his citizenship had he been permitted to do so.522

The interview lasted for less than an hour. Oswald returned to his hotel angry about the delay but "elated" by the "showdown" and sure that he would be permitted to remain after his "sign of ... faith" in the Russians.523 Soon after he returned to the hotel, he was

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approached by A. I. Goldberg, a reporter for the Associated Press, whom the Embassy had told about Oswald's actions. Oswald refused to speak to him.524 He answered a few questions for two other reporters, R. J. Korengold and Miss Aline Mosby, but again refused to be interviewed.525 Thereafter, the news services made repeated unsuccessful attempts to interview him, which he thought was an indirect form of pressure from the Embassy to return to the United States.526

On the day after Oswald's meeting with Snyder, his family read in the newspapers about his appearance at the Embassy and tried to contact him. Mrs. Oswald testified that she was shocked at her son's decision to defect but, respected his motives for doing so; later she suspected that he had been forcibly removed to Russia.527 She placed a telephone call to him,528 but he either refused to speak to her 529 or cut her off very quickly.530 So too, on November 2, he rejected the Embassy's efforts to deliver or read on the telephone a telegram from his brother Robert.531 A call from Robert was either canceled before it was completed or was refused.532 Robert's telegram, along with a message asking Oswald to contact, him immediately, which Robert had asked the State Department to deliver,533 was finally sent to Oswald from the Embassy by registered mail.534

A few days later, the Embassy received a letter from Oswald dated November 3 which requested that his citizenship be revoked.535 The letter stated that he had appeared at the Embassy "for the purpose of signing the formal papers to this effect" and protested against the "conduct of the official" who had refused him "this legal right." Oswald noted that his application for Soviet citizenship was pending and said that if it were granted he would ask the Soviet Government "to lodge a formal protest" on his behalf.536 The Embassy replied on November 9 that Oswald could renounce his citizenship by appearing at the Embassy and executing the necessary papers.537

Oswald's diary describes the period from November 2 to November 15, during which he continued to isolate himself, as "days of utter loneliness." 538 On November 8, he wrote to his brother:

Dear Robert
Well, what shall we talk about, the weather perhaps? Certainly you do not wish me to speak of my decision to remain in the Soviet Union and apply for citizenship here, since I'm afraid you would not be able to comprehend my reasons. You really dent know anything about me. Do you know for instance that I have waited to do this for well over a year, do you know that I ... [phrase in Russian] speak a fair amount of Russian which I have been studing for many months.

I have been told that I will not have to leave the Soviet Union if I do not care to. this than is my decision. I will not leave this country, the Soviet Union, under any conditions, I will never return to the United States which is a country I hate.

Someday, perhaps soon, and than again perhaps in a few years, I will become a citizen of the Soviet Union, but it is a very legal

Page 695
process, in any event, I will not have to leave the Soviet Union and I will never ... [word missing].

I recived your telegram and was glad to hear from you, only one word bothered me, the word "mistake." I assume you mean that I have made a "mistake" it is not for you to tell me that you cannot understand my reasons for this very action.

I will not speak to anyone from the United States over the telephone since it may be taped by the Americans.

If you wish to corespond with me you can write to the below address, but I really don't, see what we could take about if you want to send me money, that I can us, but I do not expect to be able to send it back.

LEE 589
Oswald's statement that he had been told that he could remain in Russia was not true. According to his diary, he was not told until later that he could remain even temporarily in Russia,540 and only in January was he told the he could remain indefinitely.541 The Embassy tried to deliver a typed copy of a telegram from his brother John on November 9; Oswald refused to answer the knock on his door, and the message was then sent to him by registered mail.542

Toward the end of this waiting period, probably on November 13, Aline Mosby succeeded in interviewing Oswald.543 A reporter for United Press International, she had called him on the telephone and was told to come right over, Oswald's explanation being that he thought she might "understand and be friendly" because she was a woman.544 She was the first person who was not a Soviet citizen to whom he granted an interview since his meeting with Snyder at the Embassy on October 31. Miss Mosby found him polite but stiff; she said that be seemed full of confidence, often showing a "small smile, more like a smirk," and that he talked almost "non-stop." Oswald said to her that he had been told that he could remain in the Soviet Union and that job possibilities were being explored; they thought it probably would be best, he said, to continue his education. He admitted that his Russian was bad but was confident that it would improve rapidly. He based his dislike for the United States on his observations of racial prejudice and the contrast between "the luxuries of Park Avenue and workers' lives on the East Side," and mentioned his mother's poverty; he said that if he had remained in the United States he too would have become either a capitalist or a worker. "One way or another." he said, "I'd lose in the United States. In my own mind, even if I'd be exploiting other workers. That's why I chose Marxist ideology."

Oswald told his interviewer that he had been interested in Communist theory since he was 15, when "an old lady" in New York handed him "a pamphlet about saving the Rosenbergs." But when Mosby asked if he were a member of the Communist Party he said that he had never met a Communist and that he "might bare seen" one only once, when he saw that "old lady." He told her that while

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he was in the Marine Corps he had seen American imperialism in action, and had saved $1,500 in secret preparation for his defection to Russia. His only apparent regrets concerned his family: his mother, whom he had not told of his plans, and his brother, who might lose his job as a result of the publicity.545

The interview lasted for about 2 hours. According to Oswald's own account, he exacted a promise from Miss Mosby that she would show him the story before publication but she broke the promise; he found the published story to contain distortions of his words.546 Miss Mosby's notes indicate that he called her to complain of the distortions, saying in particular that his family had not been "poverty-stricken" and that his defection was not prompted by personal hardship but that was "a matter only of ideology."

According to the diary, Oswald was told in mid-November that he could remain temporarily in Russia "until some solution was found with what to do" with him. 548 Armed with this "comforting news," 549 he granted a second interview, again to a woman, on November 16.550 Miss Priscilla Johnson of the North American Newspaper Alliance knocked on the door of his room at the Metropole, and Oswald agreed to come to her room at the hotel that evening. This interview lasted about 5 hours, from 9 p.m. until about 2 in the morning. During the interview he frequently mentioned the fact that he would be able to remain in Russia, which gave him great pleasure, but he also showed disappointment about the difficulties standing in the way of his request for Soviet citizenship. He repeated most of the information he had given Aline Mosby and again denied having been a member of the Communist Party or even ever having seen a Communist in the United States. When Miss Johnson asked him to specify some of the socialist writers whose works he had read during the past 5 years, he could name only Marx and Engels; the only title he could recall was "Das Kapital." They talked for a long while about Communist economic theory, which Miss Johnson thought was "his language"; she became convinced that his knowledge of the subject was very superficial.551 He commented that the Russians treated his defection as a "legal formality," neither encouraging nor discouraging it.552 When she suggested that if he really wished to renounce his American citizenship he could do so by returning to the Embassy, he said that he would "never set foot in the Embassy again," since he was sure that he would be given the "same run-around" as before. He seemed to Miss Johnson to be avoiding effective renunciation, consciously or unconsciously, in order to preserve his right to reenter the United States.553

For the rest of the year, Oswald seldom left his hotel room where he had arranged to take his meals, except perhaps for a few trips to museums. He spent most of his time studying Russian, hours a day" his diary records. The routine was broken only by another interview at the passport office; occasional visits from Rima Shirokova; lessons in Russian from her and other Intourist guides; and a New Year's visit from Roza Agafonova, who gave

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him a small "Boratin" clown as a New Year's present.554 He replied to a letter from Robert in a letter quoted at length in chapter VII of this report which contains his most bitter statements against the United States.555 Robert received a third letter on December 17, in which Oswald said that he would not write again and did not wish Robert to write to him. The letter concluded:

I am starting a new life and I do not wish to have anything to do with the old life.

I hope you and your family will always be in good health.

Lee 556
His mother mailed him a personal check for $20 dated December 18. It was returned to her on January 5 with the notation that he could not "use this check, of course"; he asked her to send him $20 in cash and added that he had little money and needed "the rest," presumably a reference to the $100 he had given her in September. Mrs. Oswald later sent him a money order for about $25.557

On January 4, Oswald was summoned to the Soviet Passport Office and given Identity Document for Stateless Persons No. 811479.558 He was told that he was being sent to Minsk,559 an industrial city located about 450 miles southwest of Moscow and with a population in 1959 of about 510,000.560 His disappointment that he had not been granted Soviet citizenship was balanced by relief that the uncertainty was ended; he told Rima Shirokova that he was happy.561 On the following day, he went to a Government agency which the Russians call the "Red Cross"; it gave him 5,000 rubles (about 500 new rubles, or $500 at the official exchange rate).562 He used 2,200 rubles to pay his hotel bill and 150 rubles to purchase a railroad ticket to Minsk. 563

Oswald arrived in Minsk on January 7. He was met at the station by two "Red Cross" workers who took him to the Hotel Minsk. Two Intourist employees, both of whom spoke excellent English, were waiting for him.564 One of them, a young woman named Roza Kuznetsova, became his close friend and attended his 21st birthday party in October 1960.565 (See Commission Exhibit No. 2609, p. 271.) On the following day, Oswald met the "Mayor," who welcomed him to Minsk, promised him a rent-free apartment, and warned him against "uncultured persons" who sometimes insulted foreigners.566

Oswald reported for work at the Belorussian Radio and Television Factory on January 13.567 Two days earlier he had visited the factory and met Alexander Ziger, a Polish Jew who had emigrated to Argentina in 1938 and went to Russia in 1955. Ziger was a department head at the factory; he spoke English, and he and his family became good friends of Oswald and corresponded with him after his return to the United States.568 The factory, a major producer of electronic parts and systems, employed about 5,000 persons.569 Oswald's union card described him as a "metal worker"; 570 Marina testified that he fashioned parts on a lathe.571 As Oswald later described it, the shop in

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which he worked, called the "experimental shop," 572 employed 58 workers and 5 foremen. It was located in the middle part of the factory area in a 2-story building made of red brick. The workday began at 8 o'clock sharp. Work was assigned according to "pay levels," which were numbered from one to five plus a top "master" level. A worker could ask to be tested for a higher level at any time.573

Oswald had hoped to continue his education in Russia, and was disappointed by his assignment to a factory.574 His salary varied from 700 to perhaps as high as 900 rubles per month ($70-$90) Although high compared with the salaries of certain professional groups in Russia, which in some areas have not grown proportionately with the wages of factory workers,576 his salary was normal for his type of work.577 It was supplemented, however, by 700 rubles per month, which he received from the "Red Cross," and, according to Oswald, his total income was about equal to that of the director of the factory.578 In August he applied for membership in the union; he became a dues-paying member in September.580

Undoubtedly more noteworthy to most Russians than his extra income was the attractive apartment which Oswald was given in March 1959. It was a small flat with a balcony overlooking the river,581 for which he paid only 60 rubles a month.582 (See Commission Exhibit No. 2606, p. 271.) Oswald describes it in his diary as "a Russian-dream." 583 Had Oswald been a Russian worker, he would probably have had to wait for several years for a comparable apartment, and would have been given one even then only if he had a family.584 The "Red Cross" subsidy and the apartment were typical of the favorable treatment which the Soviet Union has given defectors.585

Oswald's diary records that he enjoyed his first months in Minsk. His work at the factory was easy and his coworkers were friendly and curious about life in the United States; he declined an invitation to speak at a mass meeting. He took Roza Kuznetsova, his interpreter and language teacher,586 to the theater, a movie, or an opera almost every night, until he moved into his apartment and temporarily lost contact with her. He wrote in his diary, "I'm living big and am very satisfied." 587 In March or April, he met Pavel Golovachev, a co-worker at the factory, whom Oswald described as intelligent and friendly and an excellent radio technician. (See Commission Exhibit No. 2609, p. 271.) Oswald helped Golovachev with English.588 They became friends,589 and corresponded after Oswald returned to the United States until at least as late as September 1963.590

The spring and summer passed easily and uneventfully. There were picnics and drives in the country, which Oswald described as "green beauty." 591 On June 18, he obtained a hunting license and soon afterward purchased a 16-gage single-barrel shotgun. His hunting license identifies him as "Aleksy Harvey Oswald." (He was called "Alec" by his Russian friends, because "Lee" sounded foreign to them and was difficult for them to pronounce.)592 He joined a local chapter of the Belorussian Society of Hunters and Fishermen, a hunting club sponsored by his factory, and hunted for small game in the

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farm regions around Minsk about half a dozen times in the summer and fall. The hunters spent the night in small villages and often left their bag with the villagers; Oswald described the peasant life which he saw as crude and poor.593 Sometime in June, he met. Ella German, a worker at the factory, of whom he later said he "perhaps fell in love with her the first minute" he saw her.594 (See Commission Exhibit No. 2609, p. 271.)

At the same time, however, the first signs of disillusionment with his Russian life appeared. He noted in his diary that he felt "uneasy inside" after a friend took him aside at a party and advised him to return to the United States.595 Another entry compared life in Minsk with military life:

I have become habituatated to a small care which is where I dine in the evening. The food is generaly poor and always eactly the same, menue in any care, at any point in the city. The food is cheap and I don't really care about quiality after three years in the U.S.M.C.596
In an entry for August-September, he wrote that he was becoming "increasingly concious of just what sort of a society" he lived in.597

He spent New Year's Day at the home of Ella German and her family. They ate and drank in a friendly atmosphere, and he was "drunk and happy" when he returned home. During the walk back to his apartment he decided to ask Ella to marry him. On the following night, after he had brought her home from the movies, he proposed on her doorstep. She rejected him, saying that she did not love him and that she was afraid to marry an American. She said that the Polish intervention in the 1920's had led to the arrest of all people in the Soviet Union of Polish origin and she feared that something similar might happen to Americans some day. Oswald was "too stunned to think," and concluded that she had gone out with him only because she was envied by the other girls for having an American as an escort.598 But in one of the entries in the diary he appears to have attributed her failure to love him to "a state of fear which was always in the Soviet Union." 599 His affection for Ella German apparently continued for some time; 600 he had his last formal date with her in February and remained on friendly terms with her as long as he was in Russia.601

After he returned to the United States, Oswald often commented on Russian life. He discussed the Soviet systems of public education and medical care.603 He observed to one acquaintance that everyone in Russia was trained to do something,604 and discussed with another the system of regular wage and salary increases.605 His most frequent criticisms concerned the contrast between the lives of ordinary workers and the lives of Communist Party members. He told an acquaintance in Dallas that the working class in the Soviet Union made just about enough to buy clothing and food and that only party members could afford luxuries.606 On another occasion, he remarked

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that if he had as much money as some of the "managers," he could have visited the Black Sea resorts.607 He complained about the lack of freedom in Russia; 608 the lack of opportunity to travel; 609 inadequate housing; 610 and the chronic scarcity of food products.611 To one acquaintance, he observed that the party members were all "opportunists," who "shouted the loudest and made the most noise," but who were interested only in their own welfare.612

He expressed similar views in a manuscript which he worked on in Russia 613 and probably intended to publish; soon after he returned to the United States, he hired a stenographer to prepare a typed draft from his notes.614 Oswald described the manuscript, which amounted to 50 typed pages, as "a look into the lives of work-a-day average Russians."615

The manuscript describes the factory in which Oswald worked and suggests that political considerations of which Oswald disapproved dominated its operation. He attributed the lack of unemployment to the shortage of labor-saving machinery and the heavy load of bureaucracy, which kept "tons of paper work" flowing in and out of the factory and required a high foreman-worker ratio.616 In addition, he wrote, there was "a small army of examiners, committees, and supply checkers and the quality-control board."

He described life in Russia, including life at the factory, as centered around the "Kollective." The head of the Kollective in his shop, Comrade Lebizen, saw to it that everyone maintained shop discipline, attended party meetings, and received all the new propaganda as it came out. He hung the walls of the shop with signs and slogans of the Communist Party. Meetings of the Kollective were "so numerous as to be staggering." In a single month, there were scheduled one meeting of the professional union, four political information meetings, two young Communist meetings, one meeting of the production committee to discuss ways of improving work, two Communist Party meetings, four meetings of the "School of Communist Labor," and one sports meeting. All but one of them were compulsory for Communist Party members and all but three were compulsory for everyone.618 (Marina Oswald testified that her husband did not attend the courses in Marxism and Leninism given in the factory for party members and those who wished to become party members.)619 They were scheduled so as not to interfere with work, and lasted anywhere from 10 minutes to 2 hours. Oswald said that no one liked the meetings, which were accepted "philosophically"; at the political meetings especially, everyone paid strict attention, and party members were posted in the audience to watch for the slightest sign that one's attention might relax, even for a moment.620

Oswald wrote that the "spontaneous" demonstrations on Soviet holidays or for distinguished visitors were almost as well organized as the Kollectivist meetings at the factory.621 He noted that elections were supervised to ensure that everyone voted, and that they voted for the candidates of the Communist Party. The manuscript touches on other aspects of Soviet life--as the housing shortage and the corrup-

[monosylab1k]

Page 701

tion which it evoked, the "rest-homes" where workers had their vacations, television and the omnipresent radio, and Russian reading habits.622 This writing also may include only what Oswald thought might be acceptable.

On January 4, 1961, I year after he had been issued his "stateless" residence permit, Oswald was summoned to the passport office in Minsk and asked if he still wanted to become a Soviet citizen. He replied that he did not, but asked that his residence permit be extended for another year.623 The entry in his diary for January 4-31 reads: "I am stating to reconsider my disire about staying. The work is drab. The money I get has nowhere to be spent. No nightclubs or bowling allys, no places of recreation acept the trade union dances. I have had enough." 624

The American Embassy in Moscow had not heard from Oswald after it received his letter of November 3, 1959.625 On February 13, 1961, it received an undated letter from him which had been mailed in Minsk about a week earlier. He asked for the return of his passport and stated that he wanted to return to the United States if he could "come to some agreement [with the American Government] concerning the dropping of any legal proceedings" against him. He noted that he had not become a Soviet citizen and was living in Russia with "nonpermanent type papers for a foreigner," and said that he did not appear personally because he could not leave Minsk without permission. The letter concluded: "I hope that in recalling the responsibility I have to America that you remember yours in doing everything you can to help me, since I am an American citizen." 626 In this letter, Oswald referred to a previous letter which he said had gone unanswered; there is evidence that such a letter was never sent.627

The Second Secretary, Richard Snyder, answered on February 28 that Oswald would have to appear at the Embassy personally to discuss his return to the United States.628 In the meantime, Oswald's mother, who in January had inquired at the Department of State about his whereabouts,629 had been notified of his letter.630 A second letter from Oswald, posted on March 5, reached the Embassy on March 20; it reiterated that he was unable to leave Minsk without permission and asked that "preliminary inquiries ... be put in the form of questionnaire" and sent to him.631 His diary entry for this period records his "state of expectation about going back to the U.S.," and adds that a friend had approved his plans but warned him not to discuss them with others.632 (The Soviet authorities had undoubtedly intercepted and read the correspondence between Oswald and the Embassy and knew of his plans.633 Soon after the correspondence began, his monthly payments from the "Red Cross" were cut off.)634 Having informed Washington,635 the Embassy wrote to Oswald on March 24, stating again that he would have to come to Moscow.636 Later, the Department of State decided that Oswald's passport should be returned to him only if he appeared at the Embassy for it and the Embassy was satisfied, after exploring the matter with him, that he had not renounced his citizenship.637

Page 702

Sometime in the second week of March, Miss Katherine Mallory, who was on tour in Minsk with the University of Michigan symphonic band, found herself surrounded by curious Russian citizens. A young man who identified himself as a Texan and former marine stepped out of the crowd and asked if she needed an interpreter; he interpreted for her for the next 15 or 20 minutes. Later he told her that he despised the United States and hoped to stay in Minsk for the rest of his life. Miss Mallory is unable to swear that her interpreter was Oswald, but is personally convinced that it was he.638

A few days later, probably on March 17, Oswald attended a trade union dance with a friend, Erik Titovyets, at the Palace of Culture for Professional Workers in Minsk.639 The dance followed a lecture by a Russian woman who had recently returned from a trip to the United States.640 Marina Nikolayevna Prusakova arrived too late to hear the lecture 641 but was at the dance. Oswald noticed her and asked Yuriy Merezhinskiy, the son of the lecturer and a friend of both Oswald and Marina, to introduce him to her. Oswald asked her to dance. According to the diary, they liked each other immediately and he obtained her telephone number before she left.642 Marina testified that she told Oswald that she might see him at another dance, but did not give him her telephone number.643 Oswald was smitten.644

Marina Prusakova was 19 years old when she met Oswald. (See Commission Exhibit No. 1395, p. 270.) She was born on July 17, 1941, at Severodvinsk (formerly Molotovsk),Arkhangel Oblast', Russia.645 A few years later, her mother, Klavdiya Vasilievna Prusakova, married Aleksandr Ivanovich Medvedev, who became the only father Marina knew.646 While she was still a young girl, Marina went to Arkhangel'sk, Arkhangel Oblast', to live with her maternal grandparents, Tatyana Yakovlevna Prusakova and Vasiliy Prusakov. Her grandfather died when Marina was about 4 years old; she continued to live with her grandmother for some time.647 When she was not more than 7, she moved to Zguritva, Moldavian SSR (formerly called Bessarabia) to live with her mother and stepfather, who was an electrical worker.648 In 1952, the family moved to Leningrad,649 where her stepfather obtained a job in a power station.650 Marina testified that neither he nor her mother was a member of the Communist Party.651

In Leningrad, Marina attended the Three Hundred and Seventy-Fourth Women's School. After she had completed the seventh grade at the school in 1955,652 she entered the Pharmacy Teknikum for special training, which she had requested on the ground that her mother was ill and Marina might need to have a specialty in order to support herself. While she was st the Teknikum, she joined the Trade Union for Medical Workers 653 and, in her last year there, worked part time in the Central Pharmacy in Leningrad. She graduated from the Teknikum with a diploma in pharmacy in June 1959.

Marina's mother had died in 1957, during Marina's second year at the Teknikum; she continued to live with her stepfather, but had little contact with him. She testified that she did not get along with

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her stepfather, whom she displeased by her fresh conduct; she said that she was not easily disciplined 654 and was a source of concern to him.655 Because of the friction between them, Marina regarded her childhood as an unhappy one.

After her graduation, Marina was assigned to a job preparing and packing orders in a pharmaceutical warehouse in Leningrad; as a new employee she had the right to leave this job within 3 days after the assignment,656 and she did so after the first day. She took no job for the next 2 months, at the end of which she went to live in Minsk with an aunt and uncle, the Prusakova, who had no children. She had known them since she was a child and there was a mutual affection between her and them.657 Her uncle, a member of the Communist Party,658 was assigned to the Ministry of Internal Affairs and headed the local bureau concerned with lumber. The Prusakova had one of the best apartments in a building reserved for MVD employees.659

Marina was 18 when she arrived in Minsk. She had boyfriends in Leningrad but was not interested in marriage. In October 1960 she started work in the drug section of the Third Clinical Hospital where she earned about 450 rubles per month;660 at about the same time she became a member of the local Komsomol, the Communist youth organization.661 Her friends were mostly students, whose social life consisted of meeting in cafes to sip coffee, read newspapers, gossip, and carry on discussions. The group of friends "ran together," and Marina did not attach herself to a particular boyfriend. She enjoyed this life, which she had been leading for about 7 months when she met Oswald at the dance at the Palace of Culture in March 1961.662

When Marina met Oswald, she thought he was from one of the Russian-speaking Baltic countries because he spoke with an accent; later that same evening she learned that he was an American.663 She met him again at another dance a week later. 664 They danced together most of the evening, at the end of which he walked home with her. They arranged to meet again the following week. 665 Before the scheduled time, Oswald called to say that he was in the hospital and that Marina should visit him there. 666 Medical records furnished to the Commission by the Russian Government show that Oswald was admitted to the Clinical Hospital--Ear, Nose, and Throat Division, on Thursday, March 30, 1961.667 Marina visited him often,668 taking advantage of her uniform to visit him outside regular visiting hours, which were only on Sunday. 669 On Easter Sunday, the first Sunday after his admission to the hospital, she brought him an Easter egg.670 On a subsequent visit, he asked her to be his fiancee, and she agreed to consider it.671 He left the hospital on April 11.672

During these visits, Marina apparently discussed with Oswald his reasons for coming to Russia and his current status. According to her later account, he told her that he had surrendered his American documents to the Embassy in Moscow and had told American officials that he did not intend to return to the United States. He did not say definitely that he was no longer an American citizen, but said in answer

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to a question about his citizenship that he could not return to the United States.673

Oswald visited Marina regularly at her aunt and uncle's apartment; they were apparently not disturbed by the fact that, he was an American and did not disapprove of her seeing him. He continued to ask her to marry him and, according to her recollection, she accepted his proposal on April 20; 674 Oswald's diary puts the date 5 days earlier.675 Marina testified that she believed that Oswald could not return to, the United States when she agreed to marry him, and that she had not married him in hope of going to the United States.676

After filing notice of their intent to marry at the registrar, obtaining the special consent necessary for an alien to marry a citizen, and waiting the usual 10 days, they were married on April 30.677 The diary entry for the wedding day reads:

two of Marinas girl friends act as bridesmaids. We are married. At her aunts home we have a dinner reception for about 20 friends and neboribos who wish us happiness (in spite of my origin and accept [accent?] which was in general rather disquiting to any Russian since for are very rare in the soviet Union even tourist. After an evening of eating and drinking in which ... [Marina's uncle] started a fright [fight?] and the fuse blow on an overloaded circite we take our leave and walk the 1-5 minutes to our home. We lived near each other, at midnight we were home.678
They both took 3 days off from their jobs, which they spent in Minsk.679

Oswald wrote in his diary for May 1, 1 day after the wedding: "In spite of fact I married Marina to hurt Ella I found myself in love with Marina." 680 The next entry, marked simply "May," reads in part:

The trasistion of changing full love from Ella to Marina was very painfull esp. as I saw Ella almost every day at the factory but as the days & weeks went by I adjusted more and more [to] my wife mentaly ... She is maddly in love with me from the very start. Boat rides on Lake Minsk walks through the parks evening at home or at Aunt Valia's place mark May." 681
And in June: "A continuence of May, except that; we draw closer and closer, and I think very little now of Ella." 682

Sometime within the first month or two after they were married Oswald told his wife that he was anxious to return to the United States. The diary says that he told her "in the last days" of June and that she was "slightly startled" but encouraged him to do as he wished.683 Marina's recollection is that she learned of his plan between May and July. Embassy records show that Oswald notified the Embassy in a letter received on May 25 that he was married and his wife would

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seek to accompany him to the United States.684 At about this time, the Oswalds began to make inquiries in Soviet offices about exit visas. 685

While these preparations were being made, the Oswalds apparently enjoyed their new life.686 They ate most of their meals in cares or at restaurants where they worked.687 For amusement, they went boating, attended the opera, concerts, the circus, and films; occasionally, they gathered with a group of friends for a cooperative meal at someone's apartment.688 His Russian improved, but he retained an accent and never learned to speak grammatically or to write well.689 He read the English language edition of the Daily Worker and books, also in English, on Marxism and Leninism; he also read some Russian newspapers.690

Before he married Marina (and presumably before February, when he had begun his efforts to return to the United States) Oswald had applied for admission to the Patrice Lumumba Friendship University in Moscow. He received a letter dated May 3 apologizing for the delay in responding to his application and turning it down on the ground that the university had been established exclusively for students from the underdeveloped countries of Asia, Africa, and Latin America. 691 Oswald expressed his disappointment at having been turned down to Marina.692

Oswald reopened his correspondence with his family on May 5, with a friendly letter to his brother Robert. He said nothing about, his contacts with the American Embassy, but mentioned that he had married, and that he had a job as a "metal-smith" and was living well. He asked his brother for their mother's address, and encouraged him to come to Minsk for a visit.693 Robert answered the letter quickly. On May 31, Oswald wrote again and expressed his pleasure at having heard from Robert after so long. Apparently in response to an offer to send him whatever he needed, Oswald wrote that he needed nothing and thanked Robert for the thought; he suggested, however, that Marina might like a small wedding present. At the end of the letter he said that he did not know whether he would ever return to the United States; he said that before he could return he would have to obtain the permission of the Soviet Union for him and Marina to leave and insure that no charges would be lodged against him in the United States. In this letter, he mentioned that he was in touch with the Embassy in Moscow.694 At about this time, Oswald wrote also to his mother. 695

On May 25, the Embassy received a letter mailed in Minsk about 10 days before, in which Oswald asked for assurances that he would not be prosecuted if he returned to the United States, and informed the Embassy that he had married a Russian woman who would want to accompany him.696 The Embassy communicated this development to Washington 697 and did not answer Oswald immediately. In addition, he had no word since March concerning the return of his passport. Impatient for action,698 he appeared without warning at the Embassy on July 8; it was a Saturday and the offices were closed.699 He used the house telephone to reach Snyder, who came

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to the office, talked with him briefly, and suggested that he return on the following Monday.700 Oswald called Marina and asked her join him in Moscow. She arrived on Sunday, July 9, 701 a room at the Hotel Berlin,702 where he had stayed when he first arrived in Russia.

Oswald returned to the Embassy on Monday. Marina waited outside during his interview with Snyder,703 who asked to see Oswald's Soviet papers and questioned him closely about his life in Russia and possible expatriating acts. Oswald stated that he was not a citizen of the Soviet Union and had never formally applied for citizenship, that he had never taken an oath of allegiance to the Soviet Union, and that he was not a member of the factory trade union organization. He said that he had never given Soviet officials any confidential information that he had learned in the Marines, had never been asked to give such information, and "doubted" that he would have done so had he been asked.704 Some of Oswald's statements during this interview were undoubtedly false. He had almost certainly applied for citizenship in the Soviet Union 705 and, at least for a time, been disappointed when it was denied.706 He possessed a membership card in the union organization.707 In addition, his assertion to Snyder that he had never been questioned by Soviet authorities concerning his life in the United States is simply unbelievable.

Oswald showed anxiety, already displayed in his letters, that he might be prosecuted and imprisoned if he returned to the United States. Snyder told him informally that he did not know any grounds on which he would be prosecuted but that he could give no assurances in this regard.708 Snyder testified that Oswald seemed to have matured while he was in Russia and did not show the bravado and arrogance which characterized his first contacts with the Embassy. Oswald told him that he had "learned a hard lesson the hard way" and had acquired a new appreciation of the United States and the meaning of freedom.709

Since Oswald's passport would expire on September 10, 1961,710 before which date he probably would not be able to obtain Russian exit papers, he filled out an application for its renewal.711 On a questionnaire attached to the application,712 he reiterated his oral statements that he had obtained only a residence permit in the Soviet Union and was still an American national. On the basis of Oswald's written and oral statements, Snyder concluded that he had not expatriated himself and returned his passport, stamped valid only for direct travel to the United States,713 to him. Accompanied by his wife,714 Oswald came to the Embassy again on the following day,715 to initiate procedures for her admission to the United States as an immigrant; they had a routine interview with McVickar, Snyder's assistant.716 Three days later, they returned to Minsk.717

On the same day, Oswald wrote to his brother. He told Robert that he had his passport again and that he and Marina were doing everything possible to leave the Soviet Union. Apparently referring to his initial reappearance at the Embassy in quest of his passport, he

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wrote: "I could write a book about how many feeling have come and gone since that day." The letter closed with an affectionate greeting to his brother and his family.718 The letter's tone of firm purpose to return to the United States in the face of heavy odds reflected Oswald's attitude thereafter.

As soon as they returned to Minsk, the Oswalds began to work with local authorities for permission to leave the country.719 His diary entry for July 16 through August 20 reads,

We have found out which blanks and certificates are nessceary to apply for a exit visa. They number about 20 papers; birth certificates, affidavit, photos, ect. On Aug 20th we give the papers out they say it will be 3.5 months before we know wheather they let us go or not. In the meantime Marina has had to stade 4 differant meeting at the place of work held by her boss's at the direction of "someone" by phone. The Young Comm. leauge headquttes also called about her and she had to go see them for 1-1/2 hours. The purpose (expressed) is to disuade her from going to the U.S.A. Net effect: Make her more stubborn about wanting to go. Marina is pregnet. We only hope that the visas come through soon.720
In a letter dated July 15, he reported their efforts to the Embassy, and said that he would keep it informed "as to the overall picture." The letter mentioned that Marina was having difficulties at work because of her decision to leave but added that such "tactics" were "quite useless" and that Marina had "stood up well, without getting into trouble." 721 For August 21 through September 1, the diary reads:

I make repeated trips to the passport & visa office, also to Ministry of For. Affairs in Minsk, also Min. of Internal Affairs, all of which have a say in the granting of a visa. I extrackted promises of quick attention to us.722
For September through October 18, "No word from Min. ('They'11 call us.')." 723

Marina testified that when the news of her visit to the American Embassy in July reached Minsk, she was dropped from membership in "Komsomol," the Communist Youth Organization, 724 and that "meetings were arranged" at which "members of the various organizations" attempted to dissuade her from leaving the Soviet Union.725 Her aunt and uncle did not speak to her for "a long time." 726 Paul Gregory, to whom Marina taught Russian in the United States, testified that she once referred to this period of her life in Minsk as "a very horrible time." 727

Oswald wrote to the Embassy again on October 4, to request that the U.S. Government officially intervene to facilitate his and his wife's applications for exit visas.728 He stated that there had been "systematic and concerted attempts to intimidate [Marina] ... into with-

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drawing her application for a visa" which had resulted in her being hospitalized for a 5-day period on September 22 for "nervous exhaustion." 729 Marina has denied that she was hospitalized for a nervous disorder 730 and he made no mention of it in his diary or letters to his family; he probably lied to the Embassy. The Embassy replied to his letter on October 12, saying that it had no way of influencing Soviet conduct on such matters and that its experience had been that action on applications for exit visas was "seldom taken rapidly." 731

In October 1961 Marina took her annual vacation. 732 She and Oswald agreed that she should get a "change of scenery," 733 and she spent about 3 weeks with an aunt in Khar'kov. It is possible that they were not getting along well together during this period. 734 A dairy entry after her return indicates that they were having some quarrels and that she was wavering in her decision to go to the United States, which Oswald attributed to anxiety about their applications for visas and the fact that she was pregnant; he in turn dreaded the approach of the "hard Russian winter." 735 He noted in his dairy that he was lonely while she was gone, but that he and his friend "Erich," presumably Erik Titovyets, went to some dances and other public amusements.736 On his 22nd birthday he went alone to see his favorite opera, "The Queen of Spades." 737 Marina sent him a gold and silver cup, inscribed "To my dear husband on his birthday, 18/x/61" and other gifts, for which he wrote to thank her.738 She returned on November 12, in Oswald's words, "radient, with several jars of preserses for me from her aunt." 739

Sometime after Marina's return Oswald applied for an interview with Col. Nicolay Aksenov, an official in the local MVD, in an effort to expedite their application for exit visas; he was told by the colonel's subordinates that they were competent to handle the matter. Oswald then insisted that Marina seek an interview; she agreed reluctantly. The interview was granted; 740 Marina thought that this might have been due to the fact that her uncle was also a high-ranking official in the Minsk MVD, but she did not believe that he would personally have presumed on his official position to obtain special treatment.741 Colonel Aksenov questioned her about her reasons for wanting to go to the United States and, noticing that she was pregnant, suggested that she at least delay her departure so that her child could be born in Russia, but did not otherwise try to discourage her. He finally told her that there were many others seeking visas and that she and her husband would have to wait their turn.742

Throughout this period, Oswald continued to correspond with his mother and brother. His letters contained the usual chatter among members of a family and occasional references to the progress of the visa applications.743 He wrote to the Embassy on November 1, saying that if, as he anticipated, his residence permit were renewed in January for another year, it would be over his protest. 744 On November 13 the Embassy replied, telling Oswald that retention of his Soviet passport, which was of the kind issued to persons considered to be stateless, or an extension of it, would not prejudice his claim to Ameri-

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can citizenship. The letter added that he could discuss the renewal of his American passport whenever he appeared in person at the Embassy to do so.745

Late in December, Oswald wrote a letter to Senator John G. Tower of Texas, which was received in Washington near the end of January. He stated that he was an American citizen and that the Soviet Government refused to permit him and his wife to leave the Soviet Union. He asked Senator Tower to raise "the question of holding by the Soviet Union of a citizen of the U.S., against his will and expressed desires." The letter was referred to the State Department and no further action concerning it was taken.746 On December 25, Marina was called to the Soviet Passport Office and told that exit visas would be granted to her and her husband; she was surprised, having doubted that she would ever be permitted to leave. Oswald wrote to the Embassy on December 27 that they would be given visas and asked that his passport be extended without another trip to Moscow; he added, however, that he would come to Moscow if this would expedite the processing of his application. In his diary, he wrote, "It's great (I think?)." 747 Before the year ended, Marina went on maternity leave from her job.748 They spent New Year's Eve at a dinner party given by the Zigers.749

Oswald wrote to his mother on January 2, 1962, and told her that he and his wife expected to arrive in the United States sometime around March. He asked her to contact the local Red Cross and request that it put his case before the International Rescue Committee or some other group which aids immigrants to the United States. He told her that he would need about $800 and that she should insist on a gift rather than a loan; he told her not to send any of her own money.750 Despite his instructions, she requested a loan from the Red Cross.751 On January 13, Oswald wrote to the International Rescue Committee himself; he asked for $800 with which to purchase two tickets from Moscow to Texas.752 He wrote to the Committee again on January 26, this time asking for $1,000.753

In the meantime, letters of Oswald 754 and the American Embassy,755 both dated January 5, crossed in the mail. The Embassy's letter suggested that since there might be difficulties in obtaining an American visa for Marina, he consider returning alone and bringing her over later. He replied on the 16th that he would not leave Russia without her.756 In his letter, Oswald requested that the U.S. Government loan him the money for his and Marina's airplane tickets or arrange a loan from another source. The Embassy replied on January 15 that Marina had not yet obtained an American visa and that no evidence had yet been submitted that she would not become a public charge in the United States.757 It suggested that Oswald's mother or some other close relative file an affidavit of support in Marina's behalf. Before receiving this letter, Oswald wrote out such a document himself 758 and mailed it to the Embassy.759

On January 28, after receiving the Embassy's letter, he wrote that his own affidavit should be sufficient, since he had been away from

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the United States for more than 2 years and could not be expected to obtain an affidavit from someone else.760 But on the same day, he wrote to his mother asking that she file an affidavit of support with the Immigration and Naturalization Service.761 On January 24, the Embassy acknowledged receipt of his affidavit, but again suggested that he obtain one from someone else.762

Late in January, Oswald received a letter from his mother telling him that he had been given a dishonorable discharge from the Marines.763 (The discharge had actually been "undesirable," a less derogatory characterization.) 764 This apparently revived his fear of prosecution, and on January 30, he wrote to his brother for more information.765 On the same day he wrote also to John B. Connally, Jr., then Governor of Texas, who Oswald believed was still Secretary of Navy. The letter read:

I wish to call your attention to a case about which you may have personal knowlege since you are a resident of Ft. Worth as I am.

In November 1959 an event was well publicated in the Ft. Worth newspapers concerning a person who had gone to the Soviet Union to reside for a short time, (much in the same way E. Hemingway resided in Paris.)

This person in answers to questions put to him by reporteds in Moscow criticized certain facets of american life. The story was blown up into another "turncoat" sensation, with the result that the Navy department gave this person a belated dishonourable discharge, although he had received an honourable discharge after three years service on Sept. 11, 1959 at El Toro, Marine corps base in California.

These are the basic facts of my case.

I have and allways had the full sanction of the U.S. Embassy, Moscow USSR. and hence the U.S. government. In as much as I am returning to the U.S.A. in this year with the aid of the U.S. Embassy, bring with me my family (since I married in the USSR) I shall employ all means to right this gross mistake or injustice to a boni-fied U.S. citizen and ex--service man. The U.S. government has no charges or complaints against me. I ask you to look into this case. and take the neccessary steps to repair the damage done to me. and my family. For information I would direct you to consult the American Embassy, Chikovski St. 19/21, Moscow, USSR.766

Connally referred the letter to the Department of the Navy,767 which sent Oswald a letter stating that the Department contemplated no change in the undesirable discharge. 768 On March 22, Oswald wrote to the Department insisting that his discharge be given a further, full review.769 The Department promptly replied that it had no authority to hear and review petitions of this sort and referred Oswald to the Navy Discharge Review Board.770 Oswald filled out

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the enclosed application for review in Minsk but did not mail it until he returned to the United States.771

The Department of State had notified Oswald's mother that it would need $900 to make the travel arrangements for her son and daughter-in-law.772 On February 1, Oswald sent his mother a brief letter rejecting her suggestion that she try to raise money by telling the newspapers about his financial plight.773 Five days later, the Embassy Oswald wrote to his mother again on February 9, reminding her to file an affidavit of support and asking that she send him clippings from the Fort Worth newspapers about his defection to Russia, a request which he later repeated to his brother. He told her that he wanted to know what had been written about him, so that he could be "forewarned."

Oswald took Marina to the hospital on the morning of February 15. A baby girl was born at about 10 a.m.776 He had gone on to the factory where news of the birth awaited him on his arrival.777 In accordance with regular hospital practice,778 he did not see the baby until Marina left the hospital.779 He was excited by the child,780 who was named "June Lee" in accordance with the Russian custom and law that a child's second name must be the father's first name or a variation of it. He had wanted to name his child "June Marina," and protested the application of the law to her, since he had a United States passport. His diary contains the wry comment, "Po-Russki." 781 His coworkers at the factory gave the Oswalds "one summer blanket, 6 light diapers, 4 warm diapers, 2 chemises, 3 very good warm chemises, 4 very nice suits and two toys" for the baby.782 Marina came home on February 23.783

There was less urgency about the departure for the United States after June Lee was born.784 Oswald wrote to his mother,785 and brother,786 that he would probably not arrive for several months. The Embassy received a letter on March 3, in which Oswald applied for a loan of $800; 787 the Embassy replied that it was authorized to loan him only $500.788 It had in the meantime decided that his own affidavit of support for Marina would be sufficient under the circumstances.789 On March 15, he received notification from the Immigration and Naturalization Service that Marina's application for a visa had been approved.790 By March 28, he had received an affidavit of support in Marina's behalf from his mother's employer, Byron K. Phillips, 791 which he filed although it was no longer necessary to do so.792 A few days before, Marina, still on maternity leave, had quit her job. 793 Discussions with the Embassy to complete financial and travel arrangements continued in April and May.794 In a letter to Robert on April 12, Oswald wrote that only "the American side" was holding up their departure, but added that the winter being over, he didn't "really ... want to leave until the beginning of fall, since the spring and summer ... [in Russia] are so nice." 795

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On May 10, the Embassy wrote that everything was in order and suggested that Oswald come to the Embassy with his family to sign the final papers.796 At his request,797 he was discharged from the factory on about May 18.798 His work had apparently never been very good. Marina testified that he was rather lazy and resented having to take orders.799 This estimate is confirmed by a report of the plant director and personnel department chief, filed on December 11, 1961, which was apparently a routine assessment of his work. The report noted that he did not, "display the initiative for increasing his skill" in his job, that he was "over-sensitive ... to remarks from the foremen, and ... careless in his work"; Oswald took "no part in the social life of the shop" and kept "very much to himself." 800

Oswald picked up his Soviet, exit visa on May 22; 801 at about this time, he also had an interview with an official of the MVD to obtain final clearance for his departure. 802 He wrote to Robert that he and his family would leave for Moscow on the following day and depart for England 10 to 14 days later. He expected to cross the Atlantic by ship, probably docking in New Orleans. Returning to a point which he had made in an earlier letter to his mother, he commented that he knew from the newspaper clippings what Robert had said about him when he left for Russia; he thought that Robert had talked too much at that time, and asked that Robert say nothing to the newspapers now. 803

The Oswalds arrived in Moscow by May 24 804 and on that date filled out various documents at the American Embassy; 805 Marina was given her American visa.806 Final arrangements for their emigration were made with Soviet officials. 807 On June 1, Oswald signed a promissory note at the Embassy for a repatriation loan of $435.71.808 He and his family boarded a train for Holland,809 which passed through Minsk that night.810 They crossed the Soviet frontier at Brest on June 2. Two days later, they departed from Holland on the SS Maasdam. 811 Onboard ship, the Oswalds stayed by themselves; Marina testified that she did not often go on deck because she was poorly dressed and Oswald was ashamed of her.812

Probably while he was on board the Maasdam Oswald wrote some notes on ship stationery, which appear to be a summary of what he thought he had learned by living under both the capitalist and Communist systems. The notes reflect his unhappy and deepening feeling of disillusionment with both the Soviet Union and the United States. Oswald observed that although reform groups may oppose the government in power, they always declare that they are for their people and their country, and he asked what "would happen if somebody was to stand up and say he was utterly opposed not, only to the governments, but to the people, too the entire land and complete foundations" of his society. He condemned existing political groups and proposed the formation of a third choice between communism and capitalism. neither of which was acceptable to him. "I have lived," he said, under both systems I have sought the answers and although it would

Page 713

be very easy to dupe myself into believing one system is better than the other, I know they are not." In these notes, he acknowledged that his "Red Cross" subsidy had been paid by the Soviet Government rather than the international organization, and said, "I shall never sell myself intentionlly, or unintentionlly to anyone again." (Commission Exhibit No. 25, p. 273.) It was probably also onboard ship that Oswald wrote two sets of answers to questions which he anticipated about his decision to go to Russia. and later to return to the United States. Although the sets of answers are somewhat similar, but the tone of one is apologetic, while the other suggests that Oswald went to Russia to study the Soviet system, but remained a loyal American and owed no apologies.814

The Maasdam landed at Hoboken, N.J., on June 13.815 The Oswalds were met by Spas T. Raikin, a representative of the Traveler's Aid Society, which had been contacted by the Department of State; Raikin had the impression that Oswald was trying to avoid meeting anyone. He told Raikin that he had only $63 and had no plans either for that night or for travel to Fort Worth, and accepted the society's help, according to Raikin, "with confidence and appreciation."816 They passed through the immigration office without incident,817 and Raikin helped them through customs.818

The society referred the Oswalds to the New York City Department of Welfare, which helped them find a room at the Times Square Hotel.819 Oswald told both Raikin and representatives of the welfare department that he had been a marine stationed at the American Embassy in Moscow, had married a Russian girl, renounced his citizenship, and worked in Minsk; he soon found out, he said, that the Russian propaganda was inaccurate but had not been able to obtain an exit visa for his wife and child for more than 2 years. He said also that he had paid the travel expenses himself.820

The welfare department called Robert Oswald's home in Fort Worth. His wife answered and said that they would help. She contacted her husband who sent $200 immediately.821 Oswald refused to accept the money and insisted that the department itself should pay the fare to Texas; he threatened that they would go as far as they could on $63 and rely on local authorities to get them the rest of the way. In the end he accepted the money.822 On the afternoon of June 14, the Oswalds left New York by plane for Fort Worth.823

Return to Top

FORT WORTH, DALLAS, NEW ORLEANS

Oswald had originally indicated that he and his family would stay with his mother in Vernon, Tex.824 His decision to stay with Robert Oswald in Fort Worth apparently had been prompted by his brother's invitation in a letter to him in Russia.825 Oswald listed only his brother as a relative on an "Intake Interview" form which he prepared for the New York Department of Welfare.826

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Robert took his wife and children to Love Field, the Dallas airport, to meet Lee and Marina and their baby, June Lee.827 He testified that the most noticeable change in his brother's appearance was that he had become rather bald; he seemed also to be somewhat thinner than he had been in 1959. Robert thought that his brother had picked up "something of an accent" but, except for these changes was "the same boy" whom he had known before.828 Lee commented on the absence of newspaper reporters and seemed to Robert to be disappointed that none had appeared.829 Later on, Lee was anxious to avoid publicity.830

Robert drove the Oswalds to his home at 7313 Davenport Street.831 For a few days, Lee seemed tense,832 but the brothers got along well,833 and to Robert it was "more or less ... [as if Lee] had not been to Russia"; they were "just together again." 834 They did not discuss politics, according to Robert because of a "tacit agreement" between them.835 Lee indicated to his brother that he hoped to have his undesirable discharge from the Marines corrected.836 Robert and his wife "took to Marina and June," and enjoyed showing Marina "things that she had never seen before." 837 Marina rested and took care of her baby, and when she could, helped in the household.838 She testified that, apart from a trip to the library, Lee spent about a week "merely talking." 839

On June 18, 4 days after he arrived in Fort Worth, Oswald went to the office of Mrs. Pauline Virginia Bates, a public stenographer whose name he had found in the telephone directory,840 and asked her to type a manuscript from the "scraps of paper," on which he had recorded his impressions of the Soviet Union.841 Intrigued by his tale that he had just returned from the Soviet Union and had smuggled his notes out of that country, she agreed to type the notes for $1 per page or $2 an hour, 50 cents less than her usual hourly rate.842 On that day and the succeeding 2 days, Mrs. Bates spent 8 hours typing for Oswald while he remained in her office helping her with the notes and translating portions of them which were in Russian.843 At the end of each session he collected his notes and as much of the manuscript as she had done and took them away with him.844 On June 20, he gave Mrs. Bates $10 for the 10 completed pages; he told her that he had no more money and refused to accept her offer to postpone pay-merit or continue the work for nothing.845

Oswald told Mrs. Bates that there was an engineer in Fort Worth who wanted to help him publish his notes.846 On June 19,847 he had called Peter Gregory, a petroleum engineer who was born in Siberia and taught Russian at the Fort Worth Public Library as a "civic enterprise." 848 He asked if Gregory could give him a letter testifying to his ability to read and speak Russian, so that he could obtain work as an interpreter or translator. Gregory suggested that Oswald come to his office, where Gregory opened a Russian book at random and asked Oswald to read from it. Oswald read well, and Gregory gave him the letter he wanted.849 Gregory and Oswald had lunch together and discussed Oswald's life in the Soviet Union,850 but, according to Gregory's testimony, nothing was said about publishing Oswald's

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manuscript.851 About a week later, Gregory and his son Paul, a college student, visited the Oswalds at Robert Oswald's home and arranged for Marina to give Paul lessons in Russian during the summer.852

On June 26, Oswald was interviewed by FBI agents in Fort Worth.853 One of the agents who interviewed him described him as tense and "drawn up"; he said that Oswald "exhibited an arrogant attitude ... and [was] inclined to be just a little insolent." 854 Oswald declined to say why he had gone to Russia, saying that he refused to "relive the past." 855 He said that he had not attempted to obtain Soviet citizenship, had not been approached by Soviet officials for information about his experiences in the Marines, and had not offered them such information. Marina's Soviet passport required her to notify the Soviet Embassy in Washington of her address in this country, and Oswald told the agents that he planned to contact the Embassy for this purpose within a few days.856 He promised to notify the FBI if he were contacted by Soviet agents "under suspicious circumstances or otherwise."857 Oswald told his brother about the interview, saying that it had been "just fine." 858

Oswald and his family remained with Robert for about a month.859 While they were there his mother moved to Fort Worth from Crowell, Tex.,860 and sometime in July they moved into her apartment at 1501 West Seventh Street.861 Mrs. Oswald testified that she had visited them at Robert's house in June 862 and moved to Fort Worth because she thought that the house was too crowded and wanted to help them.863 Mrs. Oswald described the period when her son and his family lived with her as "a very happy month"; according to her testimony, she and her son and daughter-in-law got along well. She mentioned that she not only helped Marina keep house and care for the baby but also aided her son in his efforts to find employment.864 Marina testified, however, that Lee did not get along well with his mother and that he decided after several weeks that they should move to their own apartment.855 He did not file a change-of-address card at the post office when the family moved to West Seventh Street, as he did when they made their next move,866 so he may have contemplated from the beginning that they would stay with his mother for only a short while. Around the middle of August,867 the Oswalds moved to a one-bedroom furnished apartment at 2703 Mercedes Street, for which they paid $59.50 in advance for 1 month's rent.868

In the third week in July, Oswald had obtained a job as a sheet metal worker with the Louv-R-Pak Division of the Leslie Welding Co.,869 a manufacturer of louvers and ventilators,870 to which he had been referred by the Texas Employment Commission.871 On his application for employment, filled out several days before, he wrote falsely that he had experience as a sheet metal worker and machinist in the Marines and had been honorably discharged.872 He usually worked 8 or 9 hours a day, for which he was paid $1.25 an hour.873 Marina testified that Oswald did not like his work,874 but he was regarded as a good employee 875 and remained with the company until October,

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when he quit.876 On the job, he kept to himself and was considered uncommunicative.877

Mrs. Oswald visited her son and his family at their apartment and tried to help them get settled; she testified that she bought some clothes for Marina and a highchair for the baby but that Oswald told her that he did not want her to buy "things for his wife that he himself could not buy." 878 Finally, Oswald apparently decided that he did not want his mother to visit the apartment anymore and he became incensed when his wife permitted her to visit despite his instructions.879 After he moved to Dallas in October, Oswald did not see his mother or communicate with her in any way until she came to see him after the assassination.880 Witnesses have described the Mercedes Street apartment as "decrepit" and very poorly furnished; 881 there was no telephone service.882 Acquaintances observed that Marina and the baby were poorly clothed, that the Oswalds had little food, and that at first there was not a bed for the baby.883

On August 16, the FBI again interviewed Oswald. This interview took place in the back seat of a car in front of his home and covered substantially the same material as the previous interview. Oswald again denied having made any deal with representatives of the Soviet Union. He protested his undesirable discharge from the Marines, and stated that his wife was registered at the Soviet Embassy. He still refused to discuss why he had gone to the Soviet Union, but he was less hostile than he had been during the previous interview.884 According to his wife, however, he was very upset by the interest the FBI showed in him.885

The Oswalds became acquainted with a growing number of people of the Russian-speaking community in the Dallas-Fort Worth area, who were tied together socially by a common origin, language, and religion. The group was not restricted to people from Russia but was composed primarily of people from Eastern European countries.886 The Oswalds' initial contact with this group was through Peter Gregory. Marina gave conversational Russian lessons to Paul Gregory 2 days a week during August and early September, for which she was paid $35. Most of the lessons took place at the Mercedes Street apartment and Oswald was generally present.887 In addition, Paul Gregory occasionally took the Oswalds shopping; after they became friendly, he had a number of discussions with Oswald, some of them politically oriented.888

Sometime around August 25, Peter Gregory invited the Oswalds and several members of the Russian community to his house for dinner. One of the guests was George Bouhe, a Dallas accountant and a leader of the Russian community. He was very interested in meeting and conversing with Marina, because she had spent much of her life in Leningrad, which was his birthplace.889 Also present was Mrs. Anna Meller, the Russian- born wife of a Dallas department store employee.890 Near the end of August, the Oswalds met Declan Ford, a consulting geologist in the Dallas area, and his Russian-born wife at Mrs. Meller's home. The Oswalds were also introduced to Mrs.

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Elena Hall, who was born in Tehran, Iran, of Russian parentage. She worked in a dental laboratory and at this time was divorced from her former husband John Hall, whom she subsequently remarried. In order to obtain dental aid for Marina, George Bouhe had brought her to Mrs. Hall's house.891 In early September, the Oswalds met Alexander Kleinlerer, another member of the Russian group, who was then courting Mrs. Hall.892 Mrs. Max Clark was introduced to Marina during this period by George Bouhe and Anna Meller. Max Clark met the Oswalds at a later time.893 At about the same time, they were visited by George De Mohrenschildt, a petroleum engineer born in Russia.894 who had heard of them from one of the Russian-speaking group.895 Later on, the Oswalds met his wife, Jeanne, and his daughter and son-in-law, Gary and Alexandra Taylor.896

Most of the members of the Russian community were interested in the Oswalds not only because they needed help, but also because they could provide the latest information about what was happening in Russia.897 Some members of the group were at first apprehensive about them because the apparent ease with which they had left Russia seemed suspicious.898 Nevertheless, many of the group provided small amounts of money, groceries, clothing, and furniture for the Oswalds; George Bouhe, Anna Meller, and Elena Hall were the primary contributors, although others provided help in the form of transportation and groceries.899 These acquaintances occasionally visited the Oswalds, and the Oswalds in turn visited some of them in Dallas.900

It was evident that Oswald did not appreciate the help of the Russian community.901 At least once he flew into a rage and shouted that he did not need any of the things that people were giving to him.902 Some felt that he resented the gifts because he could not give his wife what the others were providing;903 he apparently was critical of them also because he felt that they were overly concerned with improving themselves economically.904

Oswald became increasingly unpopular with his Russian-speaking acquaintances, partly because of his resentment of their assistance.905 Alexander Kleinlerer stated that none of them cared for Oswald "because of his political philosophy, his criticism of the United States, his apparent lack of interest in anyone but himself and because of his treatment of Marina."906 Some of them believed that Oswald was mentally disturbed.907 However, they felt sorry for Marina and the child and continued to help.908

On a weekend afternoon early in October, the Oswalds were visited by his mother and a number of people from the Russian community, including George Bouhe, Anna Meller, the Halls, the De Mohrenschildts, and the Taylors.909 Oswald had apparently decided to look for a new job, and discussed his lack of job prospects and the fact that his rent was overdue.910 He was advised to seek employment in the Dallas area.911 Elena Hall invited Marina to move into her house in Fort Worth until Oswald found a job in Dallas. She accepted the proposal, and Mrs. Hall moved Marina. her daughter June, and the

[monosylab1k]

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Oswalds' few household goods in a pickup truck belonging to the dental laboratory where she was employed.912

Oswald worked at the Leslie Welding Co. on Monday, October 8, but failed to appear on the following day. He was already in Dallas.913 He falsely told his wife that he had been discharged,914 and told George Bouhe that the job had been a temporary one.915 Sometime later, the company received an undated letter from him stating that he had "moved permanently to Dallas," and asking that the wages due him be forwarded to him at box 2915 in Dallas.916 He did not tell his mother that he was leaving Fort Worth.917

While they were in Fort Worth, the Oswalds were having marital problems.918 Several people noted that Marina had a blackened eye when they visited her at the Mercedes Street apartment.919 She told her mother-in-law and George Bouhe that her husband had struck her, but said to Anna Meller that she had walked into a door.920 It seems clear that Oswald had in fact hit her.921 People observed friction between the Oswalds on various occasions,922 although their disputes became more apparent later. Marina has written that this was a difficult period for them and that her husband was "very irritable" and sometimes some completely trivial thing would "drive him into a rage." 923

She testified that:

... immediately after coming to the United States Lee changed. I did not know him as such a man in Russia. ... He helped me as before, but he became a little more of a recluse ... He was very irritable, sometimes for a trifle ... 924
She has denied, however, that their separation was the result of quarrels between them.925

Marina spent the first few weeks after Oswald's departure at Elena Hall's house in Fort Worth, except for a brief stay at Gary Taylor's house in Dallas after one of her appointments at the Baylor Dental Clinic.926 While she was in Dallas, Mrs. De Mohrenschildt brought her to the clinic on October 8, October 10, and October 15; 927 George Bouhe had given Mrs. De Mohrenschildt the money to cover the expense of Marina's dental care.928

Even before Oswald went to Dallas, some of his acquaintances were helping him in his effort to find a job there.929 George De Mohrenschildt directed him to Samuel B. Ballen, a Dallas financial consultant, but no employment resulted.930 George Bouhe recommended that Oswald go to the Texas Employment Commission in Dallas; and Anna Meller had her husband ask Mrs. Helen Cunningham, a counselor in the clerical and sales division of the Dallas office of the employment commission, to help Oswald find a job.931 Oswald first came into the office of the employment commission on October 9. He was reluctant to accept industrial employment, and was placed in the clerical category and turned over to Mrs. Cunningham for counseling. He

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indicated that he had an interest in writing. The results of general aptitude tests which he had taken at the Fort Worth employment office had been transmitted to the Dallas office, and indicated that he had some aptitude in this direction and for clerical work. It was noted on his application form that he had "outstanding verbal-clerical potential." He demonstrated ability to perform many skilled and semi-skilled jobs, and there was some indication that he could do college work. Mrs. Cunningham gave him three special tests: for general clerical work, work as an insurance claims examiner, and drafting work. He scored high on all three. His application form indicated that he did not have a driver's license, and noted: "well-groomed and spoken, business suit, alert replies--expresses self extremely well." He told Mrs. Cunningham that he hoped to develop qualifications for responsible junior executive employment by a work-study program at a local college but that this must be delayed because of his immediate financial needs and responsibilities.932

Mrs. Cunningham concluded that although Oswald would be classified for clerical work, she should try to get him any available job, since he badly needed money. He was referred to an architect for an opening as a messenger but was not hired. On October 11, he was referred to Jaggars-Chiles-Stovall Co., a graphic arts company, in response to a call from John Graef, head of the photographic department of the company, who had told the employment commission that he needed a photoprint trainee. Oswald was enthusiastic about his prospects and apparently made a good impression; Graef picked him over several other applicants.933 On the following day he began working in his new position as a trainee making prints of advertising material. He worked a 40-hour week at approximately $1.35 per hour; his take-home pay varied from $49 to $74 a week.934 According to his wife, "he liked his work very much." 935

Oswald moved into the YMCA on October 15, and stayed there until October 19, paying $2.25 a night.936 He had used the Taylors' address and telephone number as a place where he could be reached,937 but on October 9 had also rented post office box 2915 under his own name at the main post office on Ervay Street.938 On October 10, he filed a change-of-address form indicating that mail for 2703 Mercedes Street should be forwarded to the box.939 Marina has written that Oswald wrote her letters and telephoned her during the separation.940

On October 16, Mrs Hall brought Marina and June to Dallas to have June baptized. Marina apparently did this surreptitiously, because her husband opposed baptism; they did not contact him in Dallas, but left birthday gifts for him at the Taylors. Oswald did not appear very disturbed when he found out about the baptism.941

Two days later, Mrs. Hall had an automobile accident and went to the hospital, where she remained until October 26; Marina remained in the Hall house. Mrs. Max Clark and Alexander Kleinlerer, a friend of Mrs. Hall, checked up to make sure that she was getting

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along without too much trouble.942 After Oswald left the YMCA on October 19, he moved to a room or apartment somewhere in Dallas,943 which has not been located.944 It seems likely, however, that during that time he spent several weekends with Marina at the Hall house.945

Four days after Mrs. Hall returned from the hospital, she left for New York to visit friends. By the time she returned, Marina had moved to a three-room apartment at 604 Elsbeth Street in Dallas, which Oswald had rented on Saturday, November 3; 946 the landlady stated that he had looked at the apartment about a week before. The monthly rent was $68, in addition to which he had to pay several dollars a month for utilities. He paid the rent plus a $5 deposit on November 3,947 but probably spent that night with Marina at the Hall house. On Sunday the Taylors helped the Oswalds move their belongings to the Elsbeth Street apartment with a rented trailer.948 Oswald had asked Kleinlerer to help them move, and Kleinlerer also was present when they departed.949

Soon after the Oswalds were reunited, their marital difficulties started again. While they were moving to Elsbeth Street, Kleinlerer noticed that Oswald slapped his wife for not having the zipper on her dress completely closed.950 They argued over his refusal to allow her to smoke.951 There was a quarrel also when he told the landlady that Marina was from Czechoslovakia; he was angered when Marina, who disapproved of this deception, told the landlady the truth.952

Although several people tried to help Marina improve her scanty knowledge of English, Oswald discouraged this,953 perhaps because he wanted to keep up his Russian.954 Some witnesses testified that she commented about his sexual abilities.955 He apparently continued to beat her, and once she suggested to George De Mohrenschildt that she should "get away" from Oswald. When De Mohrenschildt criticized Oswald's conduct, Oswald replied, "It is my business."956 Marina testified that when they moved into the Elsbeth Street apartment, her husband became "nervous and irritable" and was very angry over "trifles." 957 She said that it was sometimes her fault that he beat her,958 for example when she wrote to an old boyfriend in Russia that she wished she had married him; the letter was returned for postage due, and Oswald read it.959

Because of this quarreling, a few of their acquaintances felt that Marina would be better off alone. George Bouhe offered to help her if she promised to leave Oswald permanently.960 Finally, in early November, Marina, helped by the De Mohrenschildts, moved into Anna Meller's house with the intention not to return to Oswald. He was apparently quite upset and did not want Marina to leave him.961

Oswald did not visit his wife at Anna Meller's house,962 and for a short time did not even know where she was.963 According to Marina, he called her after she moved and they met at De Mohrenschildt's house. He asked her to return home. She insisted that he stop quarreling and that he change his ways. He said that he could not change. Marina would not agree to return home with him and he left.964

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Marina was uncomfortable at the Meller house, where there was very little room. She moved to Katherine Ford's house 965 where she apparently stayed from November 11 to 17. She indicated that she had decided never to return to her husband; 966 it was Mrs. Ford's impression that Marina was going to stay at other people's houses until a permanent place could be found for her.967 When Mr. Ford returned from a business trip on November 17, Marina and June moved to the home of Mrs. Frank Ray, where they spent the day. Mrs. Ray, the wife of a Dallas advertising man, was also of Russian origin. Since Mrs. Ray had no baby bed, Marina returned to the Fords that evening. On the next day, however, Marina moved her belongings to the Rays' house. That same day, Oswald called and asked to visit his wife, whom he had called and written. Mr. Ray picked him up and took him to Marina.968

Marina testified that at this meeting Oswald professed his love for her. She stated: "I saw him cry ... [he] begged me to come back, asked my forgiveness, and promised that he would try to improve, if only I would come back." 969 On another occasion she said: "... he cried and you know a woman's heart--I went back to him. He said he didn't care to live if I did not return? 970 That same day she decided to return to him. Mr. Ray packed her belongings and took her back to the Elsbeth Street apartment.971

Members of the Russian community who had taken care of Marina so that she would not have to live with Oswald felt that their efforts had been in vain. George Bouhe was so irritated that he never again tried to help either of the Oswalds.972 Contacts between them and members of the Russian community diminished markedly.973 Oswald did not care for most of these people and made his feelings apparent.974 Even the De Mohrenschildts, whom he liked most, saw much less of them.975 Lydia Dymitruk, another Russian born woman in the Dallas-Fort Worth area, testified that she saw the Oswalds on only one occasion, and did not care to see them again. She drove Marina and June, who had a high fever, to the hospital; Oswald told the hospital that he was unemployed in order to avoid paying for June's treatment and later left Mrs. Dymitruk without thanking her.976 Mrs. Ford testified that Marina had told her that she contemplated suicide during this period because Oswald was treating her badly and she had no friends; she felt that she had "no way out." 977 Marina acknowledged to the Commission that she had such thoughts.978

In an effort to renew family ties, Robert Oswald wrote to Lee and John Pic on November 17, inviting them and their families to Thanksgiving dinner. Lee accepted the invitation. He and Marina traveled to Fort Worth by bus on Thanksgiving Day, and John Pic and Robert met them at the station.979 Pic had not seen his half-brother for 10 years. He observed, as many others have also attested, that Lee seemed to be a good father and to take an active interest in June.980 After dinner, Marina phoned Paul Gregory, who later drove the Oswalds to his house for sandwiches and then took them to the bus station for the return trip to Dallas.981 Thereafter, Robert spoke to his

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brother once by telephone and received a post card and a letter from him, but he eventually lost contact with Lee and did not see him again until after the assassination.982

Despite his disillusionment with Soviet life, Oswald kept up his interest in Russia. He wrote to the Soviet Embassy in Washington for information on how to subscribe to Russian periodicals and for "any periodicals or bulletins which you may put out for the benefit of your citizens living, for a time, in the U.S.A." 983 He subsequently subscribed to several Russian journals.984 In December 1962, the Soviet Embassy received a card in Russian, signed "Marina and Lee Oswald," which conveyed New Year's greetings and wishes for "health, success and all of the best" to the employees at the Embassy.985 The Oswalds continued to correspond with acquaintances in Russia.986

Soon after his return to this country, Oswald had started to correspond with the Communist Party, U.S.A., and the Socialist Workers Party. He subscribed to the Worker in August 1962.987 He wrote for additional literature from these organizations, and attempted to join the Socialist Workers Party, which, however, had no branch in Texas.988 He sent samples of his photographic work to the Socialist Workers Party, the Worker, and the Hall-Davis Defense Committee, and offered to aid them in printing and photographic work in connection with posters; these offers were not accepted.989

He continued to read a great deal on a variety of subjects.990 George Bouhe testified that Oswald's fare consisted of books by Marx, Lenin, "and similar things." 991 Marina said that he read books of a historical nature, including H. G. Wells' two volume "Outline of History," and biographies of Hitler, Kennedy, and Khrushchev.992

Despite the Oswalds' break with the Russian community, De Mohrenschildt, knowing that they would be alone during the Christmas season, asked the Fords whether he could bring the Oswalds to a party celebrating the Russian Christmas at the Fords' home; the Fords assented. The party was attended by many members of the Russian community.993 Oswald spoke at length with Yaeko Okui, a Japanese woman who had been brought to the party by Lev Aronson, first cellist of the Dallas Symphony Orchestra; 994 she told Federal investigators that she never saw Oswald again.995 The Oswalds were not invited to three other Russian Christmas season gatherings which occurred during the next few days.996

Marina visited the De Mohrenschildts several times after Christmas.997 They invited both Lee and Marina to a small dinner party in February 1963; also present were Everett Glover, a chemist employed in Dallas, and his roommate Volkmar Schmidt.998 On February 22, Glover had a gathering at his house, one of the purposes of which was to permit his friends, many of whom were studying Russian, to meet the Oswalds.999 They were the objects of much attention.1000 Marina conversed at length with another guest named Ruth Paine, who had recently separated from her husband, Michael Paine, a research engineer at the Bell Helicopter plant in Fort Worth. Mrs. Paine, who was studying Russian, obtained Marina's address 1001 and

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shortly thereafter wrote Marina asking to see her. Marina responded by inviting Mrs. Paine to visit her.1002

The Oswalds moved out of their Elsbeth Street apartment on March 3, 1963, to an upstairs apartment several blocks away at 214 West Neely Street. Oswald inquired about the apartment in response to a "For Rent" sign; the rent was $60 per month, not including utilities.1003 They moved without assistance, carrying their belongings in their hands and in a baby stroller.1004 Marina preferred the Neely Street apartment because it had a porch and was, she felt, more suitable for June.1005

Aware of Oswald's difficulties in obtaining employment, George Bouhe had advised him as early as October 1962 to attend a night school in Dallas.1006 On January 14, Oswald enrolled in a typing course in the night school of Crozier Technical High School, and started attending on January 28. The class ran from 6:15 to 7:15 p.m. on Mondays, Tuesday, and Thursdays. Although Oswald reviewed a typing textbook at home, he attended the course irregularly and stopped going altogether on about March 28.1007

Ruth Paine and Marina started to exchange visits in March. Mrs. Paine invited the Oswalds for dinner, and on April 20 she took them on a picnic. When Oswald was not present, the two women frequently discussed their respective marital problems, and Marina disclosed to Mrs. Paine that she was pregnant.1008 Marina wrote of these meetings:

One day we were invited to a friend's house, where I met Ruth Paine, who was studying Russian here in America and wanted to improve her conversational knowledge. We began to see each other. Ruth would come to see me with her children. This was very good for both me and for June. She was growing up alone and becoming terribly wild, so the company of other children was good for her. Sometimes we went out on picnics at a nearby lake. Lee loved to fish, and we would look and rejoice if he caught a little fish. Several times we went to visit Ruth who lived in Irving.1009
Using the name of A. J. Hidell, Oswald had ordered a Smith & Wesson .38 revolver from Los Angeles on a form which he dated January 27. On March 12, he ordered a rifle from Klein's Sporting Goods in Chicago under the name of A. Hidell.1010 Oswald used the name "Alek James Hidell" on identification cards which he probably produced at Jaggars-Chiles-Stovall. One of his fellow employees taught him various photographic techniques, which he could have used to prepare not only these cards, but also the samples of his work which he sent to various organizations.1011

Both weapons were shipped on March 20.1012 Oswald kept the rifle in a small storeroom at the Neely Street apartment. He spent long periods of time in the storeroom, which he told Marina she was not to enter.1013 He told her that he intended to use the rifle for hunt-

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ing 1014 and that he practiced with it. She saw him leave with it once, and clean it several times.1015 He also posed for two pictures, taken by Marina in the backyard of the Neely apartment, in which he held his rifle and copies of the Worker and the Militant and the revolver was strapped to his belt. He gave one of the pictures to his wife and asked her to keep it for June.1016

Over the weekend of March 9-10, Oswald photographed the alley which runs behind the home of Gen. Edwin Walker, and probably at about the same time he photographed the rear of Walker's home and a nearby railroad track and right-of-way.1017 He prepared and studied a notebook in which he outlined a plan to shoot General Walker, and he looked at bus schedules.1018 He went to the Walker residence on the evening of April 6 or 7, planning to make his attack. However, he changed his plans, hid his rifle nearby, and determined to act on the following Wednesday, April 10, when a nearby church was planning a meeting which, Oswald reasoned, would create a diversion that would help him escape.1019 On Wednesday, Oswald left a note for Marina telling her what to do if he were apprehended. He retrieved his rifle and fired at Walker, but the bullet narrowly missed Walker's head. Oswald secreted his rifle again and took the bus home.1020

When Oswald told Marina what he had done, she became angry and made him promise never to repeat such an act. She testified that she kept his letter, intending to give it to the authorities if he repeated his attempt. He told Marina that he was sorry he had missed Walker and said that the shooting of Walker would have been analogous to an assassination of Hitler.1021 Several days later, the De Mohrenschildts visited the Oswalds, bringing an Easter present for June. During the visit, Jeanne De Mohrenschildt saw the rifle and told her husband about it. Without any knowledge of the truth, De Mohrenschildt jokingly intimated that Oswald was the one who had shot at Walker. Oswald apparently concluded that Marina had told De Mohrenschildt of his role in the attempt and was visibly shaken.1022

On April 6, Oswald was dropped by Jaggars-Chiles-Stovall because, in his supervisor's opinion, he could not do the work, although he was trying; in addition, he did not get along with his fellow employees.1023 The fact that he brought a Russian newspaper to work may also have been of some significance.1024 Marina testified that her husband, who had always worried about his job security at Jaggars-Chiles-Stovall,1025 was quite upset by the loss of his job since he had liked the work.1026

Oswald again resorted to the Texas Employment Commission.1027 On April 8, he informed the Commission that he was seeking employment but was referred to no employers. He stated that he had been laid off at Jaggars-Chiles-Stovall due to lack of work." 1028 On April 12, he made a claim for unemployment benefits; 4 days later the commission mailed him a determination disapproving his claim because of insufficient wage credits.1029

For a while after the Oswalds moved into the Neely Street apartment they got along well,1030 but they soon began to quarrel.1031

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Oswald was apparently still preventing Marina from learning English,1032 and there is some indication that he continued to beat her.1033 Since February, he had been urging her to return to Russia.1034 Marina wrote several letters to the Russian Embassy requesting a visa to return to Russia.; 1035 she testified, however, that Oswald forced her to write them, and that she never wanted to return to Russia.1036

When Ruth Paine visited the Oswalds at their apartment on April 24, she was surprised to learn that Oswald was packed and ready to leave for New Orleans by bus. He explained that he had been unable to find employment in or around Dallas, and that Marina had suggested that he go to New Orleans since he had been born there.1037 Marina has testified that the real reason behind her suggestion was that she wanted to get him out of town because of the Walker incident.1038 Mrs. Paine offered to drive Marina to New Orleans at a later date, and also to have Marina and June stay with her rather than at the apartment in the meantime. Oswald helped the women pack Mrs. Paine's car, and the two women moved everything from the Neely Street apartment to the Paine house in Irving.1039

When he arrived at the bus station in New Orleans, Oswald telephoned his aunt, Lillian Murret, to ask if he could stay at her home at 757 French Street while he looked for employment. She had been unaware that he had returned from Russia or that he was married and had a child and was surprised to hear from him. She said that she did not have room to accommodate three guests, but that since he was alone he was welcome.1040

Oswald had been born in New Orleans, and on his return showed great interest in finding out what had happened to the other members of his father's family. He visited the cemetery where his father was buried and called all the Oswalds in the telephone book. By this method he located one relative, Mrs. Hazel Oswald of Metairie, La., the widow of William Stout Oswald, his father's brother. He visited her at her home; she gave him a picture of his father and told him that as far as she knew the rest of the family was dead.1041

On April 26, Oswald began his search for employment. He went to the employment office of the Louisiana Department of Labor and stated that he was qualified as a commercial photographer, shipping clerk, or "darkroom man." The interviewer noted on Oswald's application card: "Will travel on limited basis. Will relocate. Min. $1.25 hr. Neat. Suit. Tie. Polite." 1042 Although the employment commission made a few referrals, Oswald relied primarily upon newspaper advertisements, and applied for a number of positions.1043 Mrs. Murret testified that he would spend the day job hunting, return to her home for supper, watch television, and go to bed.1044

On April 29, he filed a request for reconsideration of the employment commission's disapproval of his unemployment compensation claim. His complaint that he had not been credited for his employment at Jaggars-Chiles-Stovall was ruled valid on May 8, and he was granted maximum benefits of $369, payable at the rate of $33 per week. He filed interstate claims on May 7 and 15, and received

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$33 in response to the latter; the former claim was filed before the expiration of the prescribed wailing period.1045 Not only had Oswald in fact been working since May 10, but he included on his claim sheet, as concerns with which he had sought work, fictitious employers and employers whom he apparently had not contacted.1046

Oswald wrote to Marina: "All is well. I am living with Aunt Lillian. She has very kindly taken us in. I am now looking for work. When I find it I will write you." 1047 And on May 3, he wrote to Marina and Ruth Paine: "Girls, I still have not found work, but I receive money from the unemployment office in the amount 15 to 20 dollars. They were mistaken in the Dallas office when they refused, but I straightened everything out. Uncle 'Dyuz' offered me a loan of $200.00 if needed. Great, eh?!" 1018

On May 9, responding to a newspaper advertisement, Oswald completed an application for employment with William B. Reily Co., Inc., at 640 Magazine Street, an enterprise engaged in the roasting, grinding, canning, bagging, and sale of coffee. On his application form, Oswald listed as references in addition to John Murret, "Sgt. Robert Hidell" and "Lieut. J. Evans," both apparently fictitious names.1049 His application was approved and he began work on May 10, at the rate of $1.50 per hour. His task was the lubrication of the company's machinery.1050 Oswald did not enjoy this work,1051 and told his wife and Mrs. Paine that he was working in commercial photography.1052

Also on May 9, Oswald obtained an apartment at 4905 Magazine Street with the help of Myrtle Evans, who had known him when he was a child. The rent was $65 a month. Oswald moved in on May 10,1053 after telephoning Marina on the ninth and asking her to come to New Orleans. Ruth Paine testified that the invitation elated Marina: "Papa nas lubet"--"Daddy loves us," she repeated again and again. Mrs. Paine drove Marina and June to New Orleans; they left Dallas on May 10, spent the night in Shreveport, and arrived on the 11th. Mrs. Paine stayed with the Oswalds for 8 days; the three of them, with June and Mrs. Paine's children, toured the French Quarter. On May 14, Mrs. Paine left New Orleans to return to her home.1054

The Murrets and the Oswalds exchanged visits from time to time; Marina testified that the Murrets were very good to them.1055 Mrs. Murret's daughter, Marilyn, took the Oswalds on an outing.1056 But, according to Marina's testimony, aside from Ruth Paine and Ruth Kloepfer and her daughters, the Murrets were the only social visitors the Oswalds had.1057 Ruth Kloepfer was a clerk of the Quaker Meeting in New Orleans whom Ruth Paine had written in the hope that she might know some Russian-speaking people who could visit Marina. Mrs. Kloepfer herself visited the Oswalds but made no attempt to direct any Russian-speaking people to them.1058

On July 19, Oswald was dismissed by Reily because of inefficiency and inattention to his work. He had spent many of his working hours next door at the Crescent City Garage, where he read gun magazines and discussed guns with one of the owners, Adrian Alba.1059 On the

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following Monday, July 22, Oswald again visited the Louisiana employment office to seek new employment and file a claim for unemployment compensation. Thereafter, he collected unemployment compensation weekly and, although apparently making some effort to obtain another job, again listed a number of fictitious job applications on his unemployment compensation claim forms.1060 He soon gave up his search for employment, and began to spend his days at home reading.1061 He received another setback on July 25, when he was notified that in response to the request for review which he had made in 1962, his undesirable discharge from the Marine Corps had been affirmed.1062

During this period, Oswald began to evidence thoughts of returning to the Soviet Union or going to Cuba. On June 24 he applied for a new passport, which he received on the following day.1063 Apparently at Oswald's request,1064 Marina wrote to the Russian Embassy, expressing a desire to return to Russia and indicating that she would be accompanied by her husband. She explained that she wanted to return because of family problems, including the impending birth of her second child.1065 Accompanying her letter was a letter written by Oswald dated July 1, in which he asked the Embassy to rush an entrance visa for his wife and requested that his visa be considered separately.1066 Marina believed that Oswald was really planning to go only to Cuba.1067 She testified that "his basic desire was to get to Cuba by any means, and that all the rest of it was window dressing for that purpose." 1068

During the early days of the New Orleans period, the Oswalds' marriage was more harmonious than it had been previously. Marina wrote:

... our family life in New Orleans was more peaceful. Lee took great satisfaction in showing me the city where he was born. We often went to the beach, the zoo, and the park. Lee liked to go and hunt crabs. It is true, that he was not very pleased with his job ... We did not have very much money, and the birth of a new child involved new expenses ... As before, Lee spent a great deal of time reading.1069
Marina testified, however, that after they had been in New Orleans for a while, Oswald became depressed and that she once found him alone in the dark crying.1070 She wrote to Ruth Paine that his "love" had ceased soon after Mrs. Paine had left New Orleans.1071 Mrs. Paine testified, however, that she had noticed friction between the Oswalds before she left.1072 On July 11, Mrs. Paine wrote Marina that if Oswald did not wish to live with her any more and preferred that she return to the Soviet Union, she could live at the Paines' house. Although Mrs. Paine had long entertained this idea, this was the first time she explicitly made the invitation. She renewed the invitation on July 12, and again on July 14; she attempted to overcome any feeling which Marina might have that she would be a burden by stating that

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Marina could help with the housework and help her learn Russian, and that she would also provide a tax advantage.1073

Marina replied that she had previously raised the subject of a separation and that it had led to arguments. She stated that she was happy and that for a considerable period of time Oswald had been good to her. She attributed this improved attitude to the fact that he was anticipating their second child. Marina turned down Mrs. Paine's invitation but said that she would take advantage of it if things became worse.1074 Mrs. Paine replied that she was taking a trip north to visit her parents and would visit Marina in New Orleans about September 18. She also suggested that Marina come to her house for the birth of the baby.1075

On July 6, Eugene Murret, a cousin of Oswald who was studying to be a Jesuit Priest in Mobile, Ala., wrote and asked if Oswald could come to Mobile and speak at the Jesuit House of Studies about "contemporary Russia and the practice of Communism there." Oswald accepted, and on July 27 he and his family, joined by some of the Murrets, traveled to Mobile; Charles Murret paid the expenses. Oswald spoke concerning his observations in Russia and conducted a question and answer period; he impressed his listeners as articulate. He indicated that he had become disillusioned during his stay in Russia, and that in his opinion the best political system would be one which combined the best points of capitalism and communism.1076 While he left his listeners with the impression that he was an atheist, he avoided a direct discussion of religion. The group returned to New Orleans on July 28.1077

In late May and early June, Oswald had apparently begun to formulate plans for creating a New Orleans branch of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee. Using the name "Lee Osborne" he ordered a number of printed circulars demanding "Hands off Cuba" in large letters, and application forms and membership cards for the proposed chapter.1078 On August 5, he visited a store managed by Carlos Bringuier, a Cuban refugee and avid opponent of Castro and the New Orleans delegate of the Cuban student directorate. Oswald indicated an interest in joining the struggle against Castro. He told Bringuier that he had been a marine and was trained in guerrilla warfare, and that he was willing not only to train Cubans to fight Castro but also to join the fight himself. The next day Oswald returned to the store and left his "Guidebook for Marines" for Bringuier.1079

On August 9, Bringuier saw Oswald passing out Fair Play for Cuba leaflets. Bringuier and his companions became angry and a dispute resulted. Oswald and the three Cuban exiles were arrested for disturbing the peace.1080 Oswald spent the night in jail and was interviewed the next day by a lieutenant of the New Orleans Police Department. At Oswald's request, an FBI agent also interviewed him. Oswald maintained that he was a member of the New Orleans branch of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee which, he claimed, had 35 members. He stated also that he had been in touch with the president of that organization, A. J. Hidell.1081 Oswald was in fact the

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only member of the "New Orleans branch," which had never been chartered by the National Fair Play for Cuba Committee.1082 Later that day Oswald was released on bail, and 2 days later he pleaded guilty to the charges against him and paid a $10 fine. The charges against the Cuban exiles were dismissed.1083 Marina testified that the arrest upset Lee and that he "became less active, he cooled off a little" after it.1084

On August 16, Oswald, assisted by at least one other person who was a hired helper, again passed out Fair Play for Cuba literature, this time in front of the International Trade Mart. That night, television newscasts ran pictures of Oswald's activities.1085 (This hindered Oswald's subsequent attempts to obtain employment in New Orleans.) 1086 Bringuier sent one of his friends to Oswald's home to pose as a Castro sympathizer and attempt to obtain information about Oswald, but Oswald apparently saw through the ruse.1087

William Stuckey, a radio broadcaster with a program called "Latin Listening Post," had long been looking for a member of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee to appear on his program. He learned about Oswald from Bringuier, and visited Oswald on August 17. Later that day, Stuckey recorded an interview with Oswald which was cut to about 5 minutes and played back on the show that evening.1088 Two days later, Stuckey asked the news director of the station if he could run the entire tape, but the director felt that a debate with a local opponent of Castro would be of greater public interest. Consequently, Stuckey arranged for a debate between Oswald and Bringuier on a 25-minute daily public affairs program called "Conversation Carte Blanche," which took place on August 21.1089 Oswald defended the Castro regime and discussed Marxism. He was put on the defensive when his defection to Russia was brought up,1090 and Stuckey later testified that he thought that the program had finished the Fair Play for Cuba Committee in New Orleans.1091 However, Stuckey also testified that Oswald seemed to be a clean-cut and intelligent person who conducted himself very well during the interviews and debates.1092

Oswald wrote several times to V. T. Lee, then national director of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee, telling him, sometimes in exaggerated terms, of his activities.1093 He wrote also to the Communist Party and asked whether, in view of his prior defection, he should "continue to fight, handicapped as it were, by ... [his] past record, [and] compete with anti-progressive forces, above-ground or ... should always remain in the background, i.e., underground." 1095 The Party replied that "often it is advisable for some people to remain in the background, not underground." 1095 And although Oswald wrote four letters to V. T. Lee during the summer,1096 there is no evidence that Oswald heard from him after May 29.

Ruth Paine arrived in New Orleans on September 20, and spent three nights with the Oswalds. During this stay, Mrs. Paine found relations between them much improved. Nonetheless, it was decided that Marina would go back with her to Irving for the birth of the

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baby. Marina and Mrs. Paine toured Bourbon Street while Oswald stayed home and did some packing for Marina's return to Texas.1097 On Sunday, September 22, Oswald and Mrs. Paine finished loading the station wagon with the Oswalds' household belongings.1098

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MEXICO CITY

Marina Oswald testified that sometime in August her husband first told her of his plan to go to Mexico and from there to Cuba, where he planned to stay; he had given up a plan to hijack an airplane and fly directly to Cuba, which plan Marina consistently opposed.1099 On September 17, he obtained from the Mexican consulate general in New Orleans a "Tourist Card," FM-8 No. 24085, good for one journey into Mexico for no longer than 15 days. Typed in the blank, "Appelidos y nombre" was "Lee, Harvey Oswald," "Fotogrofo"; the intended destination was shown as Mexico City.1100 (The comma between "Lee" and "Harvey" seems to have been an error.)1101 On the application Oswald stated that he was employed at "640 Rampart"; he was in fact unemployed.1102 (See Commission Exhibits Nos. 2478, 2481, p. 300.)

Marina and June departed with Mrs. Ruth Paine for Irving on the morning of September 23.1103 Before she left, Oswald told Marina that she should not tell anyone about his impending trip to Mexico.1104 Marina kept this secret until after the assassination.1105 On the previous day, Oswald's landlord had seen Mrs. Paine's car being packed and had asked Oswald whose rent was about 15 days overdue, whether he was leaving. Oswald told him that Marina was leaving temporarily but that he would remain.1106 A neighbor testified that on the evening of September 24, he saw Oswald, carrying two pieces of luggage, hurriedly leave the Magazine Street apartment and board a bus.1107 Though uncertain of the exact date, a city busdriver recalls that at the same time of day and at the same location he picked up a man who was carrying two suitcases of different sizes and helped him place them so that they would not disturb the other passengers. The driver remembers that the man asked directions to the Greyhound bus station. He discharged the passenger at an intersection where he could board a Canal Street car and transfer to another bus which would go past the Greyhound and Continental Trailways stations.1108 The landlord found Oswald's apartment vacant on September 25.1109

Oswald appears to have taken with him a Spanish-English dictionary; 1110 his address book; 1111 his 1963 passport and old passport; 1112 his correspondence with the Communist Party and with the Soviet Embassy in Washington, some of which was in Russian; 1113 proof of his marriage; 1114 newspaper clippings concerning his arrest and his interest in the activities of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee 1115 (activities which, Marina testified, he had undertaken because he thought that they would help him when he got to Cuba); 1116 evidence that he

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was the "Director" of the New Orleans chapter of the Committee; 1117 and various other cards, such as a work card, which he had obtained in Russia.1118 He took also several sheets of notepaper on which he had written a summary of important events in his life which he presumably intended to call to the attention of Cuban and Soviet officials in Mexico City to convince them to let him enter Cuba. On these sheets he had recorded facts about his Marine service, including the dates of his enlistment and discharge, the places where he had served, and the diplomas that he had received from military school. Recorded also were notes on his stay in the Soviet Union, his early interest in Communist literature, his ability to speak Russian, his organization of the New Orleans chapter of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee, his contact with police authorities in connection with his work for the Committee, and his experience in "street agitation," as a "radio speaker and lecturer," and as a photographer.1119 The two pieces of luggage which Oswald took with him were a small, blue, zipper bag 1120 and a large, olive-colored bag,1121 both made of cloth. He carried the smaller bag with him throughout the trip, but, at least from Nuevo Laredo to Mexico City, checked the larger one through to his destination.1122

Oswald remained in New Orleans until September 25. His precise whereabouts on the night of September 24 are uncertain, but in view of his limited finances, he probably returned to the apartment to sleep after checking his luggage at a bus station or spent the night at an inexpensive hotel or roominghouse. Some time after 5 a. m. on September 25, he collected a Texas unemployment compensation check for $33 at his New Orleans post office box. He cashed the check between 8 a.m. and noon at a store about six blocks from his apartment on Magazine Street.1123 This gave him about $200 for the trip to Mexico.1124

He left New Orleans by bus,1125 probably on Continental Trailways Bus No. 5121, departing New Orleans at 12:20 p.m. on September 25, and scheduled to arrive in Houston at 10:50 p.m.; that bus is the only one on which Oswald could have left New Orleans after noon on September 25 1126 and arrived in Houston before midnight.1127 Sometime in the evening he called the home of Horace Elroy Twiford, a member of the Socialist Labor Party who had received Oswald's name from the party's headquarters in New York and sent him a copy of its official publication, the "Weekly People." 1128 Mrs. Twiford, who answered the telephone,1129 believes that the call was made locally, before 10 p.m. It may have been made from Beaumont or some other stop on the route; however, in view of the bus schedule, it probably was made in Houston later than Mrs. Twiford remembered.1130 Oswald told Mrs. Twiford that he was a member of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee and that he hoped to see her husband for a few hours that evening before he flew to Mexico. He wanted also to find out how Twiford had obtained his name and address. Mrs. Twiford told Oswald that her husband, a merchant seaman, was at sea but would be happy to see him at some other time; she offered to take a message.

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Oswald said that he could not await her husband's return because he was flying to Mexico.1131 The Twifords have stated that they had no other contact with Oswald.1132

An employee of the U.S. Selective Service System has stated that an individual calling himself "Harvey Oswald" appeared at her office in Austin, Tex., immediately after lunch on September 25, and discussed with her the possibility of rectifying his undesirable discharge from the Marine Corps.1133 Despite the employee's reputability and apparent sincerity, all of the information which she furnished with respect to Oswald's appearance and conversation could have been derived from news media, consciously or unconsciously, by the time she told the FBI her story. Other persons in Austin who, according to the employee's testimony, should also have observed Oswald failed to corroborate her testimony.1134 No other evidence tending to show that Oswald was in Austin at this time has been discovered.

The telephone call which Oswald made to the Twifords on the evening of September 25, indicates that he was either in Houston or on his way there when he made it, since the purpose of the call was to make an appointment to see Twiford in Houston that evening. Oswald could not have left New Orleans on September 25, been in Austin 521 miles away by early afternoon, and returned 162 miles to Houston by night unless he traveled by air; airline records contain no indication that Oswald was on such flights.1135 It is very unlikely that he had with him enough money beyond what he needed for the trip to Mexico City to take such flights, and the poor state of his finances at this time plus his well-established frugality make it extremely unlikely that he would have considered it worthwhile to do so even if he could. There is no evidence that Oswald was in such a hurry to reach Mexico that he would have felt it necessary to travel by airplane rather than a less expensive means of travel. He took a bus from Houston to Mexico City, lived very inexpensively there, and took a bus back to Dallas; there is no apparent reason why he would have interrupted such an inexpensive trip to fly to Austin and then to Houston. He told a passenger whom he met on the next leg of his trip that he had come from New Orleans, and made no reference to Austin.1136

On September 26, Oswald boarded Continental Trailways bus No. 5133 in Houston and departed at 2:35 a.m. for Laredo, Tex., via Corpus Christi and Alice.1137 Two British tourists, Dr. and Mrs. John B. McFarland, who boarded No. 5133 in Houston, noticed Oswald when they awoke at about 6 a.m. Oswald told them that he was going to Cuba via Mexico City, and they inferred from conversation with him that he had left New Orleans early in the afternoon of September 25 and that he was going to Cuba via Mexico City. He said also that he was secretary of the New Orleans branch of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee and that he hoped to see Fidel Castro in Cuba. The bus was scheduled to arrive in Laredo at approximately 1:20 p.m.1138

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Oswald crossed the border from Laredo to Nuevo Laredo, Mexico, between 1:30 and 2 p.m.1139 From Nuevo Laredo, he traveled to Mexico City aboard bus No. 516 of the Flecha Roja Bus Line, which departed at 2:15 p.m. and was scheduled to arrive in Mexico City at 9:45 a.m. on the following day; he held baggage claim check No. 320435.1140 He was seen on the bus by the McFarlands and by two Australian girls who boarded the bus on the evening of September 26 at Monterrey.1141 He occupied the seat next to an elderly Englishman, who told the girls that the young man sitting next to him apparently had been to Mexico before.1142 The man next to Oswald was probably Albert Osborne, a native of the British Isles who has worked as an itinerant preacher in the Southern United States and Mexico for many years. Osborne denied that he sat beside Oswald; but in view of his inconsistent and untrue responses to Federal investigators concerning matters not directly related to Oswald, the Commission believes that his denial cannot be credited. It appeared to the other passengers on the bus that Osborne and Oswald had not previously met; extensive investigation has revealed no other contact between them.1143

In the course of the 20-hour bus trip, Oswald initiated two conversations with the Australian girls, during which he mentioned his visit to Russia and recommended the Hotel Cuba in Mexico City as a clean and cheap" hotel; he told them, apparently falsely, that he had stayed there on previous occasions. He said that when he had seen them board the bus with their heavy suitcases, he had been under the impression that they were Mexican and had therefore asked the man next to him how to say "How can I help you?" in Spanish. From this they inferred that Oswald did not speak Spanish, an impression which is shared by every witness who met Oswald on his trip and is supported by notations which he made on documents that he carried.1144 He got off the bus at every stop and ate large meals, always eating by himself; the girls thought he ate so much because he could not make himself understood in Spanish and had to order by pointing at the menu.1145 The bus arrived in Mexico City 15 minutes late, at 10 a.m.1146 Oswald left the bus station by himself and had no known further contact with any of the people with whom he had spoken on the bus.1147

Oswald registered at the Hotel del Comercio within an hour of his arrival in Mexico City. He stayed there throughout his visit.1148 The hotel, located not far from the commercial heart of the city and within four blocks of the bus station, is one of a group of hotels located near the intercity bus terminals and has perhaps the best appearance of the group.1149 It is known by personnel in other hotels that the owner of the Hotel del Comercio can understand and speak a little English.1150 Oswald registered as "Lee, Harvey Oswald," and gave his occupation as "photo." 1151 He had room 18 which cost $1.28 per day.1152

After he had registered, Oswald turned promptly to the task of obtaining permission to enter Cuba. Mexican officials would not permit a U.S. citizen without a Cuban visa to board a plane for Cuba

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even if he had an American passport, but would permit passage if he had a visa even though the passport proscribed travel to Cuba.1153 Oswald had a 1963 American passport (stamped invalid for travel to Cuba)1154 but had neither a regular Cuban visa nor an intransit visa which would permit a short stay in Cuba on his way to Russia or some other country. His address book contained the telephone number and address of a Cuban airline, but there is evidence that he never visited its office.1155

He visited the Cuban Embassy on Friday, September 27 and spoke with Senora Silvia Tirado de Duran, a Mexican citizen employed there. Senora Duran later made a signed statement to the Mexican police that Oswald:

... applied for a visa to Cuba in transit to Russia and based his application on his presentation of his passport in which it was recorded that, he had been living in the latter country for a period of three years, his work permit from that same country written in the Russian language and letters in the same language, as well as proof of his being married to a woman of Russian nationality and being the apparent Director in the city of New Orleans of the organization called "Fair Play for Cuba" with the desire that he should be accepted as a "friend" of the Cuban Revolution ... 1156
He apparently also stated that he was a member of the Communist Party and displayed documents which he claimed to be evidence of his membership.1157 He said that he intended to go to Cuba on September 30 and to remain there for 2 weeks, or longer if possible, and then go on to Russia.1158 Senora Duran took down the relevant date and filled out the appropriate application. Oswald left the Embassy but was to return in the afternoon.1159

Then, or possibly even before his initial visit to the Cuban Embassy Oswald went to the Soviet Embassy where he spoke with either Pavel Antonovich Yatskov or Valeriy Vladimirovich Kostikov.1160 They are both consular officials serving also as agents of the KGB.1161 Oswald later said that he had dealt with "Kostin," 1162 undoubtedly a reference to Kostikov. He was unable to obtain a Soviet visa then. Marina said that the officials at the Soviet Embassy "refused to have anything to do with him." 1163

Oswald returned to the Cuban Embassy later that afternoon, this time bringing with him passport photographs which he may have obtained in the United States.1164 Senora Duran telephoned the Soviet Embassy to inquire about the status of Oswald's Russian visa and was told that there would be a delay of about 4 months.1165 Oswald became "highly agitated and angry," particularly when he learned that he could not obtain an intransit visa to Cuba before he acquired a Russian visa. Senora Duran called the Cuban consul, then Eusibio Azque, to speak to him. The discussion between Oswald and Azque developed into a heated argument, which ended when Azque told Oswald that in

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his opinion people like Oswald were harming the Cuban Revolution and that so far as Azque was concerned, he would not give Oswald a visa.1166 Senora Duran wrote her name and the phone number of the Embassy on a piece of paper which she gave to Oswald in case he wished to contact her again. He copied this information into his address book.1167 Senora Duran forwarded the Cuban visa application to Havana ;1168 the Cuban Ministry of Foreign Affairs replied on October 15 that the visa could be issued only after Oswald had obtained a Russian visa.1169 (See Commission Exhibit, No. 2564, p. 303.)

Oswald contacted the Russian and Cuba Embassies again during his stay in Mexico.1170 He had no greater success than he had before. Marina testified that when he returned to Texas, he was convinced that his trip had been a failure and disappointed at having been unable to go to Cuba.1171 A month later, in a painstakingly composed 1172 letter to the Soviet Embassy in Washington, Oswald ascribed his failure to "a gross breach of regulations" on the part of the Cuban Embassy. "Of corse," he wrote, "the Soviet Embassy was not at fault, they were, as I say unprepared."

The hotel maid said that Oswald generally was gone by the time she arrived at 9 a.m. The night watchman said he usually returned at about midnight,1174 which is not unusual, in view of the late hour at which Mexico City's evening activities begin. He ate several lunches at a small restaurant immediately adjacent to the hotel, coming to the restaurant shortly after 2 p.m., and ordering food by pointing to the menu, apparently with some consideration of cost; he spent between 40 and 48 cents for each meal. He ate the soup of the day, rice, and either meat or eggs, but refused dessert and coffee; the waitress concluded that Oswald did not realize that the items which he refused were included in the price of the lunch.1175 He was seen with no other person either at his hotel or at the restaurant.1176 A hotel guest stated that on one occasion he sat down at a table with Oswald because there was no empty table in the restaurant, but that neither spoke to the other because of the language barrier.1177

Although the Soviet and Cuban Embassies are within two blocks of each other, they are some distance from Oswald's hotel.1178 He must, therefore, have traversed a substantial portion of the city on more than one occasion. Marina testified that he told her that he had seen a bullfight,1179 which would normally have been on Sunday afternoon, and that he had visited museums 1180 and done some sightseeing.1181 He apparently also saw one or more motion pictures, either American with Spanish subtitles or Mexican with English subtitles.1182 From notations in his Spanish-English dictionary and on his guide map of Mexico City, it appears that Oswald intended to attend a jai alai game 1183 but he almost certainly did not do so.1184

He purchased several postcards depicting bullfights and tourist attractions, which he brought back to Marina.1185 She had told him be-

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fore he left that she would like Mexican silver bracelets as a souvenir, and he brought her a silver bracelet inscribed with her name.1186 Marina suspected, almost certainly correctly, that the bracelet, of Japanese origin, did not come from Mexico.1187 No such jewelry is known to be sold in or around Mexico City, because of a high duty 1188 but the bracelet is of a type commonly sold in 5-and-10-cent stores in Dallas.1189 Oswald did not buy the Mexican phonograph records which Marina had requested, despite the notation, "records," which he had placed in his dictionary.1190

On Monday, September 30, Oswald began to prepare for his return to the United States. He appeared at the Agencia de Viages, Transportes Chihuahuenses,1191 and purchased international exchange orders costing $20.30 for travel on a Transportes del Norte bus from Mexico City to Laredo and by Greyhound bus directly from Laredo to Dallas. The travel agency made a reservation for him on Transportes del Notre bus No. 332, departing Mexico City at 8:30 a.m. on October 2. The seat, No. 12, was reserved in the name of the travel agency, which recorded the reservation in the name of "H. O. Lee." 1192 The employee who made the reservation testified that he probably wrote the name that way because he was copying from Oswald's tourist card, which read "Lee, Harvey Oswald." 1193 (The manifest for Transportes Frontera bus No. 340, leaving Mexico City for Monterrey and Nuevo Laredo at 1 p.m. on Wednesday, October 2, 1963, contains the name "Oswld" [sic], which apparently was added to the manifest after the trip; 1194 in any event, Oswald did not take bus 340.) 1195

On October 1, Oswald paid his hotel bill through that night.1196 The hotel night watchman remembers helping Oswald obtain a taxicab at about 6:30 or 7 on the following morning.1197 Transportes del Norte bus No. 332 left as scheduled at about 8:30 a.m.; at Monterrey the passengers were shifted to a relief bus, No. 373, scheduled to depart for Laredo at 10 p.m. that evening.1193 Fellow passengers recall that Oswald was pulled off the bus by Mexican officials at the border, because of some alleged irregularity in his Mexican tourist papers; one passenger overheard him mumbling complaints about the Mexican immigration officials when he returned to the bus.1199 They remember also that Oswald was hurriedly "gulping" down a banana after the bus reached customs, perhaps because he believed that he could not take fruit into the United States.1200 (Marina has testified that her husband liked bananas and frequently ate them.)1201 One of the passengers testified that Oswald annoyed him by keeping his overhead light on to read after 10 p.m.1202 He may have conversed with an elderly woman on the bus, but he was not traveling with her.1203

At about 1:35 a.m. on October 3, Oswald crossed the International Bridge from Nuevo Laredo into Texas.1204 He traveled from Laredo to Dallas via San Antonio, on Greyhound bus No. 1265, substantially following Interstate Route 35 for the entire trip 1205 leaving Laredo at 3 a.m. and arriving in Dallas at about 2:20 p.m. on the same day.1206

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DALLAS
Oswald did not contact his wife immediately when he returned to Dallas. He went to the office of the employment commission, where he filed an unemployment compensation claim 1207 and announced that he was again looking for work.1208 He spent the night at the YMCA, where he registered as a serviceman in order to avoid paying the membership fee.1209 On the following day, he applied for a job as a typesetter trainee at the Padgett Printing Co. He made a favorable impression on the department foreman, but the plant superintendent called Jaggars-Chiles-Stovall and decided not to hire Oswald because of the unfavorable responses which his inquiries produced.1210 Later that day, Oswald telephoned Marina and asked her to have Mrs. Paine pick him up in Dallas. Marina refused, and he hitchhiked out to the Paine home,1211 where he spent part or all of the weekend.1210 Marina testified that although her husband "changed for the better" and treated her better after his Mexican trip,1213 she did not want to live with him because she was pregnant and thought it would be better "to be with a woman who spoke English and Russian." 1214 On Monday, October 7, Mrs. Paine drove Oswald to the bus station, and he returned to Dallas to look for a job and a place to live.1215

Oswald thought that the YMCA was too expensive for him, and intended to rent a room.1216 He inquired about a room at 1026 North Beckley, where he lived later, but on October 7 there were no vacancies.1217 He next responded to a "For Rent" sign at a rooming house at 621 Marsalis Street. He obtained a room, for which he paid the weekly rent of $7 in advance, and moved in on the same day.1218 He immediately resumed his job-hunting, relying partially on referrals by the employment commission.1219 He spent much of the time when he was not looking for work in his room.1220 He telephoned his wife daily.1221 She wrote: "Lee called twice a day, was worried about my health and about June." 1222 On Friday, Oswald told his landlady, Mrs. Mary Bledsoe, that he was going to Irving for the weekend but would return the following week. She refused to rent the room to him for another week because she didn't like him.1223

Oswald spent the weekend of October 12-13 at Mrs. Paine's home, during which time she gave him a driving lesson.1224 He told her that he had received the last of the unemployment checks due him, and that it had been smaller than the previous ones. Mrs. Paine testified that Oswald was extremely discouraged because his wife was expecting a baby, he had no job prospects in sight, and he no longer had any source of income.1225

On Monday, Mrs. Paine drove Oswald into Dallas, since she had other business there.1226 He picked up his bag from Mrs. Bledsoe's roominghouse 1227 and later that day rented a room at 1026 North Beckley Avenue from Mrs. A. C. Johnson for $8 a week. He registered as O. H. Lee and moved in immediately.1228 Oswald felt that this room was more comfortable than the previous one, particularly

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because he had television and refrigerator privileges.1229 He apparently continued to spend most of his evenings in his room.1230 He borrowed books from the library 1231 and had subscriptions to various periodicals, including Time, the Worker, the Militant, and some Russian periodicals.1232

On that Monday, Mrs. Paine mentioned the Oswalds' financial and employment problems to neighbors whom she was visiting. Mrs. Linnie Mac Randle, who was also present, remarked that she thought that her younger brother, Buell Wesley Frazier, who worked at the Texas School Book Depository, had said that there was a job opening there. When Marina heard of this, she asked Mrs. Paine to call the Depository to see if there was an opening.1233 Mrs. Paine called Roy S. Truly, superintendent of the Depository, who indicated that he would talk to Oswald if he would apply in person.1234 When Oswald telephoned the Paine house on Monday evening, Mrs. Paine told him about this possibility.1235 On the next day, Oswald was interviewed by Truly and hired in a temporary capacity. He began work on Wednesday, October 16. His duties were to fill book orders; his hours were 8 a.m. to 4:45 p.m., for which he received $1.25 an hour.1236

Both the Oswalds were elated with the new job,1237 although it apparently required little skill or experience 1238 and he indicated that he still hoped to obtain a better job.1239 He did a satisfactory job at the Depository,1240 but he kept to himself and very few of his fellow employees got to know him.1241

During his first week at work, Oswald became acquainted with Frazier, with whom he arranged to ride to Irving on weekends.1242 On Friday, October 18, Frazier drove him from work to the Paine home; 1243 since it was his birthday, Marina and Ruth Paine had arranged a small celebration.1244 On Sunday, he stayed with June and the Paine children, while Mrs. Paine drove Marina to Parkland Hospital where she gave birth to a second daughter, Rachel.1245 He went to work on Monday, but that evening visited Marina in the hospital and spent the night in Irving.1246 Marina wrote:

Monday evening Lee visited me in the hospital. He was very happy at the birth of another daughter and even wept a little. He said that two daughters were better for each other--two sisters. He stayed with me about two hours.1247
Oswald returned to Dallas the next morning.1248

Oswald wrote to Arnold Johnson of the Communist Party, U.S.A., that on the evening of October 23, he had attended an "ultra right" meeting headed by Gen. Edwin A. Walker.1249 Two evenings later, he accompanied Michael Paine to a meeting of the American Civil Liberties Union, held at Southern Methodist University.1250 At this meeting, a statement was made to the effect that members of the John Birch Society should not be considered anti-Semitic; Oswald rose and stated that at the meeting which he had attended 2 days earlier, he had heard a number of anti-Semitic and anti-Catholic statements.

Page 739

Later in the evening, Oswald became involved in a discussion with several people, including Frank Krystinik, who was employed with Paine at the Bell Helicopter plant. During this conversation, Oswald expressed Marxist views and declared that he was a Marxist, although denying that he was a Communist. He admitted that the United States was superior to the Soviet Union in the area of civil liberties and praised President Kennedy for his work in that connection.1251 Krystinik testified that he got the impression that Oswald did not fully understand the views he was expounding.1252

Throughout that week Oswald telephoned his wife to inquire about her health and that of the baby. He spent the weekend at the Paine home, to which Marina and Rachel had returned during the week.1253 On Friday, November 1, he obtained post office box No. 6225 at the Terminal Annex Post Office Station. He indicated that the box would also be used to receive mail for the Fair Play for Cuba Committee and the American Civil Liberties Union.1254 Once again he spent the weekend in Irving.1255

Throughout this period, the FBI had been aware of the whereabouts of the Oswalds. There was a record in the Dallas office of the FBI that Oswald subscribed to the Worker, engaged in Fair Play for Cuba Committee activities and had traveled to Mexico.1256 An FBI agent visited the Paine home on November and, accompanied by another agent, again on November 5, and spoke briefly with Mrs. Paine. On neither occasion was Oswald present.1257 Ruth Paine noted the agent's name and telephone number and, in accordance with her husband's instructions, Marina noted the license number of the agent's automobile, all of which was subsequently reported to Oswald.1258 Both Mrs. Paine and Marina testified that Oswald was troubled by the FBI's interest in him.1259 He declared that the FBI was "trying to inhibit" his activities,1260 and wrote the Soviet Embassy in Washington:

The Federal Bureu of Investigation is not now interested in my activities in the progressive organization "Fair Play for Cuba Committee" of which I was secretary in New Orleans (state Louisiana) since I no longer reside in that state. However, the F.B.I. has visted us here in Dallas, Texas, on November 1st. Agent James P. Hasty warned me that if I engaged in F.P.C.C. activities in Texas the F.B.I. will again take an "interest" in me.
This agent also 'suggested' to Marina Nichilayeva that she could remain in the United States under F.B.I. 'protection', that is, she could defect from the Soviet Union, of couse, I and my wife strongly protested these tactics by the notorious F.B.I.

Please inform us of the arrival of our Soviet entrance visa's as soon as they come.1261 (See Commission Exhibit 15, p. 311.)

Marina testified that the statements, both by and to the FBI agents, to which her husband referred in this letter, were in fact never made.1262

Page 740

The following Friday, November 8, Oswald as usual drove to the Paine house with Frazier.1263 On Saturday Mrs. Paine took him to the Texas Drivers' License Examining Station, but because it was an election day the station was closed. Oswald stayed at the Paines through Monday, November 11, which was Veterans Day. During the weekend, Mrs. Paine gave Oswald a second driving lesson.

Oswald did not go to Irving on the next weekend. His wife had asked him not to come because Michael Paine, with whom Oswald did not get along, would be there to celebrate his daughter's birthday. Also, she felt that because he had stayed for 3 days the preceding weekend, he would abuse Mrs. Paine's hospitality if he returned so soon. Oswald telephoned Marina on Saturday afternoon and said that he had returned to the drivers' license examining station that morning but had not waited because there was a long line.1265

On Sunday, November 17, at Marina's request, Ruth Paine telephoned Oswald at the Beckley Avenue number, which he had given to Marina. When she asked for him, she was told that no one by that name lived at the address, which greatly surprised her. On the next day, Oswald telephoned his wife. When she indicated that she had been upset by the fact that there had been no Lee Oswald at the number which she had asked Mrs. Paine to call Oswald became angry; he said that he was using a fictitious name and that she should not have called the Beckley Avenue number.1266 He did not telephone on the following day, which was unusual.1267

On the morning of Thursday, November 21, Oswald asked Frazier to take him to Irving when he went home that evening, saying that he wanted to pick up some curtain rods.1268 His arrival was a surprise because he generally asked Mrs. Paine's permission before arriving for a visit.1269 The women thought that he had come to Irving because he felt badly about arguing with his wife about the use of the fictitious name.1270 He said that he was lonely, because he had not come the preceding weekend, and told Marina that he "wanted to make his peace" with her.1271 He spent the time before dinner on the lawn playing with his daughter.1272 However, when he attempted to talk to his wife she would not answer, which upset him. He asked her to live with him in Dallas, and she refused.1273 After supper, Oswald watched television while the women cleaned the house and prepared their children for bed.1274 He retired early in the evening at about 9.1275

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Appendix 14: Analysis of Lee Harvey Oswald's Finances From June 13, 1962, Through November 22, 1963
Introduction
June 1962
July 1962
August 1962
September 1962
October 1962
November 1962
December 1962
January 1963
February 1963
March 1963
April 1963
May 1963
June 1963
July 1963
August 1963
September 1-24, 1963
September 25- October 2, 1963
October 1963
November 1963
The following analysis of Lee Harvey Oswald's receipts and expenditures for the period June 13, 1962, through November 22, 1963, contains a complete record of all funds that he and his wife are reported to have received and disbursed from all known sources. It also contains an estimate for food, clothing, and incidental expenses, which include telephone calls, money order and check cashing fees, postage, local transportation costs, personal care goods and services, local newspapers, and similar small items. Oswald's expenditures for food, clothing, and incidentals were estimated at $100 per month, except for those months in which his wife and children resided with relatives or acquaintances. The estimate reflects Oswald's frugal living habits during this period, as described in chapter VI of this report. The Commission has been advised by the Bureau of Labor Statistics of the U.S. Department of Labor that this estimate is a little higher than would be normal for a family in Oswald's income class residing in the southern region of the United States. (See Commission Exhibit No. 1169.)

Lee Harvey Oswald Receipts and Expenditures
June 13, 1962, to Nov. 22, 1963

June 1962: Receipts Expenditures Balance
On hand on arrival, New York City 1 $63.00
Received from Robert Oswald 2 200.00
Received from Marguerite Oswald 3 10.00
Transportation in New York City 4 $10.35
Plane fare, New York City to Dallas, including luggage 5 201.04
Hotel bill, New York City 6 15.21
Estimated cost of food, clothing, and incidental expenses 7 5.00
Public stenographer 8 10.00
Estimated repayment, Robert Oswald 9 30.00
Total 273.00 271.60
Cash on hand, June 30, 1962 $1. 40

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July 1962: Receipts Expenditures Balance
Net salary 10 46.82
Estimated repayment, Robert Oswald 11 10.00
Subscription for Time magazine 12 3. 87
Total 46. 82 13.87
Cash on hand, July 31, 1962 34.35
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Page 742

August 1962: Receipts Expenditures Balance
Net salary 13 $207.31
Repayment, State Department loan 14 $10. 00
Estimated repayment, Robert Oswald 15 50.00
Rent and utilities 17 71.50
Subscription for the Worker 17 2. 00
Estimated cost of food, clothing, and incidental expenses 18 75.00
Total 207.31 208. 50
Cash on hand, Aug. 31, 1962 $33. 16

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September 1962: Receipts Expenditures Balance
Net salary 19 187.59
Received from Paul Gregory 20 35.00
Rent and utilities 21 71.50
Repayment, State Department loan 22 9.71
Estimated repayment, Robert Oswald 23 50.00
Subscription for the Russian humor magazine "Krokodil" 24 2.20
Estimated cost of food, clothing, and incidental expenses 100.00
Total 222.59 233.41
Cash on hand, Sept. 30, 1962 22.34

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October 1962: Receipts Expenditures Balance
Net salary 25 228. 22
Received from George Bouhe 26 5.00
Repayment, State Department loan 27 10.00
Rent, room in YMCA 28 9.00
Post office box rental 29 4.50
Estimated repayment, Robert Oswald 30 60.00
Estimated cost of food, clothing, and incidental expenses 31 50.00
Total 233.22 133.50
Cash on hand, Oct. 31, 1962 122.06

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November 1962: Receipts Expenditures Balance
Net salary 32 315.71
Rent 33 73.00
Rental of U-Haul Trailer 34 5.00
Repayment, State Department loan 35 10.00
Bus fare, Dallas to Fort Worth and return 36 4.60
Estimated cost of food, clothing, and incidental expenses 37 50.00
Total 315.71 142.60
Cash on hand, Nov. 30, 1962 295.17

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Page 743

December 1962: Receipts Expenditures Balance
Net salary 38 $243.13
Rent 39 $68.00
Post office box rental 40 4.50
Repayment, State Department loan 41 190.00
Subscription for the Militant 42 1.00
Estimated cost of food, clothing, and incidental expenses 100.00
Total 243.13 363.50
Cash on hand, Dec. 31, 1962 $174.80

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January 1963: Receipts Expenditures Balance
Net salary 43 247.12
Rent and utilities 44 75.13
Repayment, State Department loan 45 206.00
Deposit, Smith & Wesson revolver 46 10.00
Fee paid Crozier Tech High School 47 9.00
Subscription for Ogonek, Agitator, Sovetskaya Belorussiya 48 13.20
Estimated cost of food, clothing, and incidental expenses 100.00
Total 247.12 413.33
Cash on hand, Jan. 31, 1963 8.59

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February 1963: Receipts Expenditures Balance
Net salary 49 256.95
Rent and utilities 50 71.64
Subscription for the Worker 51 7.00
Estimated cost of food, clothing, and incidental expenses 100.00
Total 256.95 178.64
Cash on hand, Feb. 28, 1963 86.90

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March 1963: Receipts Expenditures Balance
Net salary 52 327.55
Rent and utilities 53 78.76
Post office box rental 54 4.50
Cost of rifle 55 21.45
Subscription for Time magazine 56 3.82
Balance due on revolver and freight charge 57 21.22
Estimated cost of food, clothing, and incidental expenses 100.00
Total 327.55 229.75
Cash on hand, Mar. 31, 1963 184.70

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Page 744

April 1963: Receipts Expenditures Balance
Net salary 58 $108.86
Income Tax refund 59 57.40
Rent and utilities 60 $62.97
Bus fare from Dallas to New Orleans 61 13.85
Estimated cost of food, clothing, and incidental 100.00
Total 166.26 176.82
Cash on hand, Apr. 30, 1963 $174.14

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May 1963: Receipts Expenditures Balance
Net salary 63 107.44
Unemployment compensation check 64 33.00
Rent and utilities 65 75.00
Subscription for the Militant 66 1.00
Dues and printing--Fair Play for Cuba 67 9.00
Estimated cost of food, clothing, and incidental expenses 68 100.00
Total 140.44 185.00
Cash on hand, May 31, 1963 129.58

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June 1963: Receipts Expenditures Balance
Net salary 69 216.00
Rent and utilities 70 67.85
Post office box rental 71 4.00
Printing--Fair Play for Cuba 72 15.23
New alien registration card 73 5.00
Estimated cost of food, clothing, and incidental expenses 100.00
Total 216.00 192.08
Cash on hand, June 30, 1963 153.50

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July 1963: Receipts Expenditures Balance
Net salary 74 224.97
Rent and utilities 75 72.22
Printing--Fair Play for Cuba 76 3.50
Estimated cost of food, clothing, and incidental expenses 100.00
Total 224.97 175.72
Cash on hand, July 31, 1963 202.75

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August 1963: Receipts Expenditures Balance
Unemployment compensation payments 77 165.00
Rent and utilities 78 73.54
Fine 79 10.00
Distribution, Fair Play for Cuba circulars 80 2.00
Estimated cost of food, clothing, and incidental expenses 100.00
Total 165.00 185.54
Cash on hand, Aug. 31, 1963 182.21

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Page 745

Sept. 1-24, 1963: Receipts Expenditures Balance
Unemployment compensation payments 81 $132.00
Estimated cost of food, clothing, and incidental expenses 82 $100.00
Total 132.00 100.00
Cash on hand, Sept. 24, 1963 $214.21
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Sept. 25- Oct. 2, 1963, Mexican trip: Receipts Expenditures Balance
Estimated transportation cost 84 50.55
Hotel plus estimated food cost 85 18.70
Estimated cost of entertainment and miscellaneous items 86 15.20
Total 84.45
Cash on hand, Oct. 2, 1963 87 129.76

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Oct. 3-31, 1963: Receipts Expenditures Balance
Unemployment compensation payments 88 39.00
Net salary 89 104.41
Rent, rooms and YMCA 90 33.25
Estimated cost of food, clothing, and incidental expenses 91 75.00
Total 143.41 108.25
Cash on hand, Oct. 31, 1963 164.92

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Nov. 1-22, 1963: Receipts Expenditures Balance
Net salary 92 104.41
Room rent 93 24.00
Post office box rental 94 3.00
American Civil Liberties Union dues 95 2.00
Bus and taxi fares Nov. 22, 1963 96 1.23
Estimated cost of food, clothing, and incidental expenses 97 75.00
Total 104.41 105.23
Cash on hand, Nov. 22, 1963 164.10
Grand total, June 13, 1962-Nov. 22, 1963 3,665.89 3,501.79 164.10
Contents of Oswald's wallet 170.00
Cash taken from Oswald when arrested 13.87
Total 98 183.87

[monosylab1k]

Appendix 15: Transactions Between Lee Harvey Oswald and Marina Oswald, and the U.S. Department of State and the Immigration and Naturalization Service of the Department of Justice
Introduction
Issuance of Passport in 1959
Oswald's Attempts to Renounce his U.S. Citizenship
Return and Renewal of Oswald's 1959 Passport
Authorization for Marina Oswald to Enter the United States
Oswald's Letter to Senator Tower
The Loan from the State Department
Oswald's Return to the United States and Repayment of his Loan
Issuance of a Passport in June 1963
Visit to the Russian Embassy in Mexico City
Conclusion
From September 4, 1959, when he applied for his first passport, until shortly before the assassination, Lee Harvey Oswald had numerous dealings with the U.S. Department of State in Washington and with the American Embassy in Moscow. In connection with Marina Oswald's entry into the United States, the dealings also extended to the Immigration and Naturalization Service of the Department of Justice. During the course of these dealings, the Department of State and the Immigration and Naturalization Service were called upon to decide a series of legal and administrative questions which arose under the laws of this country. In order to determine whether Lee Harvey Oswald or his wife received any treatment not accorded others in similar positions, the Commission has examined the manner in which the transactions with the Oswalds were handled and the manner in which the relevant legal questions were resolved. In light of the facts then available and the applicable statutes, regulations, and practices in force at the time, the Commission has found no indication that the treatment accorded the Oswalds was illegal or different in any respect from the treatment that other persons similarly situated would have received.

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ISSUANCE OF PASSPORT IN 1959
On September 4, 1959, while on active duty with the U.S. Marine Corps, Oswald applied for a passport before a clerk of the superior court at Santa Ana, Calif.1 On the application Oswald stated that he intended to leave the United States for 4 months on approximately September 21, 1959, by ship from New Orleans, La., and that the purposes of his trip would be to attend the Albert Schweitzer College in Switzerland 2 and the University of Turku in Finland, and to visit Cuba, the Dominican Republic, England, France, Switzerland, Germany, Finland and Russia as a tourist. With the application, Oswald submitted a statement signed by a Marine officer that he was to be discharged from the Corps on September 11, 1959.3 The passport, No. 1733242, was routinely issued on September 10, 1959.4 At the time, the United States proscribed travel to none of the countries named in Oswald's application.

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OSWALD'S ATTEMPTS TO RENOUNCE HIS U.S. CITIZENSHIP
American officials in Moscow had no knowledge that Oswald was in Russia until October 31, 1959,5 more than 2 weeks after he had arrived, since he failed to register at the U.S. Embassy, as Americans traveling through Russia normally did.6 However, on October 31, 1959, a Saturday, Oswald presented himself at the American Embassy in Moscow.7 He placed his passport on the receptionist's desk and informed her that he had come to "dissolve his American citizenship." 8 She immediately summoned the consul, Richard E. Snyder, who invited Oswald into his office.9 In the room with Snyder was his assistant, John A. McVickar, who observed what ensued.10 Snyder recalled Oswald as "neatly and very presentably dressed," 11 but he also remembered his arrogance. Oswald seemed to "know what his mission was. He took charge in a sense, of the conversation right from the beginning." 12


Oswald stated at once that he was there to renounce his citizenship 13 and that "his allegiance was to the Soviet Union." 14 He said he had already applied for Soviet citizenship.15 He said he knew the provisions of American law on loss of citizenship and did not want to hear them reviewed by Snyder.16 Having taken his passport back from the receptionist, Oswald put it on Snyder's desk.17 Snyder noticed that Oswald had inked out the portion which would have shown his address in the United States.18 Oswald also presented Snyder with a note 19 which he had prepared in advance, which reads:
I Lee Harvey Oswald do herby request that my present citizenship in the United States of america, be revoked.

I have entered the Soviet Union for the express purpose of appling for citizenship in the Soviet Union, through the means of naturalization.

My request for citizenship is now pending before Suprem Soviet of the U.S.S.R.

I take these steps for political reasons. My request for the revoking of my American citizenship is made only after the longest and most serious considerations.

I affirm that my allegiance is to the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics.20
Oswald told Snyder that he had not mentioned his intent to remain in the Soviet Union to the Soviet Embassy in Helsinki at the time he had applied for his tourist visa.21 Oswald's passport, upon which his Soviet visa was stamped, shows that by the 31st of October he had already overstayed his visa, despite a 1-day extension which he had received.22

Oswald gave as his "principal reason" for wanting to renounce his citizenship, "I am a Marxist." 23 He stated that he admired the system and policies of the Soviet Union and desired to serve the Soviet

Page 748

State, and that his intent to defect to the Soviet Union had been formed long before he was discharged from the Marine Corps.24 Shortly after the interview, Snyder observed that Oswald had "displayed all the airs of a new sophomore partyliner." 25 At one point, Oswald alluded to hardships endured by his mother as a "worker" and said he did not intend to let this happen to him.26 He stated that his Marine service in Okinawa and elsewhere had given him a chance "to observe American imperialism," and he displayed some resentment at not having been given a higher rank in the Marine Corps.27 Oswald stated to Snyder that he had voluntarily told Soviet officials that he would make known to them all information concerning the Marine Corps and his specialty therein, radar operation, as he possessed.28

Snyder did not permit Oswald to renounce his citizenship at that time. He told Oswald that his renunciation could not be effected on a Saturday, but that if he would return on a day when the Embassy was open for business, the transaction could then be completed.29 Snyder testified that his real reason for delaying Oswald was that he believed, as a matter of sound professional practice, that no one should be permitted to renounce his American citizenship precipitously; such an act has extremely serious consequences, and, once accomplished, it is irrevocable.30 Snyder noticed that Oswald was young, apparently not well educated and obviously in a highly emotional state.31 Snyder testified: "particularly in the case of a minor, I could not imagine myself writing out the renunciation form, and having him sign it, on the spot, without making him leave my office and come back at some other time, even if it is only a few hours intervening." 32 Snyder's decision was also influenced by his familiarity with a recent unfavorable incident in which an American citizen by the name of Petrulli had been allowed to renounce his citizenship hastily, without awareness that Petrulli was mentally ill at the time.33 Snyder was able to persuade Oswald to tell him his home address and the name of his mother, however, by saying that no progress on his renunciation could be made without this information.34 The State Department has advised that Snyder's treatment of Oswald "was in line ... with the general policy of the Department to discourage expatriation of American citizens." 35

The same day, the Embassy sent a telegram to the Department of State, advising that Oswald had appeared there in an attempt to renounce his American citizenship, and setting out most of the details of the interview with Snyder.36 Copies were immediately furnished to the FBI 37 and the CIA.38 The telegram was followed on November 2, 1959, by an Embassy report addressed to the Department of State,39 which concluded:
... in view of the Petrulli case and other considerations, the Embassy proposes to delay action on Oswald's request to execute an oath of renunciation to the extent dictated by developments and subject to the Department's advice.40
Page 749
Copies of this memorandum were also furnished both Federal security agencies.41

After having received the telegram of October 31, 1959,42 but not the Embassy Despatch of November 2, 1959, the State Department on November 2, 1959, sent a telegram to the Moscow Embassy which read in part:

If Oswald insists on renouncing U.S. citizenship, Section 1999 Revised Statutes precludes Embassy withholding right to do so regardless status his application pending Soviet Government and final action taken Petrulli case.43
This telegram, like most of the communications from the Department regarding Oswald, was prepared in the Passport Office and cleared by the Office of Eastern European Affairs and the Office of Soviet Union Affairs.44

Oswald never returned to the Embassy.45 On November 6, 1959, the Embassy received 46 a handwritten letter from Oswald on the stationery of the Metropole Hotel, dated November 8, 1959, which read:
I, Lee Harvey Oswald, do hereby request that my present United States citizenship be revoked.

I appeared in person, at the consulate office of the United States Embassy, Moscow, on Oct. 31st, for the purpose of signing the formal papers to this effect. This legal right I was refused at that time.

I wish to protest against this action, and against the conduct of the official of the United States consular service who acted on behalf of the United States government.

My application, requesting that I be considered for citizenship in the Soviet Union is now pending before the Surprem Soviet of the U.S.S.R.. In the event of acceptance, I will request my government to lodge a formal protest regarding this incident.47
The Embassy immediately informed the Department of the receipt of this letter and advised that it intended to reply to Oswald by letter telling him that, if he wished, he could appear at the Embassy on any normal business day and request that the necessary expatriation documents be prepared.48 On the same day, November 6, the Embassy sent Oswald a letter so advising him.49 From then until November 30 the Embassy attempted to communicate with Oswald on several occasions to deliver messages from his relatives in the United States urging him to reconsider, but he refused to receive the messages or talk to anyone from the Embassy.50 The messages were therefore sent to him by registered mail.51

On November 16, 1959, Priscilla Johnson, an American newspaper-woman stationed in Moscow, interviewed Oswald at the Metropole

Page 750

Hotel.52 On November 17, 1959, she informed the Embassy of her interviews and the information was recorded in a file memorandum.53 Oswald told Miss Johnson that he was scheduled to leave Moscow within a few days. She thought that Oswald "may have purposely not carried through his original intent to renounce [citizenship] in order to leave a crack open." 54 The Embassy accordingly informed the Department of State about 2 weeks later that Oswald had departed from the Hotel Metropole within the last few days.55 According to his "Historic Diary" 56 and other records available to the Commission,57 however, Oswald probably did not in fact leave Moscow for Minsk until about January 4, 1960. Miss Johnson's report of her interview with Oswald was the last information about him which the U.S. Government was to receive until February 13, 1961 58

On March 6, 1960, Oswald's mother asked Representative James C. Wright, Jr., of Texas to help her locate her son. The Congressman forwarded her inquiry to the Department of State which in turn sent it to the Embassy.59 In response, the Embassy in Moscow informed the Department on March 28, 1960, that they had no contact with Oswald since November 9, 1959.60 The Embassy went on to say that it had no evidence that Oswald had expatriated himself "other than his announced intention to do so." It believed, therefore, that since Oswald was presumably still an American citizen, the American Government could properly make inquiry concerning him through a note to the Soviet Foreign Office. The Embassy went on to suggest, however, that it would be preferable if Oswald's mother wrote a letter to her son which could then be forwarded by the Department to the Soviet Government.61

The Department replied on May 10, 1960, that no action should be taken in the case other than on a request voluntarily submitted by member of Oswald's family.62 On June 22, a second communication was dispatched, asking whether the Embassy had been able to contact Oswald.63 On July 6, 1960, the Embassy replied that it had received no further communication with anyone on the subject of Oswald and that in view of the Department's memorandum of May 10, 1960, intended to take no further action in the matter.64 Mrs. Oswald apparently took no steps to follow up on her original inquiry.

Under the procedures in effect in 1960, a "refusal sheet" was prepared in the Department of State Passport Office whenever circumstances created the possibility that a prospective applicant would not be entitled to receive an American passport.65 The records section of the Passport Office, on the basis of the refusal sheets would prepare what was known as a lookout card 66 and file it in the lookout file in the Passport Office. Whenever anyone applied for a passport from any city in the world, his application was immediately forwarded to this office, and his name and date of birth checked against the lookout file. If a lookout card was found, appropriate action, including the possible refusal of a passport, was taken.68 Passport Office procedures

Page 751

also provided that the lookout card would be removed from a prospective applicant's file whenever facts warranted an unquestioned passport, grant. 69

On March 25, 1960, the Passport Office had made up a "refusal sheet" on Lee Harvey Oswald, typed across which was the explanation that Oswald "may have been naturalized in the Soviet Union or otherwise ... expatriated himself." 70 An Operations Memorandum stating the reasons for which the card had been prepared was drawn up on March 28 and also put on file 71 and a copy sent to the Embassy. It advised the Embassy to take no further action on the Oswald case unless it came into possession of evidence upon which to base the preparation of a certificate of loss of nationality. Included in the operations memorandum was the following:
An appropriate notice has been placed in the lookout card section of the Passport Office in the event that Mr. Oswald should apply for documentation at a post outside the Soviet Union. 72
Despite these indications that a lookout card was prepared, the Department of State on May 18, 1964, informed the Commission that "investigations, to date, failed to reveal any other indication or evidence that a lookout card was ever prepared, modified or removed." No such card was ever located, and certain file entries indicate that such a card was never prepared. 73

The State Department has advised the Commission that as of October 1959 the Department had "developed information which might reasonably have caused it to prepare ... a lookout card for Lee Harvey Oswald." 74 The Passport Office employee who prepared the refusal sheet, for Oswald has suggested as a possible explanation of the failure to prepare a lookout card that between the day she prepared the refusal sheet and the time the records section would normally have prepared the lookout card, Oswald's file was temporarily pulled from its place because the Department received some additional correspondence from the Embassy. When the file was returned, she suggested, it may have been assumed that the card had already been prepared. 75

Had a lookout card been prepared on the ground of possible expatriation, it would have been removed and destroyed after the decision was made in 1961 that Oswald had not expatriated himself and thus prior to the time that he applied for a second passport in June 1963. Hence, the Department's apparent failure to prepare a lookout card on Oswald had no effect on its future actions. As of February 20, 1964, the Department issued additional regulations regarding the manner in which the lookout file is to be handled. 76 On March 14, 1964, a category was established for returned defectors, so that these persons automatically have lookout cards in their files, and on July 27, 1964, the Office of Security of the Department of State issued a procedural study of the lookout-card system, with recommendations. 77
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RETURN AND RENEWAL OF OSWALD'S 1959 PASSPORT

Negotiations Between Oswald and the Embassy

On February 1, 1961, as a result of a visit by Oswald's mother to the Department of State on January 25, 1961,78 the Department sent a request to the Moscow Embassy as follows:

The Embassy is requested to inform the [Soviet] Ministry of Foreign Affairs that Mr. Oswald's mother is worried as to his present safety, and is anxious to hear from him.79

The inquiry went to the Embassy by diplomatic pouch and was received in Moscow on February 10 or 11.80 On February 13, before the Embassy had acted on the Department's request,81 the Embassy received an undated letter from Oswald postmarked Minsk, February 5. The letter stated:
Since I have not received a reply to my letter of December 1960, I am writing again asking that you consider my request for the return of my American passport.

I desire to return to the United States, that is if we could come to some agreement concerning the dropping of any legal proceedings against me. If so, than I would be free to ask the Russian authorities to allow me to leave. If I could show them my American passport, I am of the opinion they would give me an exit

They have at no time insisted that I take Russian citizenship. I am living here with non-permanent type papers for a foreigner.

I cannot leave Minsk without permission, therefore I am writing rather than calling in person.

I hope that in recalling the responsibility I have to america that you remember your's in doing everything you can to help me since I am an american citizen.82
Despite Oswald's reference to his letter of December 1960, there is no indication that he had written to the Embassy previously.83 Furthermore, his diary refers to his February 1 letter as his "first request" concerning his return to the United States.84

On February 28, 1961, the Embassy wrote Oswald that he would have to come to Moscow to discuss the passport and expatriation matters.85 Then on March 20, 1961, a second letter from Oswald, dated March 12, was received by the Embassy. It read:
In reply to your recent letter. I find it inconvenient to come to Moscow for the sole purpose of an interview.

In my last letter I believe I stated that I cannot leave the city of Minsk without permission.
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I believe there exist in the United States also a law in regards to resident foreigners from Socialist countries, traveling between cities.

I do not think it would be appropriate for me to request to leave Minsk in order to visit the American Embassy. In any event, the granting of permission is a long drawn out affair, and I find that there is a hesitation on the part of local officials to even start the process.

I have no intention of abusing my position here, and I am sure you would not want me to.

I see no reasons for any preliminary inquires not to be put in the form of a questionnaire and sent to me.

I understand that personal interviews undoubtedly make to work of the Embassy staff lighter, than written correspondence, however, in some cases other means must be employed.86
After receiving the first letter postmarked February 5, the Embassy on February 28 forwarded a despatch to the Department informing it of Oswald's letter and its reply to Oswald. At that time, the Embassy also inquired of the Department whether Oswald would be subject to prosecution on any grounds if he should return to the United States and, if so, whether Oswald should be so informed. The Department was also asked whether there was any objection to returning Oswald's 1959 passport to him by mail, since that might facilitate his application for a Soviet exit visa.87 Upon receiving Oswald's March 20 letter, the Embassy again consulted with Washington. The Embassy proposed that it write Oswald repeating that he must come to Moscow if he wanted to discuss reentering the United States and pointing out that the Soviet government did not object to such visits by American citizens.88 Such a letter was mailed to Oswald on March 24.89

In the meantime, the State Department was considering the Embassy despatch of February 28, 1961. 70 Although a different, response was originally recommended by a staff member in the Passport Office,91 the Department instructed the Embassy on April 13 that for security reasons Oswald's passport should be given to him only if he personally appeared at the Embassy and that even then he was to receive the document only after a full investigation had been made and the Embassy was satisfied that he had not, renounced his American citizenship. Also, he was to present evidence that he had made arrangements to depart from the Soviet Union to travel to the United States, and his passport was to be stamped valid for direct return to the United States only. The Department also told the Embassy that Oswald could not be advised whether or not he would be prosecuted for any possible offenses should he return to the United States.92 Matters remained in this posture for over a month. During the interim, Oswald met and married Marina Nikolaevna Prusakova.93

On May 26, 1961, the Embassy sent a despatch to the Department 94 advising that on May 25, 1961, it had received a letter from Oswald

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postmarked Moscow, May 16, 1961.95 In his latest letter Oswald said he wanted "to make it clear"" that he was asking for full guarantees that he would not be prosecuted "under any circumstances" should he return to the United States. Oswald went on to say that if the Embassy could not give him these assurances, he would "endeavor to use my relatives in the United States, to see about getting something done in Washington" He also informed the Embassy that he was married to a Russian woman who would want to accompany him back to his native country, and he once again repeated his reluctance to come to Moscow. The Embassy suggested that it reply to Oswald by repeating that the question of citizenship could only be made on the basis of a personal interview, and by advising Oswald of the requirements and procedures pertaining to his wife's immigration. The despatch noted that Oswald's letter referred to his present Soviet internal passport in which he claimed to be designated as "without citizenship," and observed: "It would appear on this basis that Oswald has not yet expatriated himself under Section 349(a)(1) of the Immigration and Nationality Act." The Embassy inquired whether the Department considered Oswald entitled "to the protection of the United States Government while he continues to reside abroad under present circumstances in the absence of reasonable evidence that he has committed an expatriating act?"

The Department answered the despatch under date of July 11, 1961. It said that it was not entirely clear what the description "without citizenship" means, i.e., "whether he is without Soviet citizenship or without any citizenship." The instructions continued:
In any event in the absence of evidence showing that Mr. Oswald has definitely lost United States citizenship he apparently maintains that technical status. Whether he is entitled to the protection of the United States pending any further developments concerning his precise status is a matter which will be left to the Embassy's discretion in the event an emergency situation should arise. In a situation of this kind, not of an emergency nature, the facts should be submitted to the Department.

It is noted that the Embassy intends to seek the Department's prior advice before granting Mr. Oswald documentation as a United States citizen upon any application he may submit.

The Embassy's careful attention to the involved case of Mr. Oswald is appreciated ... 96
However, on Saturday, July 8, 1961, before the Embassy had received the response from Washington, Oswald appeared without warning at the Embassy in Moscow. Snyder came down to meet Oswald after Oswald called him on the house telephone, and after a brief talk, asked Oswald to return on Monday, July 10.97 Later that day Oswald telephoned his wife and told her to come to Moscow, which she did the next day.98 Oswald returned alone to the American Embassy on Monday, where Snyder questioned him about his life in Russia.

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According to a memorandum which Snyder prepared shortly afterwards:
Twenty months of the realities of life in the Soviet Union have clearly had a maturing effect on Oswald. He stated frankly that he learned a hard lesson the hard way and that he had been completely relieved about his illusions about the Soviet Union ... Much of the arrogance and bravado which characterized him on his first visit to the Embassy appears to have left him.99
Oswald told Snyder that despite the statement he had given him in October 1959, he had never applied for Soviet citizenship, but only for permission to reside in the Soviet Union. He presented his Soviet internal passport, which described him as without citizenship of any kind. Oswald said that he had been employed since January 13, 1960, as a metal worker in the research shop in the Byelorussian Radio and Television Factory in Minsk. He claimed that he had taken no oath of allegiance of any kind, and that he had not been required to sign any papers in connection with this employment. He added that he was not a member of the factory trade union organization. Oswald said that he was earning 90 rubles ($90) a month and that he had saved about 200 rubles ($200) toward travel expenses to the United States. He denied that he had made any derogatory statements concerning the United States to radio, press, or TV in the Soviet Union, and he denied that he had turned over any information to the Russians as he had threatened to do in the 1959 interview with Snyder.100

During the course of the interview Oswald filled out an application for renewal of his American passport.101 The renewal application was required since Oswald's existing passport would expire on September 10, 1961,102 and it was extremely unlikely that he would be able to obtain the requisite Soviet departure documents before that time. The renewal application contained a printed statement which set forth, in the disjunctive, a series of acts which, if committed by the applicant, would either automatically disqualify him from receiving a passport on the ground that he had lost his American citizenship, or would raise a question whether he might be so disqualified. The printed statement was preceded by two phrases, "have," and, "have not," the first phrase being printed directly above the second. One carbon copy of the application indicates Oswald signed the document after the second phrase, "have not," had been typed over, thereby apparently admitting that he had committed one or more of the acts which would at least raise a question as to whether he had expatriated himself. Snyder was not able to remember with certainty to which of the acts listed on the statement Oswald's mark was intended to refer, but believed it may have been to "swearing allegiance to a foreign state." 103 He points out that the strikeout of "have not" may also have been a clerical error.104 On the actual signed copy of the application kept in the

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files of the Moscow Embassy, which is not a carbon copy of the copy sent to the Department, the strikeout is slightly above the "have;" therefore, since the "have" is itself printed above the "have not," the strikeout may have been intended to obliterate the "have." 105

In any event, Oswald filled out the supplementary questionnaire which was required to be completed if the applicant admitted he had performed one or more of the possibly expatriating acts. He signed the questionnaire under oath.106 Snyder testified that it was routine for any kind of "problem case" to fill out the supplementary questionnaire.107 The Passport Office employee who processed the Oswald case in Washington testified that she routinely regarded the questionnaire rather than the application itself as the controlling document for expatriation purposes, so that she probably paid no attention to the strikeout.108

The pertinent questions included on the questionnaire, with Oswald's answers, read as follows:
2.(a) Are you known or considered in your community to be a national of the country in which you are residing? No. (Yes or No)

(b) If your answer to 2(a) is "No," explain why not. On my document for residence in the USSR my nationality is American.

3.(a) Have you ever sought or obtained registration as a national of a foreign country, applied for or obtained a passport, certificate, card document or other benefit therefrom in which you were described as a national of a country other than the United States? No. (Yes or No)

(b) If your answer to 3(a) is "Yes," did you voluntarily seek or claim such benefits? (Yes or No) If "No," please explain. I received a document for residence in the USSR but I am described as being "Without citizenship."

4.(a) Have you ever informed any local or national official of a foreign state that you are a national of the United Stares? No.***

(b) If your answer to 4(a) is "No," explain why not. On my document for residence in the USSR, my nationality is American.

6.(a) Have you ever taken an oath or made an affirmation or other formal declaration of allegiance to a foreign state? No.***

8. Have you ever accepted, served in, or performed the duties of any office, post or employment under the government of a foreign state or political subdivision thereof? No... I do not regard factory employment as state employment, as is meant in the question above.109
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On the basis of these answers, and on the basis of the statements Oswald made orally during the interview, Snyder concluded that Oswald had not lost his citizenship. Snyder therefore handed him back his passport. Pursuant to the instructions from Washington, it was stamped, "This passport is valid only for direct travel to the United States." 110

In a despatch dated July 11, 1961,111 the Embassy informed the Department of State of its conclusion that Oswald had not lost his American citizenship and requested that, if Washington agreed with the conclusion, "the Embassy be authorized to renew Oswald's passport at its discretion." The despatch, with which Oswald's application and supplemental questionnaire 112 were enclosed, informed the Department that Oswald was questioned at length at the Embassy and that no evidence was revealed of any act which might be considered as having caused the loss of his American citizenship.

The Embassy added in the despatch--
It is our intention not to renew it [the passport] without the Department's prior approval of the enclosed renewal application, and then only upon evidence of a present need for the renewal in connection with his efforts to return to the United States.113
Oswald appeared at the Embassy once again on July 11, 1961, this time accompanied by Marina, in order to complete the papers necessary to obtain permission for his wife to enter the United States.114 In a letter dated July 16, 1961, Oswald informed the American Embassy about his and Marina's application to the Soviet officials for permission to leave Russia, and described the harassment which Marina was allegedly undergoing because of her attempts to leave the country.115

Based upon Snyder's recommendation and the information in its files, the passport Office on August 18, 1961, concluded that Oswald had not expatriated himself.116 Therefore, on that date, the Department of State sent a despatch to the Embassy in Moscow stating that they concurred in the Embassy's recommendation of July 11, 1961, with respect to Oswald's citizenship:
We concur in the conclusion of the Embassy that there is available no information and/or evidence to show that Mr. Oswald has expatriated himself under the pertinent laws of the United States.

The renewal of Mr. Oswald's passport, issued on September 10, 1959, is authorized upon his referenced application if no adverse reason is known, to take place upon his presentation of evidence that he needs such renewal in connection with his efforts to return to the United States as indicated in the final sentence on page 2 of Despatch 29. As requested in the final paragraph of the Despatch the Embassy may perform this citizenship function for Mr. Oswald at its discretion.
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Any passport renewal granted to Mr. Oswald should be limited to his passport needs and, as stated in the second paragraph of the Department's A-173, April 13, 1961 his passport should be made valid for direct return to the United States. The additional precaution set forth in the same paragraph should be observed and his passport should be delivered to him on a personal basis only. When available, a report of his travel data should be submitted, as well as a report of any intervening developments.117
On October 12, 1961, the Embassy wrote the Department to inform it of four letters it had received from Oswald dated July 15, August 8, and October 4, and an undated letter received in August. With reference to these letters, the despatch noted:
... that Oswald is having difficulty in obtaining exit visas for himself and his Soviet wife, and that they are subject to increasing harassment in Minsk. In replying to Oswald's latest letter, the Embassy pointed out that it has no way of influencing Soviet action on exit visas. It informed him that the question of his passport renewal could be discussed with him personally at the Embassy. In answer to Oswald's question, the Embassy notified him that the petition to classify his wife's status had not yet been approved.118
The Department on December 28, 1961, informed the Embassy that the Passport Office approved the manner of the Embassy's reply to Mr. Oswald with respect "to his receiving further passport facilities." 119 After a further exchange of correspondence between Oswald and the Embassy, dealing primarily with Oswald's difficulties in obtaining the necessary Soviet clearance, his impatience in receiving American approval for Marina's entry into the United States, and his efforts to obtain a repatriation loan,120 the passport problem was finally concluded on May 24, 1962, when the Embassy renewed Oswald's passport for 30 days, stamped it valid for direct return to the United States only and handed it to him.121 A week later he used it to return to the United States.122

The decision that Oswald was entitled to a new passport because he had not expatriated himself was made for the Embassy by the consul, Richard E. Snyder.123 For the Department it was made initially by Miss Bernice L. Waterman, a worker in the Passport Office for 36 years, and was then approved by her area chief, by the head of the Foreign Operations Division, and by the Legal Division of the Passport Office.124 Snyder and Miss Waterman have both testified that they reached their decisions independently and without influence from any other person.125 The Director of the Passport Office and the Legal Adviser to the State Department both stated that after a review of the record they concluded that Oswald had not expatriated himself and that Snyder and Waterman, therefore, acted correctly.126

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Legal Justification for the Return and Reissue of Oswald's Passport

Since he was born in the United States, Oswald was an American citizen.127 However, Congress has provided that by performing certain acts, a person may forfeit his American citizenship. Thus Oswald would have become expatriated while in Russia if he obtained naturalization in the Soviet Union, renounced U.S. nationality, took an oath of allegiance to the Soviet Union, or voluntarily worked for the Soviet Government in a post requiring that the employee take an oath of allegiance.

Naturalization in a foreign state.--Section 349(a)(1) of the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1952 provides that a U.S. citizen shall lose his nationality by "obtaining naturalization in a foreign state upon his own application ... " 128 Although Oswald applied for Soviet citizenship, he never received it.129 Thus, Oswald did not expatriate himself under section 349 (a) ( 1 ).

Formal renunciation of U.S. nationality.--Section 349 (a) (6) of the act provides that a U.S. citizen shall lose his citizenship by:
... making a formal renunciation of nationality before a diplomatic or consular officer of the United States in a foreign state, in such form as may be prescribed by the Secretary of State.130
In accordance with this statute, the Secretary has promulgated regulations prescribing the manner in which renunciation is to be effected.131 The regulations provide, among other things, that 4 copies of the renunciation form are to be executed and the original and one copy sent to the Department. The Department must then approve the form and advise the appropriate consular official, who may then furnish a copy of the form to the person to whom it relates. The form itself requires the person to subscribe it in the presence of a consular official, and it must also be signed by this official.132

Though in 1959 Oswald clearly stated to officials at the American Embassy, both orally and in writing, that he desired to renounce his U.S. citizenship, he at no time took the steps required by the statute and regulations to effect his renunciation. Oswald did not execute the proper forms, he did not sign his letter of October 31 or November 3, 1959, in the presence of a consular official, and neither letter was signed by such an official.133 Because section 349 (a) (6) in terms requires compliance with the form prescribed by the Secretary of State, Oswald did not expatriate himself under that section.

Oath of allegiance to a foreign state.--Section 349(a)(2) of the act provides that a U.S. citizen shall lose his nationality by:
... taking an oath or making an affirmation or other formal declaration of allegiance to a foreign state or a political subdivision thereof.134

[monosylab1k]

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In his letter of October 31, 1959, Oswald wrote: "I affirm that my allegiance is to the union of Soviet Socialist Republics." 135 Both in this letter and in his letter of November 3, 1959, he stated that his application for citizenship in the Soviet Union was pending before the Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R.136

Oswald's letters no doubt were intended to express allegiance to the Soviet Union in a manner inconsistent with continued allegiance to the United States, as the statute has been held to require.137 However, since 1940, it has been well established that in order for an oath of allegiance to a foreign state to work an expatriation from the United States, it must, be given to an official of the foreign state, and not to a party unconnected with the foreign state.138 This requirement can be viewed as a necessary corollary of the broader, but less clearly established, principle that the oath must be taken in accord with the requirements of the foreign state.139 Although Lee Harvey Oswald wrote that his allegiance was to the Soviet Union,140 there is no indication that he had ever actually taken an oath or declaration or that any such oath was taken before an official of the Soviet Government. He, therefore, did not expatriate himself under section 349 (a) (2).

Employment under the government of a foreign state.--Section 349(a) (4) of the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1952 provides that a U.S. citizen shall lose his nationality by:
(a) accepting, serving in, or performing the duties of any office, post, or employment under the government of a foreign state or a political subdivision thereof, if he has or acquires the nationality of such foreign state; or (b) accepting, serving in, or performing the duties of any office, post of employment under the government of a foreign state or a political subdivision thereof, for which office, post, or employment an oath, affirmation, or declaration of allegiance is required... 141
While Oswald was employed in a state-owned factory in Minsk, he did not acquire Russian nationality, and there is no indication that he had to take any oath when he obtained this employment.142 Furthermore, prior judicial decisions indicate that merely working in a government-owned factory does not result in expatriation even if an oath was required to be taken in connection with such employment.143 Several cases decided under an earlier but similar statutory provision held that where a person took a government job in order to subsist, such employment, was considered involuntary since it was based on economic duress, and thus it did not result in expatriation.144 Thus, Oswald did not expatriate himself under section 349 (a) (4).

The Commission therefore concludes that Lee Harvey Oswald had not expatriated himself by any acts performed between October 16, 1959, and May 1962, and concurs in the opinion of the State Department that his passport was properly returned to him in July 1961 and properly reissued in May 1962.

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AUTHORIZATION FOR MARINA OSWALD TO ENTER THE UNITED STATES

Negotiations Between Oswald and the Embassy

On July 11, 1961, Oswald and his wife appeared at the Embassy in Moscow before John A. McVickar.145 Together they executed papers to set in motion the procedures for her admittance to the United States as a nonquota immigrant under the provisions applicable to the wife of an American citizen.146 The interview was routine. McVickar asked Marina whether she was a member of any Communist organization and she replied that she was a member of the Trade Union of Medical Workers 147 but she denied she was or ever had been a member of the Komsomol,148 the Communist youth organization, or any other Communist organization.149 Marina Oswald has since admitted to the Commission that at one time she was a member of the Komsomol, but was expelled, according to her testimony, when it was learned that she intended to accompany her husband to the United States.150 The Embassy forwarded the papers pertaining to her application to the State Department on August 28, 1961.151

Marina Oswald's ability to obtain a nonquota immigrant visa depended on the favorable resolution of 3 questions. First, it had to be determined that she was the wife of an American citizen,152 which depended on whether her husband had expatriated himself. Second, it was necessary to determine that she was not and had not been affiliated with a Communist organization on other than an involuntary basis.153 Third, it had to be determined that she was not likely to become a public charge after she was admitted to the United States.154 Section 243 (g) of the Immigration and Nationality Act 155 presented a fourth issue. This section of the act prohibits the issuance of immigrant visas by American Consuls stationed in countries which have refused to accept or have unduly delayed accepting the return of persons sought to be deported from the United States. The Soviet Union had been designated as such a country in 1953. However, the sanctions of section 243 (g) are often waived; and even if they were not waived in Marina's case, she could obtain her visa at an American Embassy in some other country on her way from the soviet Union to the United States, if she were otherwise entitled to the visa.156

In a despatch dated August 28, 1961, the Embassy requested from the Department a security advisory opinion on Marina Oswald's application to enter the United States. The Embassy wrote:
A favorable advisory opinion and approval of ... [Mrs. Oswald's] petition is recommended together with a waiver of the sanctions imposed by section 243 (g) of the Act...

In connection with her employment and her professional training, she has been a member of the Soviet Trade Union for Medical Workers since 1957. Such membership is routinely considered to be involuntary. ... 157
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The Department initiated a check on Marina Oswald with the CIA, the FBI, the Department's own Office of Security, and Passport Office.158 The security check turned up no derogatory information on her, so that in early October 1961 the Department cabled Moscow that the available information concerning the applicant established her eligibility to enter the country as a nonquota immigrant.159

The Department's decision assumed that prior to obtaining her visa to enter the United States, Marina Oswald would provide some reasonable assurance that she was not likely to become a public charge after she had arrived there. The Department later encountered some difficulty in deciding that she had met this requirement. She knew no one in the United States other than the members of her husband's family, and they lacked the means to furnish any substantial financial guarantees. After considerable correspondence on the matter with Oswald 160 and with the Department,161 the Embassy decided to accept Oswald's own affidavit to support his wife as sufficient assurance that she would not become a public charge. The Embassy's reasons were set forth in a memorandum dated March 16, 1962:
It appears that ... [Oswald] can find no one in the United States who is able and willing to execute an affidavit of support for his wife. Furthermore, Oswald has been able to obtain no concrete offer of employment in the United States. On the other hand, he is trained in a trade which should make him readily employable and he and his family will be able to live with his mother in Texas until he has found work and become otherwise settled. Taking into consideration the latter factors, Oswald's legal obligation to support his wife, and the unusual circumstances of the case which make it difficult for Oswald to provide the usual financial evidence, the responsible consular officer ... [is] willing to accept Oswald's unsubstantiated affidavit as sufficient to overcome the public charge provisions of the law.162
The necessity of relying solely upon Oswald's own affidavit, however, was eliminated somewhat later when the Department received an affidavit of support from the employer of Oswald's mother in Vernon, Tex. 163

By law the Attorney General must also pass upon an app1icant's eligibility, and this responsibility has been delegated to the District Directors of the Immigration and Naturalization Service.164 The machinery to get approval of the Immigration and Naturalization Service for Marina Oswald's admission to the United States was set in motion on October 6, 1961. On that date the Visa Office of the Department of State sent a letter to the District Director of the Immigration and Naturalization Service in Dallas, Tex., requesting the Service to take action on her immigrant visa.165 The letter transmitted her marriage certificate, a check for $10 from Lee Harvey Oswald, and a "Petition to Classify Status of Alien For Issuance of Immigrant Visa." The petition was signed by Oswald and was on

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behalf of Marina, asking that she be classified in "the status of the alien beneficiary for issuance of an immigrant visa as ... the spouse of a United States citizen." 166 The letter from the Visa Office stated:
Mrs. Oswald has been the object of an investigation by the Department and has been found, in the Department's opinion, not ineligible to secure a visa.167
On the basis of this communication, the Immigration and Naturalization Service at its Dallas, Tex., office instituted a field investigation on Lee Harvey Oswald.168 Routine checks with the Federal security agencies and with local law enforcement authorities turned up no new derogatory information, and no evidence was uncovered that Oswald was ever a member of the Communist Party or other subversive groups.169 A record check was made in New Orleans, La., and a birth certificate was found for Lee Harvey Oswald, proving that he was an American citizen by birth.170 On October 17, 1961, an investigator from the Dallas office interviewed Oswald's brother, Robert, who expressed the view that Lee was just a "mixed up kid" who had emigrated to Russia because he had become embittered, possibly over something that had happened while he was in the Marine Corps.171

On January 25, 1962, the results of the field investigation in Dallas were consolidated in a report 172 which, with a covering memorandum,173 was sent to the District Director of the Service in San Antonio the next day. The accompanying memorandum noted that the immigrant inspector who processed the case had endorsed it "approved," but the author of the memorandum overruled the decision of the inspector on the grounds that the sanctions under section 243(g) should not be waived.174 The reasons for denying the waiver were stated as follows:
OI [Operations Instructions] 205.3, as you know, provides that the District Director may waive sanctions in an individual meritorious case for a beneficiary of a petition filed by a reputable relative where no substantial derogatory security information is developed. I am of the opinion that both of these restrictions are present in this case.175
On January 30, 1962, the District Director at San Antonio affirmed the decision of the. Dallas office, including the decision that the sanctions imposed under section 243(g) not be waived.176 He concluded that Oswald's recent statements to the American Embassy in Moscow to the effect that he had ]earned from his experiences in Russia were not sufficient to relieve the doubts which were raised regarding his loyalty to the United States by the arrogant, anti-American statements he made when he entered Russia in 1959.177

San Antonio forwarded its decision to Washington in a letter dated January 31, 1962, in which Marina Oswald's petition and all the

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aforementioned memoranda and reports were included.178 However, because Washington had previously indicated its impatience at not yet having received anything on the Oswald case, the San Antonio office also telegraphed its decision to Washington about a week later,179 the telegram presumably being received by Washington before the letter of January 31. The Washington copy of this telegram has a handwritten note on the lower portion which indicates that on February 12 an officer in the Visa Office of the State Department informed the Immigration and Naturalization Service by telephone: "Political desk of opinion, we're better off with subject in U.S. than in Russia."

Nonetheless, the Washington office of the Service concurred in the field decision that the provisions of section 243(g) should not be waived.181 However, the Washington office pointed out that the correct disposition should be not to deny the visa petition as the field offices had proposed, but to grant the petition and indorse it to read, "Waiver of sanctions imposed under section 243 (g) of the Act is not authorized." 182

On February 28, 1962, the Dallas office of the Immigration and Naturalization Service notified the Department of State in Washington and the American Embassy in Moscow of this disposition. The communication from the Dallas office noted that Oswald "has been notified at his Minsk, Russia, address of the approval of the petition in his wife's behalf." 183 Oswald later told the Embassy that he had received the notice on March 15.184 On March 9, 1962, the Department of State also notified the Embassy in Moscow that Oswald's wife was entitled to nonquota status but that the Immigration and Naturalization Service would not waive section 243 (g) of the Act. The Embassy was told to inform Oswald of this fact if he asked about it. The memorandum indicated that the Embassy might suggest that Marina could proceed to some other country to file her visa application and thus avoid the sanction.185

The Moscow Embassy on March 16, 1962, asked the Embassy at Brussels if Mrs. Oswald could obtain her visa in Brussels.186 The Brussels Embassy replied affirmatively and said a visa could be issued to Marina within 2 or 3 days of her arrival.187 The Marina Oswald file accordingly was sent to the Embassy at Brussels.188

The plan to obtain the visa in Belgium was rendered unnecessary, however, when the Immigration and Naturalization Service reversed its position regarding the waiver of section 243(g). On March 16, the Soviet desk at the Department of State took initial action to attempt to secure such a change by sending a memorandum to the Visa Office within the Department, urging that the Immigration and Naturalization Service be asked to reconsider its decision.189 According to this memorandum:
SOV believes it is in the interest of the U.S. to get Lee Harvey Oswald and his family out of the Soviet Union and on their way to this country as soon as possible. An unstable character, whose actions are entirely unpredictable, Oswald may well refuse to
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leave the USSR or subsequently attempt to return there if we should make it impossible for him to be accompanied from Moscow by his wife and child.

Such action on our part also would permit the Soviet Government to argue that, although it had issued an exit visa to Mrs. Oswald to prevent the separation of a family, the United States Government had imposed a forced separation by refusing to issue her a visa. Obviously, this would weaken our Embassy's position in encouraging positive Soviet action in other cases involving Soviet citizen relatives of U.S. citizens.190
Soon thereafter, however, the Department of State notified its Moscow Embassy that the decision was under review and instructed it to withhold action pending the outcome of the reconsideration.191

The Visa Office first contacted the Washington office of the Immigration and Naturalization Service informally, and was advised, cording to a contemporaneous notation:
... that case had been carefully considered and decision made at Assistant or Deputy Associate Commissioner level. Therefore, although not wishing to comment on likelihood of reversal, [INS officer] felt that any letter requesting a review of the case should come from the Director or Acting Administrator.192
On March 27, 1962, such a letter was written from an acting administrator in the Department of State to the Commissioner of Immigration and Naturalization. The letter read in part:
I appreciate the difficulty this case presents for your Service, because of Mr. Oswald's background, and the fact that granting a waiver of the sanction makes it appear that this Government is assisting a person who is not altogether entitled to such assistance. However, if the Embassy at Moscow is unable to issue Mrs. Oswald a visa, it would appear that she and indirectly the Oswalds' newborn child are being punished for Mr. Oswald's earlier indiscretions. I might also point out that this Government has advanced Mr. Oswald a loan of $500.00 for repatriation.

More important, however, is the possibility that if Mrs. Oswald is not issued a visa by the Embassy, the Soviet Government will be in a position to claim that it has done all it can to prevent the separation of the family by issuing Mrs. Oswald the required exit permission, but that this Government has refused to issue her a visa, thus preventing her from accompanying her husband and child. This would weaken the Embassy's attempts to encourage positive action by the Soviet authorities in other cases involving Soviet relatives of United States citizens.

Because of these considerations and because I believe it is in the best interests of the United States to have Mr. Oswald depart
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from the Soviet Union as soon as possible, I request that the section 243 (g) sanction be waived in Mrs. Oswald's case.193

The Immigration and Naturalization Service ultimately reversed its original position and granted the waiver on May 9, 1962. The letter reversing its initial decision states that the matter has been "carefully reviewed in this office" and that "in view of the strong representations" made in the letter of March 27, the sanctions imposed pursuant to section 243 (g) were thereby waived in behalf of Mrs. Oswald.194

Actually, the Office of Soviet Affairs had informally learned on May 8 that the May 9 letter would be signed by the Immigration and Naturalization Service.195 On the strength of the assurance that a written reversal would be forthcoming immediately, the State Department quickly telegraphed the Moscow Embassy reporting that the waiver had been granted.196 Marina Oswald completed her processing when she, her husband, and daughter came to Moscow in May 1962 on their way from Minsk to the United States.197

Legal Justification for the Decisions Affecting Marina Oswald

Wife of a citizen of the United States.--Section 205 of the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1952 provides for the admission into the United States of persons married to American citizens.198 Once it was determined that Lee Harvey Oswald was born in the United States 199 and had not expatriated himself, his American citizenship was established. Marina Oswald submitted a marriage certificate to show that she was his wife.200 This requirement was, therefore, satisfied.

Assurance that Marina Oswald would not become a public charge.--Section 212(a) (15) of the act provides that aliens will not be admitted to the United States if, in the opinion of the responsible Government official, they "are likely at any time to become public charges." 201 The pertinent Department of State regulations provide that a determination to exclude an alien for this reason must be "predicated upon circumstances which indicate that the alien will probably become a charge upon the public after entry into the United States." 202

In 1962, Oswald was 22 years old and in good health. He had lived in the United States for 17 years before joining the Marine Corps and was, therefore, familiar with its language and customs. He had gained job experience by working 2½ years in a factory which produced electronic equipment. Under these circumstances the Department was not unreasonable in concluding that Oswald's own affidavit that he would support his wife was sufficient assurance that she was not likely to become a charge upon the public after her entry into the United States. The receipt of the affidavit from Marguerite Oswald's employer provided a possible alternative basis for reaching this decision, but since a favorable ruling had already been made on the basis of Oswald's affidavit, the Embassy had no reason to consider the sufficiency of the second affidavit.

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Membership in a Communist organizationn.--Under section 212(a) (28) of the Immigration and Nationality Act, an alien will not be admitted to the United States if he is or was a member of, or affiliated with, a Communist organization unless:
... such an alien establishes to the satisfaction of the consular officer when applying for a visa and the consular officer finds that (i) such membership or application is or was involuntary, or is or was solely when under sixteen years of age, by operation of law, or for purposes of obtaining employment, food rations, or other essentials of living and where necessary for such purposes ..." 203
At the time Marina Oswald applied for a visa she was a member of the Soviet Trade Union for Medical Workers.204 According to the Department of State, the
... long-standing interpretation [of the statute] concurred in by the State and Justice Departments [is] that membership in a professional organization or trade union behind the Iron Curtain is considered involuntary unless the membership is accompanied by some indication of voluntariness, such as active participation in the organization's activities or holding an office in the organization.205
Since there was no evidence that Marina Oswald actively participated in the union's activities or held an office in the organization, her union membership was properly held not to bar her admission to this country.

Although Marina Oswald declared that she was not a member of the Komsomol or any other Communist organization, she was in fact a member of the Komsomol, the Communist youth organization.206 If this fact had been known to the State Department, Marina Oswald would not necessarily have been denied a visa, although a careful investigation into the nature of the membership would have been required.207 However, had her membership in the Komsomol become known to the Department after her denial of such membership, it is possible that she would have been excluded from the United States on the ground of having willfully misrepresented a material fact.208

Judicial decisions are not in agreement as to what constitutes a "material fact" such that its intentional misrepresentation warrants exclusion of the alien.209 Some cases indicate that a misrepresentation in an application for a visa involves a material fact even if the alien would not definitely have been excluded on the true facts; 210 others hold that a misstatement is material only if it referred to such facts as would have justified refusing the visa had they been disclosed.211 The Visa Office of the Department of State has announced that it applies a "rule of probability" under which a misstatement will be deemed ma-

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terial only if it concealed facts which probably would have resulted in a denial of a visa.212

Waiver of the provisions of section 243 (g).--Section 243 (g) of the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1952, by its terms, prevented issuance of a visa to Marina Oswald by the Moscow Embassy. The section provides that upon notification of the Secretary of State by the Attorney General that a country has refused or unduly delayed the acceptance of a deportable alien from the United States who is a subject or was a resident of that country, consular officers in such country are not to issue visas to citizens of the country. The section had been invoked against Russia on May 26, 1953. Nonetheless, although section 243 (g) does not contain an express provision for waiver, the Justice Department has concluded that the Attorney General possesses such waiver powers.213 Pursuant to this decision, the Department has granted waivers in over 600 cases from the Soviet Union since 1953.214 The waiver procedures followed in 1962 were prescribed by the Immigration and Naturalization Service. The relevant provision reads:
Before adjudicating a petition for an eligible beneficiary residing in the USSR, Czechoslovakia or Hungary, against which sanctions have been imposed, the district director shall obtain a report of investigation regarding the petitioner which shall include an affiliation of a subversive nature disclosed by a neighborhood investigation, local agency records and responses to Form G-135a. * * * If no substantial derogatory security information is developed, the district director may waive the sanctions in an individual meritorious case for a beneficiary of a petition filed by a reputable relative to accord status under Section 101 (a)(27) (A) or Section 203(a) (2), (3) or (4)... If substantial adverse security information relating to the petitioner is developed, the visa petition shall be processed on its merits and certified to the regional commissioner for determination whether the sanctions should be waived. The assistant commissioner shall endorse the petition to show whether the Waiver is granted or denied, and forward it and notify the appropriate field office of the action taken... 215
State Department regulations are much less explicit.216 The State Department's visa instructions for the guidance of consular officers provide, "the sanctions will be waived only in individual meritorious cases in behalf of a beneficiary of a petition filed by a reputable relative pursuant to [sections] of the act." 217

Because Lee Harvey Oswald signed the petition on Marina's behalf, his character was relevant to whether the sanctions of section 243 (g) could be waived for her. The file on Lee Harvey Oswald which was maintained by the Department of State and made available to the Department of Justice for purposes of passing on his wife's application contained the facts relating to Oswald's attempted expatriation. However, despite the derogatory material in the Oswald file, the Im-

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migration and Naturalization Service regulations did not require automatic denial of the waiver; they provided only that if adverse security information were developed, "the visa petition shall be processed on its merits and certified to the regional commissioner for determination whether the sanctions should be waived." This procedure was followed in Marina's case and the factors considered in reaching the decision do not appear to be inappropriate. The State Department successfully urged that the original decision of the Immigration and Naturalization Service be reversed because this would be in the best interests of future United States dealings with the Soviet Union on behalf of American citizens, and because it seemed unfair to punish Lee Harvey Oswald's wife and baby for his own earlier errors.218 Prevention of the separation of families is among the most common reasons underlying the frequent waivers of section 243 (g).219
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OSWALD'S LETTER TO SENATOR TOWER

Sometime shortly before January 26, 1962, an undated letter from Lee Harvey Oswald was received in the office of the U.S. Senator from Texas, John G. Tower.220 The letter reads as follows:
My name is Lee Harvey Oswald, 22, of Fort Worth up till October 1959, when I came to the Soviet Union for a residenaul stay. I took a residenual document for a non-Soviet person living for a time in the U S S R. The American Embassy in Moscow is familiar with my case

Since July 20th 1960, I have unsuccessfully applied for a Soviet Exit Visa to leave this country, the Soviets refuse to permit me and my Soviet wife, (who applied at the U.S. Embassy Moscow, July 8, 1960 for immigration status to the U.S.A.) to leave the Soviet Union. I am a citizen of the United States of America (passport No. 1733242, 1959) and I bessech you, Senator Tower, to rise the question of holding by the Soviet Union of a citizen of the U.S., against his will and expressed desires.221
The letter was read in Senator Tower's office by a caseworker on his staff. According to the caseworker and the Senator's press secretary, the letter was forwarded as a matter of routine on January 26 to the Assistant Secretary for Congressional Relations, Department of State. The letter was forwarded with a cover letter, machine signed by the Senator, stating that he did "not know Oswald, or any of the facts concerning his reasons for visiting the Soviet Union; nor what action, if any, this Government can or should take on his behalf." The cover letter pointed out that Oswald's inquiry should have gone to the executive branch of the Government and that for this reason the Senator was forwarding it "for whatever action the Department may consider appropriate." 222 On February 1 an officer at the Department of State telephoned the Senator's office and spoke briefly

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with the caseworker on the Oswald case. She made a memorandum of the call which notes, "Senator should not become involved in such case--therefore State will report to us the course which they follow regarding Lee Harvey Oswalt [sic]." 223 About a week later the Department of State forwarded to Senator Tower copies of some of the correspondence which the Department had with Oswald and informed the Senator that if he wished to be kept informed on further developments regarding Oswald he could contact the Department of State.224 Neither the Senator nor any member of his staff contacted the Department again nor did they take any other action in respect to the matter.225

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THE LOAN FROM THE STATE DEPARTMENT

In a letter dated January 5, 1962, Oswald said that he would like to make arrangements for a loan from the Embassy or some private organization for part of the airplane fares.226 The Embassy on February 6, 1962, replied that he would have to supply certain personal and financial data.227 The letter also said that after repatriation he would not be furnished a passport for travel abroad until he had repaid the money.

Between February 6, 1962, and May 1, 1962, Oswald attempted to secure a loan from the Red Cross 228 and the International Rescue Committee 229 in the United States. The State Department on February 1 wrote Oswald's mother a letter asking whether she could advance the money.230 Oswald later wrote both his mother and the Department advising each that his mother should not be bothered in reference to the loan.231 Ultimately, after an exchange of communications between the Embassy and Washington,232 the Department approved a loan to Oswald for passage to New York only, directing the Embassy to "Keep cost minimum." 233 On June 1 Oswald signed a promissory note for $435.71.234

Statutory authority for making such a loan was conferred by title 5, section 170 (a), of the U.S. Code, which authorizes the Secretary of State to "make expenditures, from such amounts as may be specifically appropriated therefore, for unforeseen emergencies arising in the diplomatic and consular service." Since 1947, the Department of State's annual appropriation act has included a sum for expenses necessary "to enable the Secretary of State to meet unforeseen emergencies arising in the Diplomatic and Consular Service." 235 In recent years, the accompanying reports submitted by the Appropriations Committee of the House of Representatives have stated, "These funds are used for relief and repatriation loans to the U.S. citizens abroad and for other emergencies of the Department." 236 Out of the amount appropriated to meet unforeseen emergencies arising in the Diplomatic and Consular Service, the Secretary of State has annually allotted approximately $100,000 to meet the expenses of indigent U.S. nationals, including those in the Soviet Union, who request

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repatriation loans. From 1959 to 1963, 2,343 such loans were granted.237

Section 423.2-1 of the Department's regulations provides that repatriation loans may be granted only to destitute U.S. nationals:
a. Who are in complete and unquestioned possession of their citizenship rights;

b. Who are entitled to receive United States passports;

c. Whose loyalty to the United States Government is beyond question, or to whom the provisions of Section 423.1-2(b) apply.238
Oswald undoubtedly satisfied the requirements of paragraphs (a) and (b), since he was determined to have been a U.S. citizen at the time the loan was granted and he had been issued a passport to return to the United States. There is a serious question whether he could have qualified under the first clause of paragraph (c). The Commission is of the opinion that in its application of this clause the Department should exercise great care in determining whether an applicant's loyalty to the U.S. Government is beyond question, particularly in the case of a defector like Oswald who has expressed hostility and disloyalty to our government and manifested a desire to renounce his citizenship. The Department chose instead to exercise its judgment under the second clause of paragraph (c), which refers to section 423.1-2(b). This section provides that loans to destitute nationals are authorized when:
b. The United States national is in or the cause of a situation which is damaging to the prestige of the United States Government or which constitutes a compelling reason for extending assistance to effect his return.239
The Department decided that the provisions of section (b) were applicable to Oswald because his "unstable character and prior criticism of the United States" would make his continued presence in the Soviet Union damaging to the prestige of the United States.240 In acting under this section, the Department was acting within its competence and the law. As required by another section of the regulations, the Department sought to obtain funds for the Oswalds' repatriation from private sources--his mother and the International Rescue Committee---before using Government funds.241

Regulations further provide that repatriation loans are authorized for the alien, wife, and children of the U.S. national receiving a repatriation loan in order to avoid the division of families.242 However, loans are limited
To the minimum amount required to cover transportation and subsistence while enroute to the nearest continental United States port... When necessary, loans may include: expenses inci-
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dent to embarkation, such as fees for documentation and minimum subsistence from the date of application for a loan to the date of departure by the first available ship... The cost of transportation shall be limited to third-class passage by ship.243
Oswald's loan was sufficient to cover no more than the least expensive transportation from Moscow to New York. His passport was stamped as valid only for return to the United States.244 Oswald completed all necessary forms and affidavits to obtain the loan.245

According to its own procedures the Department of State should have prepared a lookout card for Oswald in June 1962 when he received the proceeds of the loan.246 The promissory note which he signed contained a provision stating,
I further understand and agree that after my repatriation I will not be furnished a passport for travel abroad until my obligation to reimburse the Treasurer of the United States is liquidated.247
However, a lookout card was never in fact prepared. With respect to this failure the State Department has informed the Commission as follows:
On receipt of notice of the loan from the Embassy in Moscow, the Department's procedures provided that Miss Leola B. Burkhead of the Revenues and Receipts Branch of the Office of Finance should have notified the Clearance Section in the Passport Office of Oswald's name, date, and place of birth. If the Passport Office received only the name and not the date and place of birth of a borrower, it would not have prepared a lookout card under its established procedures because of lack of positive identification. (Among the Passport Office's file of millions of passport applicants, there are, of course, many thousands of identical names.) Mr. Richmond C. Reeley was the Chief of the Revenues and Receipts Branch of the Office of Finance and Mr. Alexander W. Maxwell was Chief of the Clearance Section. If the notice was received in the Clearance Section it would have been delivered to the Carding Desk for preparation of a lookout card on Oswald. It appears, however, that such a lookout card was not prepared. It may have been that the Finance Office did not notify the Clearance Section of Oswald's loan. One reason for this might have been the Finance Office's lack of information concerning Oswald's date and place of birth. On the other hand, the Finance Office may have notified the Clearance Section of Oswald's name only, in which case this Section would not have prepared a lookout card under its procedures. Since Oswald began repaying the loan installments immediately after his return to the United States, it is also possible that the Office of Finance decided that it was
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unnecessary to pursue the matter further: In any event, Oswald's loan was repaid in full on January 29, 1963, five months prior to his application for a new passport.248
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OSWALD'S RETURN TO THE UNITED STATES AND REPAYMENT OF HIS LOAN

On June 1, 1962, the same day that Oswald received his loan from the State Department, he and his family left Moscow by train destined for Rotterdam, The Netherlands.249 They boarded the SS Maasdam at Rotterdam on June 4 and arrived in New York on June 13, 1962.250 The Embassy sent word of the Oswalds' departure to the Department of State in Washington on May 31.251 Consistent with its prior practice of keeping the Federal security agencies informed of Oswald's activity,252 the Department notified the FBI.253

Frederick J. Wiedersheim, an officer of the Immigration and Naturalization Service in New York, interviewed the Oswalds upon their entry into the United States at Hoboken, N.J., on June 13, 1962, but made no written report. Mr. Wiedersheim recalled that he asked the Oswalds various questions which would determine the eligibility of both Oswald and Marina to enter the United States. The questions included whether Oswald had expatriated himself and whether Marina belonged to any Communist organization which would bar her entry. These questions were answered in ways which did not appear to raise any problems and therefore the Oswalds were admitted.254

After his reentry, Oswald repaid his loan without having to be reminded by the Department to do so. The early payments were very small because he first repaid the approximately $200 he had borrowed from his brother Robert to apply against the expenses of his travel from New York to Fort Worth, Tex.255 The schedule of payments is as follows:
Aug. 13, 1962 $10.00
Sept. 5, 1962 9.71
Oct. 10, 1962 10. 00
Nov. 19, 1962 10. 00
Dec. 11, 1962 190. 00
Jan. 9, 1963 100.00
Jan. 29, 1963 106. 00
Total 256435.71

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ISSUANCE OF A PASSPORT IN JUNE 1963

On June 24, 1963, Oswald applied for a U.S. passport at the Passport Office in New Orleans, La.257 He said he was planning to visit England, France, Holland, U.S.S.R., Finland, Italy, and Poland, and that he intended to leave the country sometime during November or December 1963 by ship from New Orleans.258 He stated further that

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he was married to a person born in Russia who was not an American citizen. For occupation, The word "Photographer" was inserted on the application.259

On the same day a teletype was sent to Washington containing the names of 25 of the persons who applied for passports on that date in New Orleans, Oswald's name among them. On the right side of the Washington Passport Office copy of the teletype message, approximately parallel to his name, are the letters, "NO," written in red pencil.260 Oswald was issued a passport on June 25, 1963.261

Since there was no lookout card on Oswald, the passport was processed routinely. Twenty-four hours is the usual time for routinely granted passports to be issued.262 The handwritten notation, "NO," which appeared beside Oswald's name on the list of applicants from New Orleans, is a symbol for the New Orleans Passport Office that is routinely placed on incoming teletype messages by anyone of a group of persons in the teletype section of the Passport Office.263 No one looked at Oswald's file previously established with the Department.264 The Department, however, has informed the Commission that at the time the passport was issued there was no information in its passport or security files which would have permitted it to deny a passport to Oswald.265 No lookout card should have been in the file based upon the Moscow Embassy's memorandum of March 28, 1960, which drew attention to Oswald's intention to expatriate himself, because the subsequent determination that Oswald had not expatriated himself would remove expatriation as a possible ground for denying him a passport.266 And by January 29, 1963, the repatriation loan had been repaid, so a lookout card should not have been in the file on that basis.267

Oswald was entitled to receive a passport in 1963 unless he came within one of the two statutory provisions authorizing the Secretary of State to refuse to issue it.268 Section 6 of the Subversive Activities Control Act of 1950, which has recently been declared unconstitutional,269 then provided:
... it shall be unlawful for any member of [an organization required to register], with knowledge or notice that such organization is so registered and that such order has become final--(1) to make application for passport, or the renewal of a passport, to be issued or renewed by or under the authority of the United States; or (2) to use or attempt to use any such passport. 270
Pursuant to section 6, the State Department promulgated a regulation which denied passports to
... any individual who the issuing officer knows or has reason to believe is a member of a Communist Organization registered or required to be registered under Section 7 of the Subversive Activities Control Act of 1950 as amended.271
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Since there is no evidence that Lee Harvey Oswald was a member of the American Communist Party or any other organization which had been required to register under section 7 of the Subversive Activities Control Act,272 a passport could not have been denied him under section 6.

Section 215 of the Immigration and Nationality Act provides that, while a Presidential proclamation of national emergency is in force,
... it shall, except as otherwise provided by the President, ** * be unlawful for any citizen of the United States to depart from or enter ... the United States unless he bears a valid passport.273
Because a proclamation of national emergency issued by President Truman during the Korean war had not been revoked by 1963, the Government has taken the position that the statute remains in force.274 Pursuant to section 215, the State Department has issued regulations setting forth the circumstances under which it will refuse a passport:
In order to promote and safeguard the interests of the United States, passport facilities, except for direct and immediate return to the United States, shall be refused to a person when it appears to the satisfaction of the Secretary of State that the person's activity abroad would: (a) violate the laws of the United States; (b) be prejudicial to the orderly conduct of foreign relations; or (c) otherwise be prejudicial to the interests of the United States.275
The State Department takes the position that its authority under this regulation is severely limited. In a report submitted to the Commission, the Department concluded that "there were no grounds consonant with the passport regulations to take adverse passport action against Oswald prior to November 22, 1963." 276 Although Oswald's statement in 1959 that he would furnish the Russians with information he had obtained in the Marine Corps may have indicated that he would disclose classified information if he possessed any such in formation, there was no indication in 1963 that he had any valuable information.277 Moreover, Oswald's 1959 statement had been brought to the attention of the Department of the Navy 278 and the FBI 279 and neither organization had initiated criminal proceedings. The Department therefore had no basis for concluding that Oswald's 1959 statement was anything more than rash talk.280 And the State Department's files contained no other information which might reasonably have led it to expect that Oswald would violate the laws of the United States when he went abroad.

The most likely ground for denying Oswald a passport in 1963, however, was provided by subsection (c) of the regulation quoted above, which requires the denial of a passport when the Secretary of

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State is satisfied that the applicant's "activity abroad would ... otherwise be prejudicial to the interests of the United States." In 1957 the State Department described to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee one category of persons to whom it denied passports under this provision:
Persons whose previous conduct abroad has been such as to bring discredit on the United States and cause difficulty for other Americans (gave bad checks, left unpaid debts, had difficulties with police, etc.)281
In light of the adverse publicity caused the United States by Oswald's prior defection to the Soviet Union, he could have been considered a person "whose previous conduct abroad had been such as to bring discredit on the United States." Indeed, the State Department itself had previously been of the opinion that Oswald's continued presence in Russia was damaging to the prestige of the United States because of his unstable character and prior criticisms of the United States.282

However, in 1958 the Supreme Court had decided two cases which restricted the Secretary of State's authority to deny passports. In Kent v. Dulles 283 and Dayton v. Dulles,284 the Supreme Court invalidated a State Department regulation permitting the denial of passports to Communists and to those "who are going abroad to engage in activities which will advance the Communist movement for the purpose, knowingly and willfully of advancing that movement," on the ground that the regulation exceeded the authority Congress had granted the Secretary. The Kent opinion stressed the importance to be attached to an individual's ability to travel beyond the borders of the United States:
The right to travel is a part of the "liberty" of which the citizen cannot be deprived without due process of law under the Fifth Amendment ... Freedom of movement across frontiers in either direction, and inside frontiers as well, was a part of our heritage. Travel abroad, like travel within the country, may be necessary for a livelihood. It may be as close to the heart of the individual as the choice of what he eats, or wears, or reads. Freedom of movement is basic in our scheme of values.285
The Kent opinion also suggested that grounds relating to citizenship and allegiance to illegal conduct might be the only two upon which the Department could validly deny a passport application.

The Department, though publicly declaring that these decisions had little effect upon its broadly worded regulation,286 in practice denied passports only in limited situations. In 1963 the Department denied passports only to those who violated the Department's travel restrictions, to fugitives from justice, to those involved in using passports fraudulently, and to those engaged in illegal activity abroad or in conduct directly affecting our relations with a particular coun-

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try.287 Passports were granted to people who the Department might have anticipated would go abroad to denounce the United States, and to a prior defector.288 State Department officials believed that in view of the Supreme Court decisions, the Department was not empowered to deny anyone a passport on grounds related to freedom of speech or to political association and beliefs.289

Since Oswald's citizenship was not in question and since there was no indication that he would be involved in illegal activity abroad, the only grounds upon which a passport might have been denied Oswald would have fallen within the area of speech or political belief and association. The Commission therefore concludes that the Department was justified in granting a passport to Oswald on June 25, 1963.

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VISIT TO THE RUSSIAN EMBASSY IN MEXICO CITY

In October 1963, the Passport Office of the State Department received a report from the Central Intelligence Agency that Oswald had visited the Soviet Embassy in Mexico City.290 The report said nothing about Oswald's having visited the Cuban Embassy in Mexico City, a fact which was not known until after the assassination. Upon receipt of the information the passport file on lee Harvey Oswald was reviewed by the Passport Office.291 The CIA communication and the passport file were read by an attorney and a supervisory attorney in that office who found no basis for revoking Oswald's passport or for notifying the FBI or CIA that Oswald had been issued a new passport in June 1963.292 The Department has informed the Commission that, "since the report indicated no grounds for determining Oswald was ineligible for a passport, a determination was made that no action by the passport office was required." 293 Travel to Russia was not proscribed in 1963. Moreover, the Soviet Union was one of the countries Oswald had listed on his passport application. Hence, the Commission agrees that Oswald's taking steps to enter the Soviet Union in 1963 was not a sufficient reason to revoke his passport.
Later, on November 14, 1963, the FBI sent the Department a report on Oswald's arrest in New Orleans, La. during August in connection with a fistfight in which he became engaged when passing out pamphlets entitled "Hands Off Cuba." No action was taken on the basis of the Bureau's report.294 The Commission agrees that this incident was not grounds for revoking Oswald's passport.

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CONCLUSION

Investigation of Oswald's complete dealings with the Department of State and the Immigration and Naturalization Service reveals no irregularity suggesting any illegal actions or impropriety on the part of government officials. The Commission believes, however, that in ap-

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plying its own regulations the Department should in all cases exercise great care in the return to this country of defectors such as Oswald who have evidenced disloyalty or hostility to this country or who have expressed a desire to renounce their U.S. citizenship and that, when such persons are returned, procedures should be adopted for the better dissemination of information concerning them to the intelligence agencies of the Government. The operation of the "lookout card" system in the Department of State was obviously deficient, but since these deficiencies did not affect Oswald or reflect any favoritism or impropriety, the Commission considers them beyond the scope of its inquiry.

Especially while he was in the Soviet Union, Oswald's manner to Government personnel was frequently insulting and offensive. As one 1962 communication between the Embassy and the Department of State observed, "It is not that our hearts are breaking for Oswald. His impertinence knows no bounds." 295 Nonetheless, the officials of the U.S. Government respected Oswald as a troubled American citizen and extended to him the services and assistance for which the agencies of government have been created. Though Oswald was known to be "an unstable character, whose actions are highly unpredictable," 296 there was no reasonable basis in 1961 and 1962 for suspecting that upon his readmittance to the country he would resort to violence against its public officials. The officers of the Department of State and the Immigration and Naturalization Service, acting within the proper limits of their discretion, concluded that Oswald's return to the United States was in the best interests of the country; it is only from the vantage of the present that the tragic irony of their conclusion emerges.

[monosylab1k]

Appendix 16: A Biography of Jack Ruby
Introduction
Family Background
Childhood and Youth
Psychiatric Report
Placement in Foster Homes
Subsequent Home Life
Education
Activities
Temperament
Young Manhood (1933-43)
San Francisco (1933-37)
Occupations and Activities
Chicago (1937-43)
Military Activities (1943-46)
Postwar Chicago (1946-47)
Dallas (1947-63)
The Move to Dallas
The Change of Name
Nightclub Operations
Employee Relationships
Financial Data and Tax Problems
Other Business Ventures
Arrests and Violations
Police Associations
Underworld Ties
Travels
Character and Interests
Family Relationships
Social Relationships
Affection for Dogs
Religious Interests
Physical Activities and Violence
Generosity to Friends and the Need for Recognition
In this appendix the Commission presents a biography of Jack Ruby. Although criminal proceedings involving its subject are pending in the State of Texas, the Commission has decided to include this rather detailed account of Ruby's life and activities for several reasons. Most importantly, the Commission believes it will permit a better evaluation of the evidence on the question whether Ruby was involved in any conspiracy. Furthermore, the Commission believes that in view of the many rumors concerning Ruby the public interest will be served by an account, which attempts to give sufficient material to provide an impression of his character and background. The Commission's desire not to interfere in the pending proceedings involving Ruby necessarily limits the scope of this appendix, which does not purport to discuss the legal issues raised during Ruby's trial or his possible motive for shooting Oswald.
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FAMILY BACKGROUND

Jack Ruby, born Jacob Rubenstein, was the fifth of his parents' eight living children. There is much confusion about his exact birth date. School records report it as June 23, April 25,1 March 13, and, possibly, March 3, 1911.2 Other early official records list his date of birth as April 21 and April 26, 1911.3 During his adult life the date Ruby used most frequently was March 25, 1911.4 His driver's license, seized following his arrest, and his statements to the FBI on November 24, 1963, listed this date.5 However, the police arrest report for November 24 gave his birth date as March 19, 1911.6 Since the recording of births was not required in Chicago prior to 1915, Ruby's birth may never have been officially recorded.7 No substantial conflict exists, however, about whether Jack Ruby was born in 1911.8

Ruby has one older brother and three older sisters. The oldest children, Hyman and Ann, were born shortly after the turn of the century,9 before their parents arrived in the United States.10 The other children were born in Chicago. Ruby's sister Marion was born in June 1906 11 and his sister Eva in March 1909.12 Ruby also has two younger brothers and a younger sister. Sam was born in December 1912,13 Earl in April 1915.14 The youngest child, Eileen, was born in July 1917.15 At least one and possibly two other children died during infancy.16

Jack Ruby's father, Joseph Rubenstein, was born in 1871 in Sokolov, a small town near Warsaw, Poland, then under the rule of Czarist Russia.17 He entered the Russian artillery in 1893.18 There he learned

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the carpentry trade, which had been practiced by his father and at least one brother 19 and he picked up the habit of excessive drinking that was to plague him for the rest of his life.20 While in the army,21 he married Jack's mother, Fannie Turek Rutkowski; 22 the marriage was arranged, as was customary, by a professional matchmaker.23 According to his oldest son, Joseph Rubenstein served in China, Korea, and Siberia, detesting these places and army life. Eventually, in 1898, he simply "walked away" from it and about 4 years later he went to England and Canada, entering the United States in 1903.24

Settling in Chicago Joseph Rubenstein joined the carpenters union in 1904 and remained a member until his death in 1958.25 Although he worked fairly steadily until 1928, he was unemployed during the last 30 years of his life.26 The only other group which Joseph Rubenstein joined consisted of fellow immigrants from Sokolov. His daughter Eva described this group as purely social and completely nonpolitical.27

Jack Ruby's mother, Fannie Rubenstein, was probably born in 1875 near Warsaw, Poland.28 She followed her husband to the United States in 1904 or 1905, accompanied by her children Hyman and Ann.29 An illiterate woman, she went to night school in about 1920 to learn how to sign her name.30 She apparently failed in this endeavor, however, for an alien registration form, filed after about 35 years in the United States, was signed by an "X".31 Although she apparently learned some English, her speech was predominantly Yiddish, the primary language of the Rubenstein household.32 Still, Mrs. Rubenstein felt strongly that her children required an education in order to better themselves. She frequently argued about this with her husband, who had received little, if any, formal education and firmly believed that grammar school training was sufficient for his children.33
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CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH (1911-33)

In 1911, when Jack Ruby was born, his family resided near 14th and Newberry Streets in Chicago, the first in a series of Jewish neighborhoods in which the Rubensteins lived during his childhood.34 In 1916, the Rubensteins lived at 1232 Morgan Street, where they apparently remained until 1921.35 This was the fourth residence in the first 5 years of Jack Ruby's life.36 Earl Ruby described one typical neighborhood in which the family lived as a "ghetto" with "pushcarts on the sirens." 37 His sister Eva characterized it as "below the middle class but yet it wasn't the poorest class." 38 The family generally lived near Italian sections, where there were frequent fights along ethnic lines.39

The Rubenstein home was marked by constant strife and the parents were reported to have occasionally struck each other.40 Between 1915 and 1921, Joseph Rubenstein was frequently arrested because of disorderly conduct and assault and battery charges, some filed by his wife.41 In the spring of 1921, Jack Ruby's parents sep-

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arated.42 In 1937 Mrs. Rubenstein reported that she had desired a divorce 15 years earlier, but her husband had been opposed to it.43 The predominant causes of the separation were apparently Joseph Rubenstein's excessive drinking and Fannie Rubenstein's uncontrollable temper. She resented her numerous pregnancies, believed her husband to be unfaithful, and nagged him because he failed to make enough money.44
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Psychiatric Report

Young Jack soon showed the effects of parental discord. On June 6, 1922, at the age of 11, he was referred to the Institute for Juvenile Research by the Jewish Social Service Bureau. The reason for the referral was "truancy and incorrigible at home." 45 On July 10, 1922, the institute recommended to the bureau that Jack be placed in a new environment where his characteristics might be understood and where he might be afforded the supervision and recreation that would end his interest in street gangs.46 In March 1923, the institute advised the bureau that "placement in a home, where intelligent supervision and discipline can be given" was appropriate.47

The institute's psychiatric examination, which served as a basis for these recommendations, took place in 1922, prior to the advent of many techniques and theories of modern psychiatry,48 but it is the most objective evidence of Jack Ruby's childhood character. According to the psychiatric report, Jack was "quick tempered" and "disobedient." 49 He frequently disagreed openly with his mother, whom he considered an inferior person with whose rules he did not have to comply.50 Jack told the institute's interviewer that he ran away from home because his mother lied to him and beat him.51 Although Mrs. Rubenstein was severe with her children, she was described as totally incapable of coping with them "because of their delinquencies, i.e., principally their destructive tendencies and disregard for other people's property." 52 His mother's "extreme temperament" and quarrelsomeness were cited as possible causes of Jack's "bad behavior." 53

Self-administered questionnaires revealed that Jack felt his classmates were "picking" on him and that he could not get along with his friends.54 They also indicated that, although Jack described himself as a good ballplayer, he did not belong to any clubs and was not a member of any athletic teams.55 Jack's psychiatric interviewer reported:
He could give no other good reason for running away from school except that he went to amusement parks. He has some sex knowledge and is greatly interested in sex matters. He stated that the boys in the street tell him about these things. He also claims that he can lick everyone and anybody in anything he wants to do.56
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The interviewer noted that during "mental tests" he reacted quickly, often carelessly, and his attention was apt to wander so that he had to be reprimanded.57

A letter recommending the boy's placement in a more wholesome environment stated:
He is egocentric and expects much attention, but is unable to get it as there are many children at home. His behavior is further colored by his early sex experiences, his great interest [in sex] and the gang situation in the street. From a superficial examination of his mother who was here with him, it is apparent that she has no insight into his problem, and she is thoroughly inadequate in the further training of this boy.58
Recognizing that the sketchiness of the case record precluded complete diagnosis, Dr. Raymond E. Robertson, currently the superintendent of the institute, reported nonetheless that it seems "firmly established ... [that] his unstable and disorganized home could not provide Jack with the necessary controls and discipline." 59
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Placement in Foster Homes

On July 10, 1923, a dependency hearing involving Jack, his younger brothers Sam and Earl, and his sister Eileen, was held in Chicago's juvenile court.60 The petition alleged that the children were not receiving proper parental care. They had, until then, been in their mother's custody, living on Roosevelt Road, the border between Jewish and Italian districts.61 The juvenile court made a finding of dependency. It appointed the Jewish Home Finding Society guardian with the right to place the children in foster homes, and it ordered Joseph Rubenstein to pay the court clerk $4 per week for the support of each child. On November 24, 1924, this order was vacated, which apparently signified the termination of the guardianship and the return of the children to their mother. On April 8, 1925, the case was continued "generally," meaning that it was inactive but could be reactivated if the court so desired.62

Despite court records, the exact circumstances and length of time that, Jack Ruby lived away from home are not entirely clear. Records indicate that Jack, Sam, Earl, and Eileen Rubenstein were wards of the Jewish Home Finding Society "for a short time in 1922-23." 63 However, Jack and Eileen stated they spent about 4 or 5 years in foster homes.64 Earl testified that he and Sam were originally sent to a private foster home and then lived on a farm for a little more than a year, while Jack was on a different farm "some distance away." Subsequently the three brothers lived together in another foster home.65

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Subsequent Home Life

When Jack Ruby returned to his family, the unit was still disordered. His father remained apart from the children at least until 1936 and perhaps until a few years later.66 Mrs. Rubenstein's inability to manage her home, which had been reported by the Institute for Juvenile Research in 1922, apparently continued. For example, in 1937 Marion Rubenstein observed that her mother "has never been any kind of a housekeeper, was careless with money, and never took much interest in the children's welfare ... she was selfish, jealous, disagreeable, and never cared to do anything in the home but lie around and sleep." 67 Dr. Hyman I. Rubenstein, the son of Joseph Rubenstein's brother, recalled that Jack Ruby's mother ran "an irregular household" and appeared to be "a rather disturbed person of poor personal appearance with no incentive for cleaning or cooking." 68

Mrs. Rubenstein's domestic shortcomings were accompanied by symptoms of mental disease. In about 1913, 2 years after Jack was born, Mrs. Rubenstein began to develop a delusion that a sticking sensation in her throat was caused by a lodged fishbone.69 Each month Hyman, her oldest child, took her to a clinic. And each month the examining doctor, finding no organic cause for discomfort, informed her that there was nothing in her throat and that the sensation was but a figment of her imagination. According to Hyman, this practice continued for a number of years until Mrs. Rubenstein tired of it.70

In 1927, Mrs. Rubenstein once again began to visit clinics in connection with her fishbone delusion. Three years later, a thyroidectomy was performed, but she subsequently said it did nothing to relieve her discomfort.71 According to the Michael Reese Hospital, whose clinic she had visited since 1927, Mrs. Rubenstein was suffering from psychoneurosis with marked anxiety state.

By order of the county court of Cook County, Mrs. Rubenstein was committed to Elgin State Hospital on July 16, 1937.72 She was paroled on October 17, 1937, 3 months after her commitment.73 On January 3, 1938, the Chicago State Hospital informed Elgin State that the family desired that she be readmitted to the mental hospital. The family reported that she was uncooperative, caused constant discord, was very noisy, and used obscene language.74 A State social worker observed that Mrs. Rubenstein refused ever to leave the house, explaining that her children would have thrown her things out had she left. Mrs. Rubenstein rebuffed a suggestion by the social worker that she help with the dishes by stating that she would do nothing as long as her "worthless" husband was in the house.75 She was readmitted on January 14, 1938.76

Mrs. Rubenstein was again paroled on May 27, 1938, and was discharged as "improved" on August 25, 1938.77 She stayed in an apartment with Marion, and her separation from the rest of the family apparently ended most of the difficulties.78 Subsequently, Jack Ruby's

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parents were apparently reconciled, since their alien registration forms, filed in late 1940, indicated that they both resided at Marion's address.79

Fannie Rubenstein was admitted to Michael Reese Hospital on April 4, 1944, as a result of a heart ailment. Her condition was complicated by an attack of pneumonia and she died at the hospital on April 11, 1944.80 Hyman testified that, perhaps because she favored the education of her children and they recognized her difficulties in rearing them during a turbulent marriage, they all remembered Mrs. Rubenstein with warmth and affection.81 The evidence also indicates that Jack, notwithstanding his earlier attitudes, became especially fond of his mother.82 Following his wife's death, Joseph Rubenstein stayed with the children in Chicago, where he died at the age of 87, on December 24, 1958.83

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Education

Records provided by the Chicago Board of Education revealed that Jack Ruby attended Smyth Grammar School from October 24, 1916, through the 1920-21 term, completing kindergarten to grade 4B.84 He repeated the third grade.85 During the 1921-22 school year Jack finished the fourth grade at the Clarke School; he attended Schley School for the 1924-25 term, when he completed the sixth grade. Ruby's relationship with the Institute for Juvenile Research and the Jewish Home Finding Society may explain the lack of academic records for the 1922-23 and 1923-24 school years. While there is some uncertainty about Ruby's education subsequent to September 1925,86 it seems likely that he completed the eighth grade in 1927, when he was 16. Although Jack Ruby and others have stated that he attended at least 1 year of high school,87 the Chicago Board of Education could not locate any record of Ruby's attending Chicago high schools.88 Considering the absence of academic records and Jack's apathetic attitude toward school,89 the Commission deems it unlikely that his education extended into high school.

Records of the Institute for Juvenile Research revealed that, as of June 1922, Ruby had no religious education outside the public school system.90 However, according to their children, Jack's parents made some effort to inculcate in them a desire to adhere to the tenets of Orthodox Judaism. Jewish dietary and festival laws were observed and several of the children accompanied Joseph Rubenstein to the synagogue.91 Earl Ruby stated that all the boys received some Hebrew school training until the breakup of the Rubenstein home in 1921.92 However, Hyman Rubenstein testified that the instability and economic necessities of the household and the children's relationships outside the home frustrated the religious efforts of Ruby's parents.93
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Activities

Born in a home that disintegrated when he was 10 and boasting no substantial educational background, Jack Ruby early found himself

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on Chicago streets attempting to provide for himself and other members of his family. An avid sports fan, he, together with many of his friends, "scalped" tickets to various sporting events.94 He also sold numerous novelty items and knickknacks, particularly those connected with professional and collegiate athletics. Even in his youth, Ruby declined to work on a steady basis for someone else.95

According to his brother Hyman, Jack Ruby's only legal difficulty as a youth resulted from an altercation with a policeman about ticket scalping. Hyman, then active in local politics, was able to have charges arising out of the incident dropped.96 Ruby has indicated that during the depression he served a short jail sentence for the unauthorized sale of copyrighted sheet music.97

The only other member of the Rubenstein family who appears to have had any difficulty with the law while a youth was Hyman. On May 1, 1916, Chicago's juvenile court declared Hyman incorrigible, a term covering a wide range of misbehavior. Because of the absence of informative court records and the lapse of time, the misconduct that occasioned this proceeding could not be ascertained, but Hyman is not known to have encountered subsequent difficulty.98 Some of Ruby's childhood friends eventually became criminals; 99 however, Hyman Rubenstein, his sister Mrs. Eva Grant, and virtually all of Ruby's friends and acquaintances who were questioned reported that he was not involved with Chicago's criminal element.100

The evidence indicates that young Jack was not interested in political affairs.101 Hyman was the only Rubenstein to participate actively in politics. Sponsored by various political officials, he became a sidewalk inspector and warehouse investigator for 8 years. On one occasion, he obtained a permit for Jack to sell novelties from a pushcart located in a business district during the pre-Christmas buying rush. Eventually the complaints of enraged businessmen led licensing authorities to declare that a mistake had been made and to revoke Ruby's permit.102
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Temperament

The evidence reveals striking differences of opinion among childhood friends and acquaintances of Jack Ruby about whether he possessed violent tendencies. Many persons stated that he was mild mannered, quiet, and even tempered.103 Former welterweight champion Barney Ross, whom Jack Ruby idolized from the inception of his boxing career,104 stated that Ruby was "well behaved," was never a troublemaker, and was never involved with law-enforcement agencies.105 Another friend, who became a successful businessman on the west coast, said that, as a youth, Ruby never started fights even though he was adept with his fists.106 Other friends declared that he would, if at all possible, avoid clashes.107

But many other friends and acquaintances recalled that he had a hot temper and was quickly moved to violent acts or words.108 One friend explained that in the "tough" Chicago neighborhood where they lived, self-defense was vitally important and added that Ruby

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was fully capable of defending himself.109 Another friend described Ruby as quick tempered and, though unlikely to pick fights, willing to accept any challenge without regard to the odds against him.110 Young Jack also interfered in fights, particularly when the person he was aiding appeared to be taking a severe beating or in a disadvantageous position.111 Others reported that he had the reputation of being a good street brawler.112 One school friend recalled that when Jack argued vehemently about sports, he occasionally used a stick or other available weapon. He reported, however, that after Ruby's anger subsided, he reverted to his normal, likable character.113

From early childhood, Jack Ruby was called "Sparky" by those who knew him.114 According to his sister Eva Grant, the nickname derived from the way Jack wobbled when he walked. He was thought to resemble the slow-moving horse called "Sparky" or "Sparkplug" depicted in a contemporary comic strip. Mrs. Grant testified that her brother became incensed when called "Sparky" and that from the time he was about 8 years old he would strike anyone calling him by that name.115 A childhood friend also recalled that Jack hated the nickname and would fight when called by it.116 Mrs. Grant was unsure whether the nickname "Sparky" did not also result from his quick reaction to the taunts of young friends.117 Hyman Rubenstein thought that the nickname derived from Jack's speed, aggressiveness, and quick thinking. The many accounts of Ruby's lightninglike temper lend credence to the theory, widely held, that his nickname was connected with his volatility.118
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YOUNG MANHOOD (1933-43)

San Francisco (1933-37)

Jack Ruby reported that in about 1933, he and several Chicago friends went to Los Angeles and, shortly thereafter, to San Francisco.119 Although there is evidence that he stayed there until 1938, 1939, or 1940,120 Ruby stated that he returned to Chicago in about 1937,121 and this appears to have been the case.122 Eva Grant testified that Ruby went to the west coast because he believed employment would be available there.123

Eva, who married Hyman Magid in Chicago in 1930,124 was divorced in early 1934, and in about June of that year joined her brother Jack in San Francisco. She and her son, Ronald, shared an apartment with him. In 1936, Eva married Frank Granovsky, also known as Frank Grant, in San Francisco, and Ruby shared a four-room apartment with them and Ronald for a short while.125
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Occupations and Activities

Ruby stated that when he and his friends arrived in Los Angeles, they sold a handicapper's tip sheet for horseraces at Santa Anita race-

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track which had just opened.126 Eva Grant testified that Ruby also worked as a singing waiter in Los Angeles, but made very little money.127

When the group moved to San Francisco, Ruby continued to sell "tip" sheets at Bay Meadows racetrack.128 Subsequently, he became a door-to-door salesman of subscriptions to San Francisco newspapers.129 Although there is some evidence that he ultimately became chief of his crew and had several people working under him,130 other reports indicate that this is unlikely.131 Eva Grant testified that she also sold newspaper subscriptions but was less proficient than her brother and relied upon him for advice and support.132

Although virtually all his San Francisco acquaintances knew Jack Ruby as "Sparky," 133 there is no evidence that, he engaged in violent activities in San Francisco or was reputed to possess a vicious temper. One friend, who stated that he resided with Ruby and Eva for about a year, described him as a "well-mannered, likable individual who was soft spoken and meticulous in his dress and appearance." 134 Another friend described him as a "clean-cut, honest kid," 135 and the manager of a crew with which Ruby worked stated that he had a good reputation and appeared to be an "honest, forthright person." The crew manager reported that Ruby associated with a sports crowd, some of whose members were involved with professional boxing, but not with criminals. He added that Ruby had a personal liking for law enforcement and would have wanted to become a police officer had he been larger physically.136

One friend reported that although Ruby always associated with Jewish people, he never exhibited great interest in religion.137 Ruby met Virginia Belasco, granddaughter of the prominent playwright and actor, David Belasco, in about 1936 at a dance at the Jewish community center in San Francisco. Miss Belasco stated that while a teenager she saw Ruby socially on several occasions between 1936 and 1941.138 The only other evidence concerning Ruby's social activities while in San Francisco is his statement to his long-time girl friend, Alice Nichols of Dallas,139 that while in San Francisco he met the only other woman, Virginia Fitzgerald or Fitzsimmons, that he ever considered marrying.140
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Chicago (1937-43)

Jack Ruby stated that following his return to Chicago, he was unemployed for a considerable period.141 However, when his mother was admitted to Elgin State Hospital in 1937,142 she reported that he was employed as a "traveling salesman" apparently living away from home.143 Although there is conflicting evidence about his ability to earn a comfortable living,144 he apparently was able to maintain a normal existence 145 and required no financial assistance from his family or friends. He continued to be a so-called "hustler," scalping tickets and buying watches and other small items for resale at dis-

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count prices.146 One of his closest Chicago friends stated that Ruby's sales and promotions were "shady" but "legitimate." 147

Labor union activities.--Ruby reported that in "about 1937" he became active in Local 20467 of the Scrap Iron and Junk Handlers Union.148 At this time, his friend, attorney Leon Cooke, was the local's financial secretary.149 Records provided by the Social Security Administration indicate that Ruby was employed by the union from late 1937 until early 1940; 150 he worked as a union organizer and negotiated with employers on its behalf.151

On December 8, 1939, the union's president, John Martin, shot Cooke, who died of gunshot wounds on January 5, 1940; Martin was subsequently acquitted on the ground of self-defense.152 Although a Jack Rubenstein is mentioned in the minutes of a union meeting on February 2, 1940,153 and Ruby is reported to have said after Cooke's death that he wanted to "take over" the union,154 the evidence indicates that Ruby was so upset by Cooke's death that he was unable to devote himself further to union activities and left its employ.155 Ruby reported that after Cooke's death he adopted the middle name "Leon," which he used only infrequently, in memory of his friend.156

Since Ruby was the ultimate source of all but one of these accounts,157 other descriptions of Ruby's separation from the union cannot with certainty be deemed inaccurate. These reports indicated that Ruby might have been forced out of the union by a criminal group, or might have left because he lacked the emotional stability necessary for sucessful labor negotiations 159 or because he felt he was not, earning enough money with the union.160

Although the AFL-CIO investigated the ethical practices of local 20467 in 1956, placed the local in trusteeship, and suspended Paul Dorfman, who succeeded Martin and Cooke, there is no evidence that Ruby's union activities were connected with Chicago's criminal element.161 Several long-time members of the union reported that it had a good reputation when Ruby was affiliated with it 162 and employers who negotiated with it have given no indication that it had criminal connections.163

Subsequent employment.--In 1941, Ruby and Harry Epstein organized the Spartan Novelty Co., a small firm that sold in various northeastern States small cedar chests containing candy and gambling devices known as punchboards.164 Earl Ruby and two of Jack Ruby's friends, Martin Gimpel and Martin Shargol, were also associated in this venture. The group had no fixed addresses, living in hotels.165

Late in 1941, Jack Ruby returned to Chicago, where he continued his punchboard business through the mails.166 Following the December 7, 1941, attack on Pearl Harbor, he and several friends decided to design and sell plaques commemorating the Day of Infamy. However, the venture was impeded by Ruby's perfectionistic approach to details of design which resulted in numerous production delays.167 By the time Ruby's copyrighted plaque 168 was finally ready for sale, the market was flooded with similar items.169 At about this time,

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Ruby also sold busts of Franklin Delano Roosevelt.170 In late 1942 and 1943, Ruby was employed by the Globe Auto Glass Co.171 and Universal Sales Co.172

Although one of Ruby's acquaintances at this time described him as a cuckoo nut on the subject of patriotism,173 the evidence does not indicate that Ruby's promotion of "Remember Pearl Harbor" plaques and Roosevelt busts was motivated by patriotic or political considerations. Rather, the sale of these items was, to Ruby, just another commercial venture, but he might also have considered these sales "a good thing." 174 Numerous friends reported that, Ruby had no interest in political affairs during this period,175 although he greatly admired President Roosevelt.176

Other activities.--The evidence indicates that Ruby led a normal social life during these years. Virginia Belasco stated that while Ruby was selling punchboards in New York during November 1941, he entertained her each weekend.177 Other reports indicate that Ruby fancied himself a "ladies' man," enjoyed dancing, almost always had female accompaniment and was "very gentlemanly" with women.178

Ruby, with several friends, frequently attempted to disrupt rallies of the German-American Bund.179 One acquaintance reported that Ruby was responsible for "cracking a few heads" of Bund members.180 Apparently he joined in this activity for ethnic rather than political reasons. The young men in the group were not organized adherents of any particular political creed, but were poolhall and tavern companions from Ruby's Jewish neighborhood who gathered on the spur of the moment to present opposition when they learned that the pro-Nazi and anti-Semitic Bund movement was planning a meeting.181 Hyman Rubenstein testified that Ruby would fight with any person making derogatory comments about, his ethnic origins, and others have stated that Ruby would fight with anyone he suspected of pro-Nazi or anti-Semitic tendencies.182

During this period Ruby, though temperamental, apparently engaged in no unusual acts of violence. However, he did interfere on several occasions when he thought someone was treated unfairly. A friend who described Ruby as "somewhat overbearing regarding the rights and feelings of others," reported that Ruby fought two college students who insulted a Negro piano player.193 Another friend reported that Ruby had a "bitter" fight with a man who was abusing an older woman.184

Maintaining his friendship with Barney Ross, and still an ardent sports fan, Ruby associated with various figures in the boxing world and regularly attended the fights at Marigold Gardens.185 He frequented the Lawndale Poolroom and Restaurant, a rallying point for the anti-Bundists and chief "hangout" of many of Ruby's friends.186 In addition, Ruby, described as a "health nut" 187 who earnestly contended that he could hit harder than Joe Louis,188 exercised at several athletic clubs.189

Despite Ruby's participation in "shady" financial enterprises, his association with a labor union subsequently disciplined by the AFL-

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CIO, his participation in violent anti-Bund activities, and his connection with a poolroom, the evidence falls short of demonstrating that Ruby was significantly affiliated with organized crime in Chicago. Virtually all of Ruby's Chicago friends stated he had no close connection with organized crime.190 In addition, unreliable as their reports may be, several known Chicago criminals have denied any such liaison.191 The Commission finds it difficult to attach credence to a newspaper reporter's contrary statement that his undisclosed "syndicate sources" revealed Ruby was connected with organized crime and confidence games.192 Ruby was unquestionably familiar, if not friendly, with some Chicago criminals,193 but there is no evidence that he ever participated in organized criminal activity.
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MILITARY ACTIVITIES (1943-46)

In September 1941, Jack Ruby was apparently classified 1-A194 and declared eligible for the draft. Subsequently he appeared before a local board and was reclassified 1-H or 3-A.195 Between August 31, 1941, and November 19, 1942, when it was abolished, the 1-H classification applied to registrants who had reached their 28th birthday and were, therefore, no longer liable for service.196 The 3-A deferment applies to persons whose entry into military service presents financial hardship to dependents. Because of the length of time involved and the destruction of local draft board records, Ruby's precise status or the reason for his deferment could not be ascertained.197 According to one somewhat unreliable report, Ruby, immediately prior to his physical examination, feigned a hearing disability and occasionally wore a hearing aid.198 Hyman Rubenstein, who testified that Jack was deferred because of economic hardship since he "the only one home," specifically denied the truthfulness of this allegation.199 Early in 1943, Ruby was again classified l-A, and, following an unsuccessful appearance before his appeal board, he was inducted into the U.S. Army Air Forces on May 21, 1943.200 Jack was the last of the Rubenstein brothers to enter the service. Previously, Earl had enlisted in the Navy, Sam was in Army Air Force Intelligence and Hyman was in the field artillery.201

Except for 5 weeks in Farmingdale, N.Y., Ruby spent his military days at various airbases in the South.202 He received the basic training given all recruits and advanced training as an aircraft mechanic 203 On August 2, 1943, he passed marksmanship tests with the .30 caliber carbine and the .45 caliber submachinegun, but failed with the .30 caliber rifle. On February 10, 1944, he earned a sharpshooter's rating for his firing of an M1 .30 caliber carbine. His character and efficiency ratings, when determined, were excellent.204 After attaining the rank of private first class and receiving the good conduct medal, Ruby was honorably discharged on February 21, 1946.205

Two persons who recalled Ruby while he was in the Army Air Forces asserted that he was extremely sensitive to insulting remarks about

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Jews.206 When, during an argument, a sergeant called Ruby a "Jew bastard," Ruby reportedly attacked him and beat him with his fists.207

There is conflicting evidence about the zeal with which Ruby performed his military duties. One associate indicated that Ruby, who at 34 was the oldest in his group, always worked harder than the others to prove that he could keep up with them.208 Another recalled by contrast, that Ruby had "no liking for work" and carefully avoided situations requiting him to dirty his hands.209 However, there is no basis in the record for the inference that Ruby was in any way anti-American.

Ruby frequently expressed to some fellow soldiers his high regard for Franklin Delano Roosevelt.210 Two independent sources reported that he cried openly when informed of Roosevelt's death in April 1945.211 This did not indicate any sudden political interest, however, since none of his known military associates reported such an interest, and Ruby's admiration for President Roosevelt anteceded his military days.212

While in service, Ruby is reported to have continued his promotional ventures. One person recalled that in 1944, Jack received punchboards and chocolates from someone in Chicago and peddled these items through the base to make extra money. This person also indicated that Ruby enjoyed card and dice games in or near the barracks.213

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POSTWAR CHICAGO (1946-47)

Following his discharge from the Army Air Forces in February 1946, Jack Ruby returned to Chicago. He joined his three brothers, who had previously been discharged from the service,214 in the Earl Products Co. Earl Ruby testified that he was the sole investor in the enterprise, but each brother received an equal ownership interest on his return from the service.215 The company manufactured and sold small cedar chests and distributed punchboards.216 In addition, it made aluminum salt and pepper shakers, key chains, bottle openers, screwdrivers, and small hammers.217 Sam supervised the manufacturing end of the business, while Earl managed the office and advertising.218 Jack was in charge of sales, but the company was small and he had no subordinates.219

Because insufficient profits led to frequent arguments, Hyman soon left Earl Products.220 Jack, who stayed with the company through most of 1947, had many disputes with his brothers because he insisted on selling the products of other companies, such as costume jewelry, and he did not like traveling outside the Chicago area. Earl and Sam finally purchased Jack's interest, paying him more than $14,000 in cash.221

Although there is some evidence to the contrary,222 it is unlikely that Ruby was in the nightclub business in Chicago during the postwar period. Many who have reported this may have mistaken him for Harry Rubenstein,223 who was convicted of manslaughter and op-

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erated several such establishments.224 None of Jack Ruby's close friends or relatives indicated that he was in the nightclub business.

Following his return from the Army, Ruby was described as ready to fight with any person who insulted Jews or the military.225 Earl Ruby testified that on one occasion in 1946, Jack returned from downtown Chicago with his suit covered with blood. He explained at that time that he had fought with a person who had called him a "dirty Jew or something like that." 226

Other evidence indicates that Ruby's personality was not substantially changed by his military experience. One person who met, him in 1947, reported that Ruby was a "fashionable" dresser.227 He continued to be described as soft spoken,228 although he was also known as hot-tempered.229 Ruby worked out regularly at an athletic club,230 and one friend regarded him as a "Romeo," who was quite successful in attracting young women.231
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DALLAS (1947-63)

The Move to Dallas

During World War II, Ruby's sister, Eva Grant, visited Dallas.232 Having operated a restaurant on the west coast, and considering it a lucrative business, she arranged, near the end of 1945, to lease a building under construction in Dallas, which she ran as a night-club.233 Part of the financing for this establishment, the Singapore Supper Club, was provided by her brothers. Jack Ruby, who apparently obtained the money from Earl Products, sent $1,100 as a down-payment on the lease, Earl contributed about $1,500, and Hyman paid for more than $2,000 worth of equipment.234

Before she opened the Singapore in 1947, Eva Grant engaged in the sale of metal products.235 In that year she met Paul Roland Jones, who allegedly was seeking customers for iron pipe and whom she referred to Hyman Rubenstein.236 Jones had, at about that time, been convicted of attempting to bribe the newly elected sheriff of Dallas.237 On October 24, 1947, he was arrested for violating Federal narcotics statutes.238 Jack Ruby had visited Dallas early in 1947 to help Eva Grant manage the Singapore,239 and 5 days after Jones' arrest, Jack and Hyman Rubenstein were interrogated in Chicago by agents of the Bureau of Narcotics.240 The brothers admitted knowing Jones but denied awareness of his connection with narcotics. During the 2 years in which Jones was appealing his conviction he and other criminals frequented the Singapore Club, then operated by Jack Ruby.241

Intensive investigation to determine whether Jack Ruby was criminally or otherwise connected with Jones' narcotics violation leads the Commission to conclude Ruby probably was not involved.242 A search of the files of the Bureau of Narcotics disclosed no record that either Hyman or Jack had been prosecuted by Federal authorities in 1947.243 Jack, Hyman, and Eva denied participating in any narcotics activities.

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Jones and his coconspirators also denied that Jack was a participant.244 One of Jones' confederates reported after the shooting of Oswald that although Jones "propositioned" the two brothers concerning narcotics, they refused to participate.245 Moreover, when one of the conspirators was arrested with 48 pounds of raw opium in his possession, he implicated Jones and another person, both of whom were convicted, but he did not implicate Jack Ruby or his brother.246

Late in 1947, Ruby established permanent residence in Dallas.247 Shortly after shooting Oswald, Ruby stated that he returned to Dallas at Eva Grant's request, to help her operate the Singapore Supper Club.248 However, on December 21, 1963, he reported that although association with his sister had been the purport of his initial visit to Dallas, he returned there because of the failure of his "merchandising deals" in Chicago.249 These factors, in conjunction with his separation from Earl Products,250 probably motivated Ruby's move to Dallas.

A different reason has been given by Steve Guthrie, former sheriff of Dallas. Guthrie reported that shortly after his election as sheriff in July 1946, Paul Roland Jones, representing other Chicago criminals, offered him a substantial amount of money to permit them to move in and manage illegal activities in Dallas. Although he never met Ruby, Guthrie asserted that these criminals frequently mentioned that Ruby would operate a "fabulous" restaurant as a front for gambling activities.251

Despite its source, the Commission finds it difficult to accept this report. A member of the Dallas Police Department, Lt. George E. Butler, who was present during virtually all the conversations between Guthrie and Jones and who performed considerable investigative work on the case, stated that Ruby was not involved in the bribery attempt and that he had not heard of Ruby until the investigation and trial of Jones had been completed. He explained that Ruby's connection with the case stemmed from the fact that, as mentioned previously, Jones and other criminals frequented the Singapore Supper Club.252 And 22 recordings of the conversations between Guthrie, Butler, and Jones not only fail to mention Ruby, but indicate that Jones was to bring from outside the Dallas area only one confederate, who was not to be Jewish.253

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The Change of Name

Sometime in 1947, Jack Ruby's brothers Earl and Sam, pursuant to a joint understanding, legally changed their names from Rubenstein to Ruby.254 Earl testified that he changed his name because everyone called him Ruby and because a former employer advised him that it was preferable not to use a "Jewish name" on mail orders for Earl Products.255

On December 30, 1947, Jack changed his name to Jack L. Ruby by securing a decree from the 68th Judicial District Court of Dallas. His petition alleged that he sought the change because the name Rubenstein was misunderstood and too long and because he was "well

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known" as Jack L. Ruby.256 The Bureau of Narcotics report of his relationship with Paul Roland Jones indicates that as of October 29, 1947, Jack was known as Ruby; 257 however, several persons in Dallas knew him as Rubenstein.258

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Nightclub Operations

Except for a brief period in about 1953, when Ruby managed the Ervay Theater, a motion picture house,259 the operation of nightclubs and dancehalls was his primary source of income, and his basic interest in life during the 16 years he spent in Dallas prior to shooting Lee Oswald. When Ruby first arrived in Dallas in 1947, he and Eva Grant jointly managed the Singapore Supper Club.260 Shortly thereafter, she returned to the west coast. Except for sporadic trips to Dallas, she remained there until 1959, leaving Ruby a power of attorney.261 Ruby, who had received $14,000 from the sale of his interest in Earl Products,262 invested a substantial amount in the club, which Mrs. Grant described as "too nice a club for that part of town." 263 Ruby changed the Singapore's name to the Silver Spur Club. It was operated primarily as a dancehall, serving beer to its patrons.264 In about 1952, Ruby borrowed $3,700 from a friend, Ralph Paul, to purchase the Bob Wills Ranch House 265 with Martin Gimpel, a former associate in the Spartan Novelty Co.266 The Ranch House was run as a western-type nightclub.267

With two establishments to run, Ruby experienced substantial financial reversals in 1952. He abandoned his interest in the Ranch House and, on July 1, 1952, transferred the Silver Spur to Gimpel and Willie Epstein, who assumed some of its debts.268 Disappointed by these setbacks, Ruby stated that he had a "mental breakdown," and "hibernated" in the Cotton Bowl Hotel in Dallas for 3 or 4 months, declining to see his friends.269 Still depressed, he then returned to Chicago, apparently intending to remain there permanently.270 However, he stayed only 6 weeks. Gimpel and Epstein were anxious to be rid of the Silver Spur and Ruby once again became its owner.271

In 1953, Ruby obtained an interest in the Vegas Club, which he operated with Joe Bonds until September 1953.272 At that time he informed Irving Alkana, who had retained a prior ownership interest, that he was unable to meet his obligations with respect to the club. Alkana then assumed management of the Vegas until June 19, 1954, when, following numerous disagreements with him, he sold Ruby his interest.273

Ruby still owned the Vegas Club at the time of his arrest on November 24, 1963. However, when Eva Grant returned from San Francisco in 1959, she assumed management of the club, receiving a salary but no ownership interest.274 the Vegas, which occasionally featured striptease acts,275 employed a dance band and served beer, wine, soft drinks and some prepared foods.276

In 1954, Ruby's Vegas associate, Joe Bonds, was convicted of sodomy and sent to a Texas penitentiary to serve an 8-year sentence.277 In 1955,

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Ruby sold the Silver Spur to Roscoe "Rocky" Robinson; however, Robinson could not obtain a license to operate the club and it was subsequently closed.278 For a few months during this period, Ruby also operated Hernando's Hideaway, but this venture proved unsuccessful. 279

Sam Ruby testified that shortly after he sold his interest in Earl Products in mid-1955 and moved to Dallas, he loaned Jack $5,500 to enable him to pay Federal excise taxes on the Vegas. As security for the loan, Sam required Jack to execute a bill of sale of the Vegas. Upon Jack's default in payment, Sam instituted suit, claiming that he owned the Vegas and that Jack had breached his promise to repurchase it. The case was ultimately settled, with Jack retaining his ownership interest in the club.280

In late 1959, Jack Ruby became a partner of Joe Slatin in establishing the Sovereign Club, a private club that was apparently permitted by Texas law to sell liquor to members.281 Since Slatin was troubled about Dallas news stories describing police raids on a private club that permitted gambling, he felt he needed more capital.282 Ruby invested about $6,000 which he borrowed from his brother Earl and perhaps some of his own money.283

The Sovereign was described as a "plush" and exclusive club, and Ruby was apparently very anxious to attract a wealthy "carriage" trade.284 The venture was not successful, however. The two men could not work together, and Slatin withdrew in early 1960.285 Ruby turned for new capital to Ralph Paul,286 who had operated a Dallas club with Joe Bonds.287 Ruby still owed Paul $1,200 of the $3,700 loan made in connection with the Bob Wills Ranch House, but Paul advanced him another $2,200, which allowed him to pay the Sovereign's rent for 4 months. Subsequently, Ruby spontaneously gave Paul a stock certificate representing 50 percent of the equity of the corporation owning the club. Ruby told Paul that if the venture failed the Sovereign's fixtures and other physical property would belong to Paul. 288

Experiencing difficulty in recruiting sufficient members, Ruby soon found himself again unable to pay the Sovereign's monthly rent of $550. Again he turned to Paul, who loaned him $1,650 on the condition that he change the club's method of operation. Paul insisted that Ruby discontinue club memberships, even though this would prevent the sale of liquor, and offer striptease shows as a substitute attraction. Ruby agreed, and the Sovereign's name was changed to the Carousel Club.289 It became one of three downtown Dallas burlesque clubs and served champagne, beer, "setups" and pizza, its only food.291 The Carousel generally employed four strippers, a master of ceremonies, an assistant manager, a band, three or four waitresses, and a porter or handyman.292 Net receipts averaged about $5,000 per month 293 most of which was allocated to the club's payroll.294 Late in 1963, Ruby began to distribute "permanent passes" to the Carousel; 295 however, the cards were apparently designed solely for publicity and did not affect the club's legal status.

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Employee Relationships

Ruby's employees displayed a wide range of personal reactions to him. Those associated with Ruby long enough to grow accustomed to his violent temper and constant threats of discharge generally portray him sympathetically.296 They reported he was genuinely interested in their welfare and happiness. In addition, many former employees stated that he was a pleasant or unobjectionable employer.297

There is also considerable evidence that Ruby tended to dominate his employees, frequently resorted to violence in dealing with them, publicly embarrassed them,298 sometimes attempted to cheat them of their pay,299 and delayed paying their salaries.300 Other employees reported Ruby continually harassed his help,301 and used obscene language in their presence.302 However he frequently apologized, sought to atone for his many temper tantrums, 303 and completely forgot others.304

One of the many violent incidents that were reported took place in 1950, when Ruby struck an employee over the head with a blackjack.305 In 1951, after his guitarist, Willis Dickerson, told Ruby to "go to hell," Ruby knocked Dickerson to the ground, then pinned him to a wall and kicked him in the groin. During the scuffle, Dickerson bit Ruby's finger so badly that the top half of Ruby's left index finger was amputated.306 In approximately 1955, Ruby beat one of his musicians with brass knuckles; the musician's mouth required numerous stitches.307

During 1960, Ruby and two entertainers, Breck Wall and Joe Peterson, entered into an agreement that the performers would produce and star in a revue at the Sovereign in exchange for a 50-percent interest in the club.308 After performing for 2 months, the entertainers complained that they had received neither a share of the profits nor evidence of their proprietary interest. Ruby responded by hitting Peterson in the mouth, knocking out a tooth. The two men left the Sovereign's employ, but they subsequently accepted Ruby's apology and resumed their friendship with him.309

In September 1969, Frank Ferraro, the Carousel's handyman, became involved in a dispute at a nearby bar. Ruby told him not to get into a fight, and Ferraro told Ruby to mind his own business. Ruby then followed Ferraro to another club and beat him severely. Ferraro required emergency hospital treatment for his eye, but he decided not to press charges since Ruby paid for his hospital care.310 In March 1963, during an argument about wages, Ruby threatened to throw a cigarette girl down the stairs of the Carousel.311

Ruby's relationship with his employees commanded much of his attention during the months preceding the assassination. The Carousel's comparatively high turnover rate 312 and Ruby's intense desire to succeed313 required him to meet numerous prospective employees, patrons, and other persons who might help improve his business.

Ruby frequently encountered difficulties with the American Guild of Variety Artists (AGVA), the union which represented Carousel entertainers.314 For several years, starting in about 1961, he unsuccess-

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fully sought modification of AGVA's policy permitting "amateur" strippers,315 inexperienced girls paid less than union-scale wages,316 to perform at union houses. Ruby apparently believed his two competitors, the Weinstein brothers, were scheduling amateur shows in a manner calculated to destroy his business.317 Ruby's discontent with AGVA grew particularly acute during the late summer and early fall of 1963 when, in addition to meeting with AGVA officials,318 he called upon several acquaintances, including known criminals, who, he thought, could influence AGVA on his behalf.319 Other problems with AGVA arose because of his policy of continuous shows, which did not give masters of ceremonies enough time off,320 and his alleged use of AGVA members to mingle with patrons to promote the consumption of liquor.321

In June 1963, Ruby visited New Orleans, where he obtained the services of a stripper known as "Jada," 322 who became his featured performer.323 Jada and Ruby had numerous contract disputes and he was concerned about her high salary, recurrent absenteeism, and diminishing drawing power.324 Moreover, he thought that Jada had deliberately exceeded even the Carousel's liberal standards of decency in order to cause him to lose his license or to obtain publicity for herself.325 On several occasions Ruby excitedly turned off the spotlights during her act, and at the end of October 1963, he fired her.326 However, after Jada sued out a peace bond, she apparently recovered a week's salary from Ruby.327

In addition to problems with its star stripper, the Carousel was required to employ three masters of ceremonies in rapid succession following the departure in about September 1963, of Wally Weston, who worked there about 15 months.328 And in early November, the band that had played at the Vegas Club for about 8 years left the Vegas to accept the offer of another Dallas club.329

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Financial Data and Tax Problems

Jack Ruby's pockets and the trunk of his car served as his bank. With a few exceptions, Ruby and his clubs rarely employed bank accounts.330 Instead, Ruby carried his cash with him, paying the bulk of his expenses and debts directly out of club receipts.331

During the latter half of 1963, the Carousel, the Vegas, and Ruby each maintained checking accounts at the Merchants State Bank in Dallas. Balances of the latter two accounts never exceeded $275. In July 1963, the Carousel's account had more than $500; after August 8, its maximum balance was less than $800. Between May 31 and November 24, 1963, 53 checks were drawn on the three accounts; with the exception of one check for $129.47, all were for less than $100.332 He generally purchased cashier's checks at the Merchants State Bank to pay his monthly rental of $550 for the Carousel and $500 for the Vegas.333 He also purchased cashier's checks during the 3 months prior to the assassination to pay about $1,500 to the Texas State treasurer, $110 to Temple Shearith Israel, apparently for Jewish high holy day tickets, and $60 to the American Society of Authors and Publishers.334

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Records of the more than 50 banking institutions checked during the investigation of Ruby's financial affairs 335 revealed that he had three other dormant accounts, all with small balances.336 Two safety deposit boxes belonging to Ruby, opened by Texas officials pursuant to search warrants, were empty and unused for more than a year prior to the assassination.337 Although Ruby negotiated several loans at the Merchants State Bank,338 there is no evidence that he was the maker or co-maker of other loans,339 and, after investigation, the Dallas Police Department found no record that Ruby cosigned the note of any policeman at any time.340

Ruby's financial records were chaotic. One accountant abandoned efforts to prepare income tax returns and other financial statements because of the hopeless disarray of Ruby's data.341 The record indicates that Ruby was frequently weeks, if not months, late in filing Federal tax forms and that he held numerous conferences with Internal Revenue agents who attempted to obtain the delinquent statements.342

Ruby encountered serious difficulties with respect to State franchise and Federal excise and income taxes. The Texas charter of the corporation controlling the Sovereign and Carousel clubs was canceled in 1961, because Ruby failed to pay Texas franchise taxes.343 And, only after numerous conferences, did Ruby and representatives of the Internal Revenue Service reach agreements on installment payments of various Federal tax liabilities, to which Ruby more or less adhered.344

Ruby's primary difficulty concerned Federal excise taxes. Advised by an attorney that the Vegas Club, a dance hall providing food, was not subject to Federal excise taxes because it was not a "cabaret," Ruby charged Vegas patrons on the assumption that no excise taxes were due. However, his attorney reported, when Federal courts ruled that dance halls providing "incidental" food were subject to excise taxes as "cabarets," 345 Ruby became liable to the Federal Government for more than 6 years of taxes, amounting, with interest, to almost exactly $40,000.346

Ruby also fell behind on his personal income tax payments. At the time of his arrest he owed more than $4,400 for 1959 and 1960.347 Remittances accompanied his 1961 and 1962 tax forms, the latter received by the office of the Dallas District Director on September 18, 1963.348 The following table summarizes amounts which Ruby reported as gross and net income from the Vegas Club from 1956 to 1962; and the taxes due: 349
Year Gross income Net income Tax
1962 $41,462.77 $5,619.65 $1, 217. 75 estimated
1961 40,411.00 6,255.29 1,200.00 estimated
1960 44,482.41 9,703.90 2, 221.39
1959 50,981.95 14,060.86 3,778.17
1958 37,755.65 3,274.64 586.52
1957 33,671.60 2,619.52 438.41
1956 30,695.27 7,437.01 1,527.10


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On his income tax forms, Ruby did not itemize personal deductions and claimed only his own exemption. For 1962, Ruby reported salary income of $650 from the corporation controlling the Carousel, and $900 for 1961.350

Ruby and officers of the Internal Revenue Service frequently discussed methods of satisfying his large excise and income tax liability.351 In 1960, the Government filed tax liens for more than $20,000.352 In November 1962, the Government rejected Ruby's offer to pay $8,000 to compromise the assessed taxes of more than $20,000 because he had not filed returns for other Federal taxes and had not paid these taxes as they became due. These other taxes, for the period September 1959 through June 1962, amounted to an additional $20,000.353 In June 1963, Ruby submitted an offer of $3,000 to compromise all past assessments; the offer was not acted upon prior to November 24, 1963.354
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Other Business Ventures

In addition to nightclub management and ownership, Ruby participated in numerous other commercial ventures. He was able to do so primarily because work at the clubs consumed few of his daytime hours. Many of Ruby's ventures related to show business, others were somewhat speculative promotions; almost all ended unsuccessfully.

While operating the Silver Spur Club, Ruby sold costume jewelry at discount rates,355 and, in about 1951, he sold sewing machine attachments at the Texas State Fair.356 Approximately a year later, he managed a talented young Negro boy, "Little Daddy" Nelson. The boy appeared at the Silver Spur, the Vegas Club, and the Bob Wills Ranch House. In about 1953 or 1954, Ruby took "Little Daddy" and his parents to Chicago to obtain a television appearance for him. However, shortly after their arrival, Ruby was confronted by a second woman claiming to be "Little Daddy's" mother. Upon advice of counsel, Ruby decided to abandon the venture.357
In 1954, Ruby became interested in the sale of pizza crusts to Dallas restaurants.358 He is also reported to have sold an arthritic preparation 359 and to have manufactured and sold "Miniron," a liquid vitamin formula.360 In about 1958 or 1959, Ruby attempted to build and sell log cabins at a Texas lake resort.361 In early 1959, he investigated the possibility of selling jeeps to Cuba.362 He is also reported to have furnished entertainment for a Dallas hotel,363 to have promoted records for musicians 364 and to have sold English stainless steel razor blades.365

In October 1963 Ruby assisted the producers of a carnival show, "How Hollywood Makes Movies," appearing at the Texas State Fair.366 At about this time Ruby also sought to open a new club in Dallas. He conferred with numerous persons and placed advertisements in Dallas newspapers in an attempt to obtain financial backing.367 Assuming that he would be occupied by the new club, Ruby offered his oldest brother, Hyman, a managerial post at the Carousel. However, Hyman, who had recently lost his sales territory, declined the offer because he felt he was too old for the nightclub business.368

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Ruby unsuccessfully attempted to sell "twistboards," an exercising device consisting of two square fiberboards separated by ball bearings. Despite the contrary advice of his brother Earl,369 Jack ordered several dozen twistboards and had 2,000 promotional flyers published.370 He had one of his strippers demonstrate the twistboards at the Texas Products Show during the first week of November 1963.

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Arrests and Violations

Between 1949 and November 24, 1963, Ruby was arrested eight times by the Dallas Police Department. The dates, charges, and dispositions of these arrests are as follows:372 February 4, 1949, Ruby paid a $10 fine for disturbing the peace. July 26, 1953, Ruby was suspected of carrying a concealed weapon; however, no charges were filed and Ruby was released on the same day. May 1, 1954, Ruby was arrested for allegedly carrying a concealed weapon and violating a peace bond; again no charges were filed and Ruby was released on the same day. December 5, 1954, Ruby was arrested for allegedly violating State liquor laws by selling liquor after hours; the complaint was dismissed on February 8, 1955.373 June 21, 1959, Ruby was arrested for allegedly permitting dancing after hours; the complaint was dismissed on July 8, 1959. August 21, 1960, Ruby was again arrested for allegedly permitting dancing after hours; Ruby posted $25 bond and was released on that date. February 12, 1963, Ruby was arrested on a charge of simple assault; he was found not guilty February 27, 1963. Finally, on March 14, 1963, Ruby was arrested for allegedly ignoring traffic summonses; a $35 bond was posted.

When Ruby applied for a beer license in March 1961, he reported that he had been arrested "about four or five times" between 1947 and 1953.374 Between 1950 and 1963, he received 20 tickets for motor vehicle violations, paying four $10 fines and three of $3.375 In 1956 and 1959, Ruby was placed on 6 months' probation as a traffic violator.

Ruby was also frequently suspended by the Texas Liquor Control Board. In August 1949, when he was operating the Silver Spur, he was suspended for 5 days on a charge of "Agents--Moral Turpitude." In 1953 Ruby received a 5-day suspension because of an obscene show, and, in 1954, a 10-day suspension for allowing a drunkard on his premises.376 On February 18, 1954, he was suspended for 5 days because of an obscene striptease act at the Silver Spur and for the consumption of alcoholic beverages during prohibited hours.377 On March 26, 1956. Ruby was suspended by the liquor board for 3 days because several of his checks were dishonored.378 On October 23, 1961, he received another 3-day suspension because an agent solicited the sale of alcoholic beverages for consumption on licensed premises.379
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Police Associations

Although the precise nature of his relationship to members of the Dallas Police Department is not susceptible of conclusive evaluation,

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the evidence indicates that Ruby was keenly interested in policemen and their work.380 Jesse Curry, chief of the Dallas Police Department, testified that no more than 25 to 50 of Dallas' almost 1,200 policemen were acquainted with Ruby.381 However, the reports of present and past members of the Dallas Police Department as well as Ruby's employees and acquaintances indicate that Ruby's police friendships were far more widespread than those of the average citizen.382

There is no credible evidence that Ruby sought special favors from police officers or attempted to bribe them.383 Although there is considerable evidence that Ruby gave policemen reduced rates,384 declined to exact any cover charge from them,385 and gave them free coffee and soft drinks, 386 this hospitality was not unusual for a Dallas night-club operator.387 Ruby's personal attachment to police officers is demonstrated by reports that he attended the funeral of at least one policeman killed in action and staged a benefit performance for the widow of another.388 Ruby regarded several officers as personal friends, and others had worked for him.380 Finally, at least one policeman regularly dated, and eventually married, one of the Carousel's strippers.390
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Underworld Ties

From the time that Ruby arrived in Dallas in 1947, he was friendly with numerous underworld figures. One of his earliest Dallas acquaintances was Paul Roland Jones, who was convicted of attempting to bribe the sheriff of Dallas and engaging in the sale of narcotics.391 Joe Bonds, one of Ruby's partners in the Vegas Club, had a criminal record.392

Ruby, who enjoyed card playing 393 and horse racing,394 was friendly with several professional gamblers. In 1959, he visited Cuba at the invitation and expense of Lewis McWillie, a professional gambler.395 Alice Nichols reported that Ruby's refusal to give up gambling was one reason why she never seriously considered marrying him.396 When Sidney Seidband, a Dallas gambler, was arrested in Oklahoma City, his list of gambling acquaintances included Jack Ruby.397 And other friends of Ruby have been identified as gamblers.398 Finally, two persons of questionable reliability have reported that Ruby's consent was necessary before gambling or narcotics operations could be launched in Dallas.399

Based on its evaluation of the record, however, the Commission believes that the evidence does not establish a significant link between Ruby and organized crime. Both State and Federal officials have indicated that Ruby was not affiliated with organized criminal activity.400 And numerous persons have reported that Ruby was not connected with such activity.401
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Travels

Despite reports that Ruby visited Havana, Las Vegas, New York, Chicago, Honolulu, and Mexican border towns, most of his time subse-

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quent to 1947 was spent in Dallas. Some of his travels, including, his efforts in behalf of "Little Daddy" Nelson and his visit to New Orleans in June 1963 have been discussed.402 Ruby stated that he went to Chicago in 1952, in 1958 when his father died, and in August 1963 when he met members of his family at O'Hare International Airport while en route from New York to Dallas.403 His August trip to New York motivated by his difficulties with the American Guild of Variety Artists and his desire to obtain talent, has been completely established by hotel records.404 Early in 1963 Ruby also traveled to Wichita, Kans., because of his interest in stripper Gall Raven,405 and on May 25, 1963, he apparently registered in an Oklahoma motel.406

Although Ruby denies being in Las Vegas after 1937,407 there are unsupported rumors that he was in that city in late 1962,408 and the early part of November 1963.409 Reports that he was in Las Vegas during the weekend prior to the assassination 410 appear similarly unfounded.411

There is some uncertainty about Ruby's trip to Havana, Cuba, in 1959. The evidence indicates that he accepted an invitation from gambler Lewis J. McWillie, who subsequently became a violent anti-Castroite, to visit Havana at McWillie's expense.412 Ruby apparently met McWillie in about 1950, when McWillie operated a Dallas night-club.413 McWillie, whom Ruby said he idolized,414 supervised gambling activities at Havana's Tropicana Hotel in 1959 and later was employed in a managerial capacity in a Las Vegas gambling establishment.415 Ruby testified that he went to Havana for 8 days in August 1959 and left because he was not interested in its gambling activities.416 McWillie corroborated this story except that he stated only that Ruby visited Havana "sometime in 1959." 417 Three Chicagoans reported seeing Ruby in Havana during the Labor Day weekend in 1959.418 Meyer Panitz, an acquaintance of McWillie, reported that when he met Ruby in Miami during the "summer of 1959" Ruby stated that he was returning from a pleasure trip to Cuba.419 The theory that the trip to Havana had conspiratorial implications is discussed in chapter VI. There is no reliable evidence that Ruby went to Havana subsequent to September 1959.420

Although Ruby denied ever being in Hawaii,421 there is some evidence that during the summer of 1961 he was in Honolulu seeking dancing talent.422 While it is unlikely that Ruby would forget a trip to Honolulu in 1961, there is no other indication that such a trip, if it occurred, had any sinister motives.

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CHARACTER AND INTERESTS

Family Relationships

As mentioned previously,423 Eva Grant was the only member of the family living in Dallas when Ruby returned to that city in late 1947. In 1948, she returned to the west coast, visiting Dallas sporadically

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until 1959, when she assumed management of the Vegas.424 Despite their recurring arguments, during which they sometimes came to blows,425 Ruby was closer to Eva than any of his brothers or sisters. In the summer of 1963, Eva complained bitterly to Ruby because he gave a friend about $800 instead of paying Vegas Club bills. Eva, citing her poor healthy stated that she should be hospitalized. Ruby rejoined that he had provided her money to enter a hospital. He then shoved her, causing her to fall back about 8 feet and hurt her arm and shoulder. At this point Ruby insisted he wanted her to leave the Vegas Club.426

Ruby frequently told Eva to submit to an operation and in early November 1963 she consented. She was hospitalized for a week, leaving about November 13.427 While she was in the hospital, Jack called Earl and Sam, requesting them to convey their concern to Eva.428 According to Eva, Jack visited her at the hospital two or three times a day. He kept in constant touch with her throughout the weekend of November 22.429

Sam Ruby moved to Dallas from Chicago in July 1955, after selling his interest in the Earl Products Co.430 His son's asthma and Eva's suggestion that he work as a builder in Dallas prompted the move.431 Apparently as a result of difficulties in collecting the $5,500 Sam loaned Jack in 1955 to pay Federal excise taxes, 432 Jack and Sam were never particularly close to each other. However, Sam entered into a partnership in an unsuccessful ice cream business with Jack's close friend, Ralph Paul.433 Jack visited Sam and his family occasionally, especially on Jewish holidays, and from time to time they spoke to each other by telephone.434

Jack had sporadic contacts with his brother Earl, who remained in Chicago until about 1960, when he moved to Detroit.435 The most successful of the brothers, Earl often gave Jack business advice and capital.436 He estimated, perhaps conservatively, that, when arrested, Jack owed him $15,000.437 The evidence also indicates that Jack borrowed at least $1,000, and probably more, from his sister Marion in Chicago.438
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Social Relationships

There have been statements that Ruby was a homosexual. The available evidence does not support the allegation. There is no evidence of homosexuality on his part; Ruby did not frequent known gathering places for homosexuals,439 many of the reports were inherently suspect or based upon questionable or inaccurate premises,440 and Ruby and most of his associates and employees denied the charge.441 All the allegations were based on hearsay or derive from Ruby's lisp or a "feeling" that Ruby was a "sissy," seemed "weird," acted effeminately, and sometimes spoke in a high-pitched voice when angry.442 Some proceeded upon the erroneous theory that Ruby did not date women.443

For the better part of 11 years, Ruby dated Mrs. Alice Reaves Nichols, a blonde divorcee, 4 years younger than he. Mrs. Nichols,

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secretary to a Dallas life insurance company executive,444 testified that she saw Ruby twice a week between 1948 and 1956, and once a week from then until about 1959.445 Ruby discussed marriage with Mrs. Nichols,446 but Mrs. Nichols stated that while dating Ruby she was seeing other men and he was taking out other women.447 Although there are sharply conflicting reports about whether Ruby dated women who worked for him,448 the record indicates that Ruby sought and enjoyed feminine company.449

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Affection for Dogs

Ruby was extremely fond of dogs. Numerous persons stated that he was constantly accompanied by several of the dogs he owned.450 Testimony at Ruby's trial in March 1964 indicated that he referred to his dogs as his "children." 451 He also became extremely incensed when he witnessed the maltreatment of any of his dogs.

Religious Interests

Reared in the Jewish faith, Jack Ruby was not especially devout. Rabbi Hillel Silverman, whose conservative temple Ruby favored, reported that when Ruby's father died in 1958, Ruby came to services twice daily for the prescribed period of 11 months to recite the traditional memorial prayer.453 Ruby normally attended services only on the Jewish high truly days and he was quite unfamiliar with the Hebrew language.454

Ruby was apparently somewhat sensitive to his identity as a Jew. He forbade his comedians to tell stories directed at Jews or Jewish practices 455 and, on several occasions after 1947, he fought with persons making derogatory remarks about his ethnic origins.456 The evidence also indicates that he was deeply upset that an advertisement insulting President Kennedy appeared above a Jewish-sounding name.457

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Physical Activities and Violence

While in Dallas, Ruby continued attempts to keep in excellent physical condition. He frequently exercised at the YMCA, the Carousel, and his apartment, where he maintained a set of weights.458 Ruby was extremely concerned about his weight and health, including his baldness,459 and about his appearance in general.460

Ruby's concern for his physical well-being was partially motivated by practical considerations, for he was his own unofficial club bouncer. On about 15 occasions since 1950, he beat with his fists, pistol whipped, or blackjacked patrons who became unruly.461 At other times, he ejected troublesome customers without a beating,462 in many instances, justifiably.463 However, many people stated that he employed more force than necessary, particularly because he often ended a fracas by throwing his victim down the stairs of the Carousel.464

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Besides acting as a bouncer, Ruby on numerous other occasions severely beat people who were not club patrons, usually employing only his fists. Several of these episodes have been discussed in connection with Ruby's relationship with his emp1oyees.465 In 1951, Ruby attacked a man who had called him a "kike Jew" and knocked out a tooth.466 At about that time Ruby is also reported to have knocked a man down from behind and then to have kicked him in the face.467 In about 1958, Ruby disarmed a man who had drawn a gun on him at the Vegas, beat him almost to death, put the gun back in the man's pocket, and threw him down the stairs.468 In 1958, Ruby reportedly knocked down a man at the Vegas who was 6'3" tall and weighed 230 pounds. Ruby was approximately 5'9" tall and weighed about 175 pounds.469 Ruby then made the man, who had slapped his date, crawl out of the club.470 In a fight at the Vegas, reportedly witnessed by policemen, Ruby severely beat a heavyweight boxer who had threatened him.471

During 1962, several violent episodes occurred. Ruby beat a man who refusal to pay admission or leave and then shoved him down the stairs.472 He "jostled" a woman down the stairs of the Carousel and struck her escort, who was "much smaller" than he.473 On one occasion, Ruby picked up a man who was arguing with his date, knocked him to the floor, cursed him, and then removed him from the Vegas.474 When a cabdriver entered the Carousel and inquired about a patron who had neglected to pay his fare, Ruby struck the cabdriver.475

In February 1963, Ruby badly beat Don Tabon, who had made some remarks about Ruby's lady companion, injuring Tabon's eye.476 Ruby was acquitted of a charge of assault and Tabon sought no monetary relief because he believed Ruby financially incapable of satisfying any resulting judgment. A doctor who went to the Carousel several times between August and November 1963, stated that on each occasion Ruby ejected someone from the club.477

Buddy Turman, a prizefighter and Ruby's friend, stated that Ruby "picked his shots." 478 According to Turman, a bouncer at the Vegas for about a year, Ruby's victim was frequently drunk, female, or otherwise incapable of successfully resisting Ruby's attack. The evidence indicates that, unlike his youthful escapades, Ruby was often malicious. He frequently felt contrite, however, when his anger had passed or when his victim was an old acquaintance, and he would seek to make amends for his violent temper.479

With two exceptions, there is no evidence that Ruby settled disputes with firearms. Shortly before Joe Bonds' conviction in 1954, Ruby is reported to have chased Bonds with a pistol.480 And, Larry Crafard reported that about a week before the assassination, Ruby told him to get Ruby's gun so that an AGVA official and former employee, Earl Norman, could be ejected.481 Although Ruby did not often use his gun, it was frequently accessible when he was carrying large amounts of money.482

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Generosity to Friends and the Need for Recognition

While Ruby often flared up and acted aggressively, he seemed to calm down or forget his anger quickly, and there is also a great deal of evidence that he was extremely generous to his friends. He loaned money to them and apparently cared little whether the loans would be repaid.483 He was quick to offer employment to persons desperately in need of a job 484 and he lent considerable aid to persons seeking work elsewhere.485 Moreover, when friends or new acquaintances had no roof over their heads, Ruby's apartment was frequently theirs to share.486

Ruby's unusual generosity may be explained in part by his extremely emotional reaction to persons in distress, which may have resulted from his firsthand familiarity with poverty, and by his unusual craving to be recognized and relied upon.487 Many of Ruby's acquaintances described him as a "publicity hound," "glad hander," and "name dropper," one always seeking to be the center of attention.488 Apparently the "egocentrism" of his youth 489 never left Ruby. Yet, frequently he sought reassurance from persons he admired.490

[monosylab1k]

Appendix 16: A Biography of Jack Ruby
Introduction
Family Background
Childhood and Youth
Psychiatric Report
Placement in Foster Homes
Subsequent Home Life
Education
Activities
Temperament
Young Manhood (1933-43)
San Francisco (1933-37)
Occupations and Activities
Chicago (1937-43)
Military Activities (1943-46)
Postwar Chicago (1946-47)
Dallas (1947-63)
The Move to Dallas
The Change of Name
Nightclub Operations
Employee Relationships
Financial Data and Tax Problems
Other Business Ventures
Arrests and Violations
Police Associations
Underworld Ties
Travels
Character and Interests
Family Relationships
Social Relationships
Affection for Dogs
Religious Interests
Physical Activities and Violence
Generosity to Friends and the Need for Recognition
In this appendix the Commission presents a biography of Jack Ruby. Although criminal proceedings involving its subject are pending in the State of Texas, the Commission has decided to include this rather detailed account of Ruby's life and activities for several reasons. Most importantly, the Commission believes it will permit a better evaluation of the evidence on the question whether Ruby was involved in any conspiracy. Furthermore, the Commission believes that in view of the many rumors concerning Ruby the public interest will be served by an account, which attempts to give sufficient material to provide an impression of his character and background. The Commission's desire not to interfere in the pending proceedings involving Ruby necessarily limits the scope of this appendix, which does not purport to discuss the legal issues raised during Ruby's trial or his possible motive for shooting Oswald.
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FAMILY BACKGROUND

Jack Ruby, born Jacob Rubenstein, was the fifth of his parents' eight living children. There is much confusion about his exact birth date. School records report it as June 23, April 25,1 March 13, and, possibly, March 3, 1911.2 Other early official records list his date of birth as April 21 and April 26, 1911.3 During his adult life the date Ruby used most frequently was March 25, 1911.4 His driver's license, seized following his arrest, and his statements to the FBI on November 24, 1963, listed this date.5 However, the police arrest report for November 24 gave his birth date as March 19, 1911.6 Since the recording of births was not required in Chicago prior to 1915, Ruby's birth may never have been officially recorded.7 No substantial conflict exists, however, about whether Jack Ruby was born in 1911.8

Ruby has one older brother and three older sisters. The oldest children, Hyman and Ann, were born shortly after the turn of the century,9 before their parents arrived in the United States.10 The other children were born in Chicago. Ruby's sister Marion was born in June 1906 11 and his sister Eva in March 1909.12 Ruby also has two younger brothers and a younger sister. Sam was born in December 1912,13 Earl in April 1915.14 The youngest child, Eileen, was born in July 1917.15 At least one and possibly two other children died during infancy.16

Jack Ruby's father, Joseph Rubenstein, was born in 1871 in Sokolov, a small town near Warsaw, Poland, then under the rule of Czarist Russia.17 He entered the Russian artillery in 1893.18 There he learned

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the carpentry trade, which had been practiced by his father and at least one brother 19 and he picked up the habit of excessive drinking that was to plague him for the rest of his life.20 While in the army,21 he married Jack's mother, Fannie Turek Rutkowski; 22 the marriage was arranged, as was customary, by a professional matchmaker.23 According to his oldest son, Joseph Rubenstein served in China, Korea, and Siberia, detesting these places and army life. Eventually, in 1898, he simply "walked away" from it and about 4 years later he went to England and Canada, entering the United States in 1903.24

Settling in Chicago Joseph Rubenstein joined the carpenters union in 1904 and remained a member until his death in 1958.25 Although he worked fairly steadily until 1928, he was unemployed during the last 30 years of his life.26 The only other group which Joseph Rubenstein joined consisted of fellow immigrants from Sokolov. His daughter Eva described this group as purely social and completely nonpolitical.27

Jack Ruby's mother, Fannie Rubenstein, was probably born in 1875 near Warsaw, Poland.28 She followed her husband to the United States in 1904 or 1905, accompanied by her children Hyman and Ann.29 An illiterate woman, she went to night school in about 1920 to learn how to sign her name.30 She apparently failed in this endeavor, however, for an alien registration form, filed after about 35 years in the United States, was signed by an "X".31 Although she apparently learned some English, her speech was predominantly Yiddish, the primary language of the Rubenstein household.32 Still, Mrs. Rubenstein felt strongly that her children required an education in order to better themselves. She frequently argued about this with her husband, who had received little, if any, formal education and firmly believed that grammar school training was sufficient for his children.33
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CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH (1911-33)

In 1911, when Jack Ruby was born, his family resided near 14th and Newberry Streets in Chicago, the first in a series of Jewish neighborhoods in which the Rubensteins lived during his childhood.34 In 1916, the Rubensteins lived at 1232 Morgan Street, where they apparently remained until 1921.35 This was the fourth residence in the first 5 years of Jack Ruby's life.36 Earl Ruby described one typical neighborhood in which the family lived as a "ghetto" with "pushcarts on the sirens." 37 His sister Eva characterized it as "below the middle class but yet it wasn't the poorest class." 38 The family generally lived near Italian sections, where there were frequent fights along ethnic lines.39

The Rubenstein home was marked by constant strife and the parents were reported to have occasionally struck each other.40 Between 1915 and 1921, Joseph Rubenstein was frequently arrested because of disorderly conduct and assault and battery charges, some filed by his wife.41 In the spring of 1921, Jack Ruby's parents sep-

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arated.42 In 1937 Mrs. Rubenstein reported that she had desired a divorce 15 years earlier, but her husband had been opposed to it.43 The predominant causes of the separation were apparently Joseph Rubenstein's excessive drinking and Fannie Rubenstein's uncontrollable temper. She resented her numerous pregnancies, believed her husband to be unfaithful, and nagged him because he failed to make enough money.44
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Psychiatric Report

Young Jack soon showed the effects of parental discord. On June 6, 1922, at the age of 11, he was referred to the Institute for Juvenile Research by the Jewish Social Service Bureau. The reason for the referral was "truancy and incorrigible at home." 45 On July 10, 1922, the institute recommended to the bureau that Jack be placed in a new environment where his characteristics might be understood and where he might be afforded the supervision and recreation that would end his interest in street gangs.46 In March 1923, the institute advised the bureau that "placement in a home, where intelligent supervision and discipline can be given" was appropriate.47

The institute's psychiatric examination, which served as a basis for these recommendations, took place in 1922, prior to the advent of many techniques and theories of modern psychiatry,48 but it is the most objective evidence of Jack Ruby's childhood character. According to the psychiatric report, Jack was "quick tempered" and "disobedient." 49 He frequently disagreed openly with his mother, whom he considered an inferior person with whose rules he did not have to comply.50 Jack told the institute's interviewer that he ran away from home because his mother lied to him and beat him.51 Although Mrs. Rubenstein was severe with her children, she was described as totally incapable of coping with them "because of their delinquencies, i.e., principally their destructive tendencies and disregard for other people's property." 52 His mother's "extreme temperament" and quarrelsomeness were cited as possible causes of Jack's "bad behavior." 53

Self-administered questionnaires revealed that Jack felt his classmates were "picking" on him and that he could not get along with his friends.54 They also indicated that, although Jack described himself as a good ballplayer, he did not belong to any clubs and was not a member of any athletic teams.55 Jack's psychiatric interviewer reported:
He could give no other good reason for running away from school except that he went to amusement parks. He has some sex knowledge and is greatly interested in sex matters. He stated that the boys in the street tell him about these things. He also claims that he can lick everyone and anybody in anything he wants to do.56
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The interviewer noted that during "mental tests" he reacted quickly, often carelessly, and his attention was apt to wander so that he had to be reprimanded.57

A letter recommending the boy's placement in a more wholesome environment stated:
He is egocentric and expects much attention, but is unable to get it as there are many children at home. His behavior is further colored by his early sex experiences, his great interest [in sex] and the gang situation in the street. From a superficial examination of his mother who was here with him, it is apparent that she has no insight into his problem, and she is thoroughly inadequate in the further training of this boy.58
Recognizing that the sketchiness of the case record precluded complete diagnosis, Dr. Raymond E. Robertson, currently the superintendent of the institute, reported nonetheless that it seems "firmly established ... [that] his unstable and disorganized home could not provide Jack with the necessary controls and discipline." 59
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Placement in Foster Homes

On July 10, 1923, a dependency hearing involving Jack, his younger brothers Sam and Earl, and his sister Eileen, was held in Chicago's juvenile court.60 The petition alleged that the children were not receiving proper parental care. They had, until then, been in their mother's custody, living on Roosevelt Road, the border between Jewish and Italian districts.61 The juvenile court made a finding of dependency. It appointed the Jewish Home Finding Society guardian with the right to place the children in foster homes, and it ordered Joseph Rubenstein to pay the court clerk $4 per week for the support of each child. On November 24, 1924, this order was vacated, which apparently signified the termination of the guardianship and the return of the children to their mother. On April 8, 1925, the case was continued "generally," meaning that it was inactive but could be reactivated if the court so desired.62

Despite court records, the exact circumstances and length of time that, Jack Ruby lived away from home are not entirely clear. Records indicate that Jack, Sam, Earl, and Eileen Rubenstein were wards of the Jewish Home Finding Society "for a short time in 1922-23." 63 However, Jack and Eileen stated they spent about 4 or 5 years in foster homes.64 Earl testified that he and Sam were originally sent to a private foster home and then lived on a farm for a little more than a year, while Jack was on a different farm "some distance away." Subsequently the three brothers lived together in another foster home.65

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Subsequent Home Life

When Jack Ruby returned to his family, the unit was still disordered. His father remained apart from the children at least until 1936 and perhaps until a few years later.66 Mrs. Rubenstein's inability to manage her home, which had been reported by the Institute for Juvenile Research in 1922, apparently continued. For example, in 1937 Marion Rubenstein observed that her mother "has never been any kind of a housekeeper, was careless with money, and never took much interest in the children's welfare ... she was selfish, jealous, disagreeable, and never cared to do anything in the home but lie around and sleep." 67 Dr. Hyman I. Rubenstein, the son of Joseph Rubenstein's brother, recalled that Jack Ruby's mother ran "an irregular household" and appeared to be "a rather disturbed person of poor personal appearance with no incentive for cleaning or cooking." 68

Mrs. Rubenstein's domestic shortcomings were accompanied by symptoms of mental disease. In about 1913, 2 years after Jack was born, Mrs. Rubenstein began to develop a delusion that a sticking sensation in her throat was caused by a lodged fishbone.69 Each month Hyman, her oldest child, took her to a clinic. And each month the examining doctor, finding no organic cause for discomfort, informed her that there was nothing in her throat and that the sensation was but a figment of her imagination. According to Hyman, this practice continued for a number of years until Mrs. Rubenstein tired of it.70

In 1927, Mrs. Rubenstein once again began to visit clinics in connection with her fishbone delusion. Three years later, a thyroidectomy was performed, but she subsequently said it did nothing to relieve her discomfort.71 According to the Michael Reese Hospital, whose clinic she had visited since 1927, Mrs. Rubenstein was suffering from psychoneurosis with marked anxiety state.

By order of the county court of Cook County, Mrs. Rubenstein was committed to Elgin State Hospital on July 16, 1937.72 She was paroled on October 17, 1937, 3 months after her commitment.73 On January 3, 1938, the Chicago State Hospital informed Elgin State that the family desired that she be readmitted to the mental hospital. The family reported that she was uncooperative, caused constant discord, was very noisy, and used obscene language.74 A State social worker observed that Mrs. Rubenstein refused ever to leave the house, explaining that her children would have thrown her things out had she left. Mrs. Rubenstein rebuffed a suggestion by the social worker that she help with the dishes by stating that she would do nothing as long as her "worthless" husband was in the house.75 She was readmitted on January 14, 1938.76

Mrs. Rubenstein was again paroled on May 27, 1938, and was discharged as "improved" on August 25, 1938.77 She stayed in an apartment with Marion, and her separation from the rest of the family apparently ended most of the difficulties.78 Subsequently, Jack Ruby's

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parents were apparently reconciled, since their alien registration forms, filed in late 1940, indicated that they both resided at Marion's address.79

Fannie Rubenstein was admitted to Michael Reese Hospital on April 4, 1944, as a result of a heart ailment. Her condition was complicated by an attack of pneumonia and she died at the hospital on April 11, 1944.80 Hyman testified that, perhaps because she favored the education of her children and they recognized her difficulties in rearing them during a turbulent marriage, they all remembered Mrs. Rubenstein with warmth and affection.81 The evidence also indicates that Jack, notwithstanding his earlier attitudes, became especially fond of his mother.82 Following his wife's death, Joseph Rubenstein stayed with the children in Chicago, where he died at the age of 87, on December 24, 1958.83

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Education

Records provided by the Chicago Board of Education revealed that Jack Ruby attended Smyth Grammar School from October 24, 1916, through the 1920-21 term, completing kindergarten to grade 4B.84 He repeated the third grade.85 During the 1921-22 school year Jack finished the fourth grade at the Clarke School; he attended Schley School for the 1924-25 term, when he completed the sixth grade. Ruby's relationship with the Institute for Juvenile Research and the Jewish Home Finding Society may explain the lack of academic records for the 1922-23 and 1923-24 school years. While there is some uncertainty about Ruby's education subsequent to September 1925,86 it seems likely that he completed the eighth grade in 1927, when he was 16. Although Jack Ruby and others have stated that he attended at least 1 year of high school,87 the Chicago Board of Education could not locate any record of Ruby's attending Chicago high schools.88 Considering the absence of academic records and Jack's apathetic attitude toward school,89 the Commission deems it unlikely that his education extended into high school.

Records of the Institute for Juvenile Research revealed that, as of June 1922, Ruby had no religious education outside the public school system.90 However, according to their children, Jack's parents made some effort to inculcate in them a desire to adhere to the tenets of Orthodox Judaism. Jewish dietary and festival laws were observed and several of the children accompanied Joseph Rubenstein to the synagogue.91 Earl Ruby stated that all the boys received some Hebrew school training until the breakup of the Rubenstein home in 1921.92 However, Hyman Rubenstein testified that the instability and economic necessities of the household and the children's relationships outside the home frustrated the religious efforts of Ruby's parents.93
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Activities

Born in a home that disintegrated when he was 10 and boasting no substantial educational background, Jack Ruby early found himself

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on Chicago streets attempting to provide for himself and other members of his family. An avid sports fan, he, together with many of his friends, "scalped" tickets to various sporting events.94 He also sold numerous novelty items and knickknacks, particularly those connected with professional and collegiate athletics. Even in his youth, Ruby declined to work on a steady basis for someone else.95

According to his brother Hyman, Jack Ruby's only legal difficulty as a youth resulted from an altercation with a policeman about ticket scalping. Hyman, then active in local politics, was able to have charges arising out of the incident dropped.96 Ruby has indicated that during the depression he served a short jail sentence for the unauthorized sale of copyrighted sheet music.97

The only other member of the Rubenstein family who appears to have had any difficulty with the law while a youth was Hyman. On May 1, 1916, Chicago's juvenile court declared Hyman incorrigible, a term covering a wide range of misbehavior. Because of the absence of informative court records and the lapse of time, the misconduct that occasioned this proceeding could not be ascertained, but Hyman is not known to have encountered subsequent difficulty.98 Some of Ruby's childhood friends eventually became criminals; 99 however, Hyman Rubenstein, his sister Mrs. Eva Grant, and virtually all of Ruby's friends and acquaintances who were questioned reported that he was not involved with Chicago's criminal element.100

The evidence indicates that young Jack was not interested in political affairs.101 Hyman was the only Rubenstein to participate actively in politics. Sponsored by various political officials, he became a sidewalk inspector and warehouse investigator for 8 years. On one occasion, he obtained a permit for Jack to sell novelties from a pushcart located in a business district during the pre-Christmas buying rush. Eventually the complaints of enraged businessmen led licensing authorities to declare that a mistake had been made and to revoke Ruby's permit.102
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Temperament

The evidence reveals striking differences of opinion among childhood friends and acquaintances of Jack Ruby about whether he possessed violent tendencies. Many persons stated that he was mild mannered, quiet, and even tempered.103 Former welterweight champion Barney Ross, whom Jack Ruby idolized from the inception of his boxing career,104 stated that Ruby was "well behaved," was never a troublemaker, and was never involved with law-enforcement agencies.105 Another friend, who became a successful businessman on the west coast, said that, as a youth, Ruby never started fights even though he was adept with his fists.106 Other friends declared that he would, if at all possible, avoid clashes.107

But many other friends and acquaintances recalled that he had a hot temper and was quickly moved to violent acts or words.108 One friend explained that in the "tough" Chicago neighborhood where they lived, self-defense was vitally important and added that Ruby

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was fully capable of defending himself.109 Another friend described Ruby as quick tempered and, though unlikely to pick fights, willing to accept any challenge without regard to the odds against him.110 Young Jack also interfered in fights, particularly when the person he was aiding appeared to be taking a severe beating or in a disadvantageous position.111 Others reported that he had the reputation of being a good street brawler.112 One school friend recalled that when Jack argued vehemently about sports, he occasionally used a stick or other available weapon. He reported, however, that after Ruby's anger subsided, he reverted to his normal, likable character.113

From early childhood, Jack Ruby was called "Sparky" by those who knew him.114 According to his sister Eva Grant, the nickname derived from the way Jack wobbled when he walked. He was thought to resemble the slow-moving horse called "Sparky" or "Sparkplug" depicted in a contemporary comic strip. Mrs. Grant testified that her brother became incensed when called "Sparky" and that from the time he was about 8 years old he would strike anyone calling him by that name.115 A childhood friend also recalled that Jack hated the nickname and would fight when called by it.116 Mrs. Grant was unsure whether the nickname "Sparky" did not also result from his quick reaction to the taunts of young friends.117 Hyman Rubenstein thought that the nickname derived from Jack's speed, aggressiveness, and quick thinking. The many accounts of Ruby's lightninglike temper lend credence to the theory, widely held, that his nickname was connected with his volatility.118
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YOUNG MANHOOD (1933-43)

San Francisco (1933-37)

Jack Ruby reported that in about 1933, he and several Chicago friends went to Los Angeles and, shortly thereafter, to San Francisco.119 Although there is evidence that he stayed there until 1938, 1939, or 1940,120 Ruby stated that he returned to Chicago in about 1937,121 and this appears to have been the case.122 Eva Grant testified that Ruby went to the west coast because he believed employment would be available there.123

Eva, who married Hyman Magid in Chicago in 1930,124 was divorced in early 1934, and in about June of that year joined her brother Jack in San Francisco. She and her son, Ronald, shared an apartment with him. In 1936, Eva married Frank Granovsky, also known as Frank Grant, in San Francisco, and Ruby shared a four-room apartment with them and Ronald for a short while.125
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Occupations and Activities

Ruby stated that when he and his friends arrived in Los Angeles, they sold a handicapper's tip sheet for horseraces at Santa Anita race-

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track which had just opened.126 Eva Grant testified that Ruby also worked as a singing waiter in Los Angeles, but made very little money.127

When the group moved to San Francisco, Ruby continued to sell "tip" sheets at Bay Meadows racetrack.128 Subsequently, he became a door-to-door salesman of subscriptions to San Francisco newspapers.129 Although there is some evidence that he ultimately became chief of his crew and had several people working under him,130 other reports indicate that this is unlikely.131 Eva Grant testified that she also sold newspaper subscriptions but was less proficient than her brother and relied upon him for advice and support.132

Although virtually all his San Francisco acquaintances knew Jack Ruby as "Sparky," 133 there is no evidence that, he engaged in violent activities in San Francisco or was reputed to possess a vicious temper. One friend, who stated that he resided with Ruby and Eva for about a year, described him as a "well-mannered, likable individual who was soft spoken and meticulous in his dress and appearance." 134 Another friend described him as a "clean-cut, honest kid," 135 and the manager of a crew with which Ruby worked stated that he had a good reputation and appeared to be an "honest, forthright person." The crew manager reported that Ruby associated with a sports crowd, some of whose members were involved with professional boxing, but not with criminals. He added that Ruby had a personal liking for law enforcement and would have wanted to become a police officer had he been larger physically.136

One friend reported that although Ruby always associated with Jewish people, he never exhibited great interest in religion.137 Ruby met Virginia Belasco, granddaughter of the prominent playwright and actor, David Belasco, in about 1936 at a dance at the Jewish community center in San Francisco. Miss Belasco stated that while a teenager she saw Ruby socially on several occasions between 1936 and 1941.138 The only other evidence concerning Ruby's social activities while in San Francisco is his statement to his long-time girl friend, Alice Nichols of Dallas,139 that while in San Francisco he met the only other woman, Virginia Fitzgerald or Fitzsimmons, that he ever considered marrying.140
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Chicago (1937-43)

Jack Ruby stated that following his return to Chicago, he was unemployed for a considerable period.141 However, when his mother was admitted to Elgin State Hospital in 1937,142 she reported that he was employed as a "traveling salesman" apparently living away from home.143 Although there is conflicting evidence about his ability to earn a comfortable living,144 he apparently was able to maintain a normal existence 145 and required no financial assistance from his family or friends. He continued to be a so-called "hustler," scalping tickets and buying watches and other small items for resale at dis-

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count prices.146 One of his closest Chicago friends stated that Ruby's sales and promotions were "shady" but "legitimate." 147

Labor union activities.--Ruby reported that in "about 1937" he became active in Local 20467 of the Scrap Iron and Junk Handlers Union.148 At this time, his friend, attorney Leon Cooke, was the local's financial secretary.149 Records provided by the Social Security Administration indicate that Ruby was employed by the union from late 1937 until early 1940; 150 he worked as a union organizer and negotiated with employers on its behalf.151

On December 8, 1939, the union's president, John Martin, shot Cooke, who died of gunshot wounds on January 5, 1940; Martin was subsequently acquitted on the ground of self-defense.152 Although a Jack Rubenstein is mentioned in the minutes of a union meeting on February 2, 1940,153 and Ruby is reported to have said after Cooke's death that he wanted to "take over" the union,154 the evidence indicates that Ruby was so upset by Cooke's death that he was unable to devote himself further to union activities and left its employ.155 Ruby reported that after Cooke's death he adopted the middle name "Leon," which he used only infrequently, in memory of his friend.156

Since Ruby was the ultimate source of all but one of these accounts,157 other descriptions of Ruby's separation from the union cannot with certainty be deemed inaccurate. These reports indicated that Ruby might have been forced out of the union by a criminal group, or might have left because he lacked the emotional stability necessary for sucessful labor negotiations 159 or because he felt he was not, earning enough money with the union.160

Although the AFL-CIO investigated the ethical practices of local 20467 in 1956, placed the local in trusteeship, and suspended Paul Dorfman, who succeeded Martin and Cooke, there is no evidence that Ruby's union activities were connected with Chicago's criminal element.161 Several long-time members of the union reported that it had a good reputation when Ruby was affiliated with it 162 and employers who negotiated with it have given no indication that it had criminal connections.163

Subsequent employment.--In 1941, Ruby and Harry Epstein organized the Spartan Novelty Co., a small firm that sold in various northeastern States small cedar chests containing candy and gambling devices known as punchboards.164 Earl Ruby and two of Jack Ruby's friends, Martin Gimpel and Martin Shargol, were also associated in this venture. The group had no fixed addresses, living in hotels.165

Late in 1941, Jack Ruby returned to Chicago, where he continued his punchboard business through the mails.166 Following the December 7, 1941, attack on Pearl Harbor, he and several friends decided to design and sell plaques commemorating the Day of Infamy. However, the venture was impeded by Ruby's perfectionistic approach to details of design which resulted in numerous production delays.167 By the time Ruby's copyrighted plaque 168 was finally ready for sale, the market was flooded with similar items.169 At about this time,

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Ruby also sold busts of Franklin Delano Roosevelt.170 In late 1942 and 1943, Ruby was employed by the Globe Auto Glass Co.171 and Universal Sales Co.172

Although one of Ruby's acquaintances at this time described him as a cuckoo nut on the subject of patriotism,173 the evidence does not indicate that Ruby's promotion of "Remember Pearl Harbor" plaques and Roosevelt busts was motivated by patriotic or political considerations. Rather, the sale of these items was, to Ruby, just another commercial venture, but he might also have considered these sales "a good thing." 174 Numerous friends reported that, Ruby had no interest in political affairs during this period,175 although he greatly admired President Roosevelt.176

Other activities.--The evidence indicates that Ruby led a normal social life during these years. Virginia Belasco stated that while Ruby was selling punchboards in New York during November 1941, he entertained her each weekend.177 Other reports indicate that Ruby fancied himself a "ladies' man," enjoyed dancing, almost always had female accompaniment and was "very gentlemanly" with women.178

Ruby, with several friends, frequently attempted to disrupt rallies of the German-American Bund.179 One acquaintance reported that Ruby was responsible for "cracking a few heads" of Bund members.180 Apparently he joined in this activity for ethnic rather than political reasons. The young men in the group were not organized adherents of any particular political creed, but were poolhall and tavern companions from Ruby's Jewish neighborhood who gathered on the spur of the moment to present opposition when they learned that the pro-Nazi and anti-Semitic Bund movement was planning a meeting.181 Hyman Rubenstein testified that Ruby would fight with any person making derogatory comments about, his ethnic origins, and others have stated that Ruby would fight with anyone he suspected of pro-Nazi or anti-Semitic tendencies.182

During this period Ruby, though temperamental, apparently engaged in no unusual acts of violence. However, he did interfere on several occasions when he thought someone was treated unfairly. A friend who described Ruby as "somewhat overbearing regarding the rights and feelings of others," reported that Ruby fought two college students who insulted a Negro piano player.193 Another friend reported that Ruby had a "bitter" fight with a man who was abusing an older woman.184

Maintaining his friendship with Barney Ross, and still an ardent sports fan, Ruby associated with various figures in the boxing world and regularly attended the fights at Marigold Gardens.185 He frequented the Lawndale Poolroom and Restaurant, a rallying point for the anti-Bundists and chief "hangout" of many of Ruby's friends.186 In addition, Ruby, described as a "health nut" 187 who earnestly contended that he could hit harder than Joe Louis,188 exercised at several athletic clubs.189

Despite Ruby's participation in "shady" financial enterprises, his association with a labor union subsequently disciplined by the AFL-

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CIO, his participation in violent anti-Bund activities, and his connection with a poolroom, the evidence falls short of demonstrating that Ruby was significantly affiliated with organized crime in Chicago. Virtually all of Ruby's Chicago friends stated he had no close connection with organized crime.190 In addition, unreliable as their reports may be, several known Chicago criminals have denied any such liaison.191 The Commission finds it difficult to attach credence to a newspaper reporter's contrary statement that his undisclosed "syndicate sources" revealed Ruby was connected with organized crime and confidence games.192 Ruby was unquestionably familiar, if not friendly, with some Chicago criminals,193 but there is no evidence that he ever participated in organized criminal activity.
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MILITARY ACTIVITIES (1943-46)

In September 1941, Jack Ruby was apparently classified 1-A194 and declared eligible for the draft. Subsequently he appeared before a local board and was reclassified 1-H or 3-A.195 Between August 31, 1941, and November 19, 1942, when it was abolished, the 1-H classification applied to registrants who had reached their 28th birthday and were, therefore, no longer liable for service.196 The 3-A deferment applies to persons whose entry into military service presents financial hardship to dependents. Because of the length of time involved and the destruction of local draft board records, Ruby's precise status or the reason for his deferment could not be ascertained.197 According to one somewhat unreliable report, Ruby, immediately prior to his physical examination, feigned a hearing disability and occasionally wore a hearing aid.198 Hyman Rubenstein, who testified that Jack was deferred because of economic hardship since he "the only one home," specifically denied the truthfulness of this allegation.199 Early in 1943, Ruby was again classified l-A, and, following an unsuccessful appearance before his appeal board, he was inducted into the U.S. Army Air Forces on May 21, 1943.200 Jack was the last of the Rubenstein brothers to enter the service. Previously, Earl had enlisted in the Navy, Sam was in Army Air Force Intelligence and Hyman was in the field artillery.201

Except for 5 weeks in Farmingdale, N.Y., Ruby spent his military days at various airbases in the South.202 He received the basic training given all recruits and advanced training as an aircraft mechanic 203 On August 2, 1943, he passed marksmanship tests with the .30 caliber carbine and the .45 caliber submachinegun, but failed with the .30 caliber rifle. On February 10, 1944, he earned a sharpshooter's rating for his firing of an M1 .30 caliber carbine. His character and efficiency ratings, when determined, were excellent.204 After attaining the rank of private first class and receiving the good conduct medal, Ruby was honorably discharged on February 21, 1946.205

Two persons who recalled Ruby while he was in the Army Air Forces asserted that he was extremely sensitive to insulting remarks about

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Jews.206 When, during an argument, a sergeant called Ruby a "Jew bastard," Ruby reportedly attacked him and beat him with his fists.207

There is conflicting evidence about the zeal with which Ruby performed his military duties. One associate indicated that Ruby, who at 34 was the oldest in his group, always worked harder than the others to prove that he could keep up with them.208 Another recalled by contrast, that Ruby had "no liking for work" and carefully avoided situations requiting him to dirty his hands.209 However, there is no basis in the record for the inference that Ruby was in any way anti-American.

Ruby frequently expressed to some fellow soldiers his high regard for Franklin Delano Roosevelt.210 Two independent sources reported that he cried openly when informed of Roosevelt's death in April 1945.211 This did not indicate any sudden political interest, however, since none of his known military associates reported such an interest, and Ruby's admiration for President Roosevelt anteceded his military days.212

While in service, Ruby is reported to have continued his promotional ventures. One person recalled that in 1944, Jack received punchboards and chocolates from someone in Chicago and peddled these items through the base to make extra money. This person also indicated that Ruby enjoyed card and dice games in or near the barracks.213

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POSTWAR CHICAGO (1946-47)

Following his discharge from the Army Air Forces in February 1946, Jack Ruby returned to Chicago. He joined his three brothers, who had previously been discharged from the service,214 in the Earl Products Co. Earl Ruby testified that he was the sole investor in the enterprise, but each brother received an equal ownership interest on his return from the service.215 The company manufactured and sold small cedar chests and distributed punchboards.216 In addition, it made aluminum salt and pepper shakers, key chains, bottle openers, screwdrivers, and small hammers.217 Sam supervised the manufacturing end of the business, while Earl managed the office and advertising.218 Jack was in charge of sales, but the company was small and he had no subordinates.219

Because insufficient profits led to frequent arguments, Hyman soon left Earl Products.220 Jack, who stayed with the company through most of 1947, had many disputes with his brothers because he insisted on selling the products of other companies, such as costume jewelry, and he did not like traveling outside the Chicago area. Earl and Sam finally purchased Jack's interest, paying him more than $14,000 in cash.221

Although there is some evidence to the contrary,222 it is unlikely that Ruby was in the nightclub business in Chicago during the postwar period. Many who have reported this may have mistaken him for Harry Rubenstein,223 who was convicted of manslaughter and op-

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erated several such establishments.224 None of Jack Ruby's close friends or relatives indicated that he was in the nightclub business.

Following his return from the Army, Ruby was described as ready to fight with any person who insulted Jews or the military.225 Earl Ruby testified that on one occasion in 1946, Jack returned from downtown Chicago with his suit covered with blood. He explained at that time that he had fought with a person who had called him a "dirty Jew or something like that." 226

Other evidence indicates that Ruby's personality was not substantially changed by his military experience. One person who met, him in 1947, reported that Ruby was a "fashionable" dresser.227 He continued to be described as soft spoken,228 although he was also known as hot-tempered.229 Ruby worked out regularly at an athletic club,230 and one friend regarded him as a "Romeo," who was quite successful in attracting young women.231
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DALLAS (1947-63)

The Move to Dallas

During World War II, Ruby's sister, Eva Grant, visited Dallas.232 Having operated a restaurant on the west coast, and considering it a lucrative business, she arranged, near the end of 1945, to lease a building under construction in Dallas, which she ran as a night-club.233 Part of the financing for this establishment, the Singapore Supper Club, was provided by her brothers. Jack Ruby, who apparently obtained the money from Earl Products, sent $1,100 as a down-payment on the lease, Earl contributed about $1,500, and Hyman paid for more than $2,000 worth of equipment.234

Before she opened the Singapore in 1947, Eva Grant engaged in the sale of metal products.235 In that year she met Paul Roland Jones, who allegedly was seeking customers for iron pipe and whom she referred to Hyman Rubenstein.236 Jones had, at about that time, been convicted of attempting to bribe the newly elected sheriff of Dallas.237 On October 24, 1947, he was arrested for violating Federal narcotics statutes.238 Jack Ruby had visited Dallas early in 1947 to help Eva Grant manage the Singapore,239 and 5 days after Jones' arrest, Jack and Hyman Rubenstein were interrogated in Chicago by agents of the Bureau of Narcotics.240 The brothers admitted knowing Jones but denied awareness of his connection with narcotics. During the 2 years in which Jones was appealing his conviction he and other criminals frequented the Singapore Club, then operated by Jack Ruby.241

Intensive investigation to determine whether Jack Ruby was criminally or otherwise connected with Jones' narcotics violation leads the Commission to conclude Ruby probably was not involved.242 A search of the files of the Bureau of Narcotics disclosed no record that either Hyman or Jack had been prosecuted by Federal authorities in 1947.243 Jack, Hyman, and Eva denied participating in any narcotics activities.

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Jones and his coconspirators also denied that Jack was a participant.244 One of Jones' confederates reported after the shooting of Oswald that although Jones "propositioned" the two brothers concerning narcotics, they refused to participate.245 Moreover, when one of the conspirators was arrested with 48 pounds of raw opium in his possession, he implicated Jones and another person, both of whom were convicted, but he did not implicate Jack Ruby or his brother.246

Late in 1947, Ruby established permanent residence in Dallas.247 Shortly after shooting Oswald, Ruby stated that he returned to Dallas at Eva Grant's request, to help her operate the Singapore Supper Club.248 However, on December 21, 1963, he reported that although association with his sister had been the purport of his initial visit to Dallas, he returned there because of the failure of his "merchandising deals" in Chicago.249 These factors, in conjunction with his separation from Earl Products,250 probably motivated Ruby's move to Dallas.

A different reason has been given by Steve Guthrie, former sheriff of Dallas. Guthrie reported that shortly after his election as sheriff in July 1946, Paul Roland Jones, representing other Chicago criminals, offered him a substantial amount of money to permit them to move in and manage illegal activities in Dallas. Although he never met Ruby, Guthrie asserted that these criminals frequently mentioned that Ruby would operate a "fabulous" restaurant as a front for gambling activities.251

Despite its source, the Commission finds it difficult to accept this report. A member of the Dallas Police Department, Lt. George E. Butler, who was present during virtually all the conversations between Guthrie and Jones and who performed considerable investigative work on the case, stated that Ruby was not involved in the bribery attempt and that he had not heard of Ruby until the investigation and trial of Jones had been completed. He explained that Ruby's connection with the case stemmed from the fact that, as mentioned previously, Jones and other criminals frequented the Singapore Supper Club.252 And 22 recordings of the conversations between Guthrie, Butler, and Jones not only fail to mention Ruby, but indicate that Jones was to bring from outside the Dallas area only one confederate, who was not to be Jewish.253

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The Change of Name

Sometime in 1947, Jack Ruby's brothers Earl and Sam, pursuant to a joint understanding, legally changed their names from Rubenstein to Ruby.254 Earl testified that he changed his name because everyone called him Ruby and because a former employer advised him that it was preferable not to use a "Jewish name" on mail orders for Earl Products.255

On December 30, 1947, Jack changed his name to Jack L. Ruby by securing a decree from the 68th Judicial District Court of Dallas. His petition alleged that he sought the change because the name Rubenstein was misunderstood and too long and because he was "well

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known" as Jack L. Ruby.256 The Bureau of Narcotics report of his relationship with Paul Roland Jones indicates that as of October 29, 1947, Jack was known as Ruby; 257 however, several persons in Dallas knew him as Rubenstein.258

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Nightclub Operations

Except for a brief period in about 1953, when Ruby managed the Ervay Theater, a motion picture house,259 the operation of nightclubs and dancehalls was his primary source of income, and his basic interest in life during the 16 years he spent in Dallas prior to shooting Lee Oswald. When Ruby first arrived in Dallas in 1947, he and Eva Grant jointly managed the Singapore Supper Club.260 Shortly thereafter, she returned to the west coast. Except for sporadic trips to Dallas, she remained there until 1959, leaving Ruby a power of attorney.261 Ruby, who had received $14,000 from the sale of his interest in Earl Products,262 invested a substantial amount in the club, which Mrs. Grant described as "too nice a club for that part of town." 263 Ruby changed the Singapore's name to the Silver Spur Club. It was operated primarily as a dancehall, serving beer to its patrons.264 In about 1952, Ruby borrowed $3,700 from a friend, Ralph Paul, to purchase the Bob Wills Ranch House 265 with Martin Gimpel, a former associate in the Spartan Novelty Co.266 The Ranch House was run as a western-type nightclub.267

With two establishments to run, Ruby experienced substantial financial reversals in 1952. He abandoned his interest in the Ranch House and, on July 1, 1952, transferred the Silver Spur to Gimpel and Willie Epstein, who assumed some of its debts.268 Disappointed by these setbacks, Ruby stated that he had a "mental breakdown," and "hibernated" in the Cotton Bowl Hotel in Dallas for 3 or 4 months, declining to see his friends.269 Still depressed, he then returned to Chicago, apparently intending to remain there permanently.270 However, he stayed only 6 weeks. Gimpel and Epstein were anxious to be rid of the Silver Spur and Ruby once again became its owner.271

In 1953, Ruby obtained an interest in the Vegas Club, which he operated with Joe Bonds until September 1953.272 At that time he informed Irving Alkana, who had retained a prior ownership interest, that he was unable to meet his obligations with respect to the club. Alkana then assumed management of the Vegas until June 19, 1954, when, following numerous disagreements with him, he sold Ruby his interest.273

Ruby still owned the Vegas Club at the time of his arrest on November 24, 1963. However, when Eva Grant returned from San Francisco in 1959, she assumed management of the club, receiving a salary but no ownership interest.274 the Vegas, which occasionally featured striptease acts,275 employed a dance band and served beer, wine, soft drinks and some prepared foods.276

In 1954, Ruby's Vegas associate, Joe Bonds, was convicted of sodomy and sent to a Texas penitentiary to serve an 8-year sentence.277 In 1955,

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Ruby sold the Silver Spur to Roscoe "Rocky" Robinson; however, Robinson could not obtain a license to operate the club and it was subsequently closed.278 For a few months during this period, Ruby also operated Hernando's Hideaway, but this venture proved unsuccessful. 279

Sam Ruby testified that shortly after he sold his interest in Earl Products in mid-1955 and moved to Dallas, he loaned Jack $5,500 to enable him to pay Federal excise taxes on the Vegas. As security for the loan, Sam required Jack to execute a bill of sale of the Vegas. Upon Jack's default in payment, Sam instituted suit, claiming that he owned the Vegas and that Jack had breached his promise to repurchase it. The case was ultimately settled, with Jack retaining his ownership interest in the club.280

In late 1959, Jack Ruby became a partner of Joe Slatin in establishing the Sovereign Club, a private club that was apparently permitted by Texas law to sell liquor to members.281 Since Slatin was troubled about Dallas news stories describing police raids on a private club that permitted gambling, he felt he needed more capital.282 Ruby invested about $6,000 which he borrowed from his brother Earl and perhaps some of his own money.283

The Sovereign was described as a "plush" and exclusive club, and Ruby was apparently very anxious to attract a wealthy "carriage" trade.284 The venture was not successful, however. The two men could not work together, and Slatin withdrew in early 1960.285 Ruby turned for new capital to Ralph Paul,286 who had operated a Dallas club with Joe Bonds.287 Ruby still owed Paul $1,200 of the $3,700 loan made in connection with the Bob Wills Ranch House, but Paul advanced him another $2,200, which allowed him to pay the Sovereign's rent for 4 months. Subsequently, Ruby spontaneously gave Paul a stock certificate representing 50 percent of the equity of the corporation owning the club. Ruby told Paul that if the venture failed the Sovereign's fixtures and other physical property would belong to Paul. 288

Experiencing difficulty in recruiting sufficient members, Ruby soon found himself again unable to pay the Sovereign's monthly rent of $550. Again he turned to Paul, who loaned him $1,650 on the condition that he change the club's method of operation. Paul insisted that Ruby discontinue club memberships, even though this would prevent the sale of liquor, and offer striptease shows as a substitute attraction. Ruby agreed, and the Sovereign's name was changed to the Carousel Club.289 It became one of three downtown Dallas burlesque clubs and served champagne, beer, "setups" and pizza, its only food.291 The Carousel generally employed four strippers, a master of ceremonies, an assistant manager, a band, three or four waitresses, and a porter or handyman.292 Net receipts averaged about $5,000 per month 293 most of which was allocated to the club's payroll.294 Late in 1963, Ruby began to distribute "permanent passes" to the Carousel; 295 however, the cards were apparently designed solely for publicity and did not affect the club's legal status.

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Employee Relationships

Ruby's employees displayed a wide range of personal reactions to him. Those associated with Ruby long enough to grow accustomed to his violent temper and constant threats of discharge generally portray him sympathetically.296 They reported he was genuinely interested in their welfare and happiness. In addition, many former employees stated that he was a pleasant or unobjectionable employer.297

There is also considerable evidence that Ruby tended to dominate his employees, frequently resorted to violence in dealing with them, publicly embarrassed them,298 sometimes attempted to cheat them of their pay,299 and delayed paying their salaries.300 Other employees reported Ruby continually harassed his help,301 and used obscene language in their presence.302 However he frequently apologized, sought to atone for his many temper tantrums, 303 and completely forgot others.304

One of the many violent incidents that were reported took place in 1950, when Ruby struck an employee over the head with a blackjack.305 In 1951, after his guitarist, Willis Dickerson, told Ruby to "go to hell," Ruby knocked Dickerson to the ground, then pinned him to a wall and kicked him in the groin. During the scuffle, Dickerson bit Ruby's finger so badly that the top half of Ruby's left index finger was amputated.306 In approximately 1955, Ruby beat one of his musicians with brass knuckles; the musician's mouth required numerous stitches.307

During 1960, Ruby and two entertainers, Breck Wall and Joe Peterson, entered into an agreement that the performers would produce and star in a revue at the Sovereign in exchange for a 50-percent interest in the club.308 After performing for 2 months, the entertainers complained that they had received neither a share of the profits nor evidence of their proprietary interest. Ruby responded by hitting Peterson in the mouth, knocking out a tooth. The two men left the Sovereign's employ, but they subsequently accepted Ruby's apology and resumed their friendship with him.309

In September 1969, Frank Ferraro, the Carousel's handyman, became involved in a dispute at a nearby bar. Ruby told him not to get into a fight, and Ferraro told Ruby to mind his own business. Ruby then followed Ferraro to another club and beat him severely. Ferraro required emergency hospital treatment for his eye, but he decided not to press charges since Ruby paid for his hospital care.310 In March 1963, during an argument about wages, Ruby threatened to throw a cigarette girl down the stairs of the Carousel.311

Ruby's relationship with his employees commanded much of his attention during the months preceding the assassination. The Carousel's comparatively high turnover rate 312 and Ruby's intense desire to succeed313 required him to meet numerous prospective employees, patrons, and other persons who might help improve his business.

Ruby frequently encountered difficulties with the American Guild of Variety Artists (AGVA), the union which represented Carousel entertainers.314 For several years, starting in about 1961, he unsuccess-

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fully sought modification of AGVA's policy permitting "amateur" strippers,315 inexperienced girls paid less than union-scale wages,316 to perform at union houses. Ruby apparently believed his two competitors, the Weinstein brothers, were scheduling amateur shows in a manner calculated to destroy his business.317 Ruby's discontent with AGVA grew particularly acute during the late summer and early fall of 1963 when, in addition to meeting with AGVA officials,318 he called upon several acquaintances, including known criminals, who, he thought, could influence AGVA on his behalf.319 Other problems with AGVA arose because of his policy of continuous shows, which did not give masters of ceremonies enough time off,320 and his alleged use of AGVA members to mingle with patrons to promote the consumption of liquor.321

In June 1963, Ruby visited New Orleans, where he obtained the services of a stripper known as "Jada," 322 who became his featured performer.323 Jada and Ruby had numerous contract disputes and he was concerned about her high salary, recurrent absenteeism, and diminishing drawing power.324 Moreover, he thought that Jada had deliberately exceeded even the Carousel's liberal standards of decency in order to cause him to lose his license or to obtain publicity for herself.325 On several occasions Ruby excitedly turned off the spotlights during her act, and at the end of October 1963, he fired her.326 However, after Jada sued out a peace bond, she apparently recovered a week's salary from Ruby.327

In addition to problems with its star stripper, the Carousel was required to employ three masters of ceremonies in rapid succession following the departure in about September 1963, of Wally Weston, who worked there about 15 months.328 And in early November, the band that had played at the Vegas Club for about 8 years left the Vegas to accept the offer of another Dallas club.329

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Financial Data and Tax Problems

Jack Ruby's pockets and the trunk of his car served as his bank. With a few exceptions, Ruby and his clubs rarely employed bank accounts.330 Instead, Ruby carried his cash with him, paying the bulk of his expenses and debts directly out of club receipts.331

During the latter half of 1963, the Carousel, the Vegas, and Ruby each maintained checking accounts at the Merchants State Bank in Dallas. Balances of the latter two accounts never exceeded $275. In July 1963, the Carousel's account had more than $500; after August 8, its maximum balance was less than $800. Between May 31 and November 24, 1963, 53 checks were drawn on the three accounts; with the exception of one check for $129.47, all were for less than $100.332 He generally purchased cashier's checks at the Merchants State Bank to pay his monthly rental of $550 for the Carousel and $500 for the Vegas.333 He also purchased cashier's checks during the 3 months prior to the assassination to pay about $1,500 to the Texas State treasurer, $110 to Temple Shearith Israel, apparently for Jewish high holy day tickets, and $60 to the American Society of Authors and Publishers.334

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Records of the more than 50 banking institutions checked during the investigation of Ruby's financial affairs 335 revealed that he had three other dormant accounts, all with small balances.336 Two safety deposit boxes belonging to Ruby, opened by Texas officials pursuant to search warrants, were empty and unused for more than a year prior to the assassination.337 Although Ruby negotiated several loans at the Merchants State Bank,338 there is no evidence that he was the maker or co-maker of other loans,339 and, after investigation, the Dallas Police Department found no record that Ruby cosigned the note of any policeman at any time.340

Ruby's financial records were chaotic. One accountant abandoned efforts to prepare income tax returns and other financial statements because of the hopeless disarray of Ruby's data.341 The record indicates that Ruby was frequently weeks, if not months, late in filing Federal tax forms and that he held numerous conferences with Internal Revenue agents who attempted to obtain the delinquent statements.342

Ruby encountered serious difficulties with respect to State franchise and Federal excise and income taxes. The Texas charter of the corporation controlling the Sovereign and Carousel clubs was canceled in 1961, because Ruby failed to pay Texas franchise taxes.343 And, only after numerous conferences, did Ruby and representatives of the Internal Revenue Service reach agreements on installment payments of various Federal tax liabilities, to which Ruby more or less adhered.344

Ruby's primary difficulty concerned Federal excise taxes. Advised by an attorney that the Vegas Club, a dance hall providing food, was not subject to Federal excise taxes because it was not a "cabaret," Ruby charged Vegas patrons on the assumption that no excise taxes were due. However, his attorney reported, when Federal courts ruled that dance halls providing "incidental" food were subject to excise taxes as "cabarets," 345 Ruby became liable to the Federal Government for more than 6 years of taxes, amounting, with interest, to almost exactly $40,000.346

Ruby also fell behind on his personal income tax payments. At the time of his arrest he owed more than $4,400 for 1959 and 1960.347 Remittances accompanied his 1961 and 1962 tax forms, the latter received by the office of the Dallas District Director on September 18, 1963.348 The following table summarizes amounts which Ruby reported as gross and net income from the Vegas Club from 1956 to 1962; and the taxes due: 349
Year Gross income Net income Tax
1962 $41,462.77 $5,619.65 $1, 217. 75 estimated
1961 40,411.00 6,255.29 1,200.00 estimated
1960 44,482.41 9,703.90 2, 221.39
1959 50,981.95 14,060.86 3,778.17
1958 37,755.65 3,274.64 586.52
1957 33,671.60 2,619.52 438.41
1956 30,695.27 7,437.01 1,527.10


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On his income tax forms, Ruby did not itemize personal deductions and claimed only his own exemption. For 1962, Ruby reported salary income of $650 from the corporation controlling the Carousel, and $900 for 1961.350

Ruby and officers of the Internal Revenue Service frequently discussed methods of satisfying his large excise and income tax liability.351 In 1960, the Government filed tax liens for more than $20,000.352 In November 1962, the Government rejected Ruby's offer to pay $8,000 to compromise the assessed taxes of more than $20,000 because he had not filed returns for other Federal taxes and had not paid these taxes as they became due. These other taxes, for the period September 1959 through June 1962, amounted to an additional $20,000.353 In June 1963, Ruby submitted an offer of $3,000 to compromise all past assessments; the offer was not acted upon prior to November 24, 1963.354
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Other Business Ventures

In addition to nightclub management and ownership, Ruby participated in numerous other commercial ventures. He was able to do so primarily because work at the clubs consumed few of his daytime hours. Many of Ruby's ventures related to show business, others were somewhat speculative promotions; almost all ended unsuccessfully.

While operating the Silver Spur Club, Ruby sold costume jewelry at discount rates,355 and, in about 1951, he sold sewing machine attachments at the Texas State Fair.356 Approximately a year later, he managed a talented young Negro boy, "Little Daddy" Nelson. The boy appeared at the Silver Spur, the Vegas Club, and the Bob Wills Ranch House. In about 1953 or 1954, Ruby took "Little Daddy" and his parents to Chicago to obtain a television appearance for him. However, shortly after their arrival, Ruby was confronted by a second woman claiming to be "Little Daddy's" mother. Upon advice of counsel, Ruby decided to abandon the venture.357
In 1954, Ruby became interested in the sale of pizza crusts to Dallas restaurants.358 He is also reported to have sold an arthritic preparation 359 and to have manufactured and sold "Miniron," a liquid vitamin formula.360 In about 1958 or 1959, Ruby attempted to build and sell log cabins at a Texas lake resort.361 In early 1959, he investigated the possibility of selling jeeps to Cuba.362 He is also reported to have furnished entertainment for a Dallas hotel,363 to have promoted records for musicians 364 and to have sold English stainless steel razor blades.365

In October 1963 Ruby assisted the producers of a carnival show, "How Hollywood Makes Movies," appearing at the Texas State Fair.366 At about this time Ruby also sought to open a new club in Dallas. He conferred with numerous persons and placed advertisements in Dallas newspapers in an attempt to obtain financial backing.367 Assuming that he would be occupied by the new club, Ruby offered his oldest brother, Hyman, a managerial post at the Carousel. However, Hyman, who had recently lost his sales territory, declined the offer because he felt he was too old for the nightclub business.368

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Ruby unsuccessfully attempted to sell "twistboards," an exercising device consisting of two square fiberboards separated by ball bearings. Despite the contrary advice of his brother Earl,369 Jack ordered several dozen twistboards and had 2,000 promotional flyers published.370 He had one of his strippers demonstrate the twistboards at the Texas Products Show during the first week of November 1963.

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Arrests and Violations

Between 1949 and November 24, 1963, Ruby was arrested eight times by the Dallas Police Department. The dates, charges, and dispositions of these arrests are as follows:372 February 4, 1949, Ruby paid a $10 fine for disturbing the peace. July 26, 1953, Ruby was suspected of carrying a concealed weapon; however, no charges were filed and Ruby was released on the same day. May 1, 1954, Ruby was arrested for allegedly carrying a concealed weapon and violating a peace bond; again no charges were filed and Ruby was released on the same day. December 5, 1954, Ruby was arrested for allegedly violating State liquor laws by selling liquor after hours; the complaint was dismissed on February 8, 1955.373 June 21, 1959, Ruby was arrested for allegedly permitting dancing after hours; the complaint was dismissed on July 8, 1959. August 21, 1960, Ruby was again arrested for allegedly permitting dancing after hours; Ruby posted $25 bond and was released on that date. February 12, 1963, Ruby was arrested on a charge of simple assault; he was found not guilty February 27, 1963. Finally, on March 14, 1963, Ruby was arrested for allegedly ignoring traffic summonses; a $35 bond was posted.

When Ruby applied for a beer license in March 1961, he reported that he had been arrested "about four or five times" between 1947 and 1953.374 Between 1950 and 1963, he received 20 tickets for motor vehicle violations, paying four $10 fines and three of $3.375 In 1956 and 1959, Ruby was placed on 6 months' probation as a traffic violator.

Ruby was also frequently suspended by the Texas Liquor Control Board. In August 1949, when he was operating the Silver Spur, he was suspended for 5 days on a charge of "Agents--Moral Turpitude." In 1953 Ruby received a 5-day suspension because of an obscene show, and, in 1954, a 10-day suspension for allowing a drunkard on his premises.376 On February 18, 1954, he was suspended for 5 days because of an obscene striptease act at the Silver Spur and for the consumption of alcoholic beverages during prohibited hours.377 On March 26, 1956. Ruby was suspended by the liquor board for 3 days because several of his checks were dishonored.378 On October 23, 1961, he received another 3-day suspension because an agent solicited the sale of alcoholic beverages for consumption on licensed premises.379
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Police Associations

Although the precise nature of his relationship to members of the Dallas Police Department is not susceptible of conclusive evaluation,

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the evidence indicates that Ruby was keenly interested in policemen and their work.380 Jesse Curry, chief of the Dallas Police Department, testified that no more than 25 to 50 of Dallas' almost 1,200 policemen were acquainted with Ruby.381 However, the reports of present and past members of the Dallas Police Department as well as Ruby's employees and acquaintances indicate that Ruby's police friendships were far more widespread than those of the average citizen.382

There is no credible evidence that Ruby sought special favors from police officers or attempted to bribe them.383 Although there is considerable evidence that Ruby gave policemen reduced rates,384 declined to exact any cover charge from them,385 and gave them free coffee and soft drinks, 386 this hospitality was not unusual for a Dallas night-club operator.387 Ruby's personal attachment to police officers is demonstrated by reports that he attended the funeral of at least one policeman killed in action and staged a benefit performance for the widow of another.388 Ruby regarded several officers as personal friends, and others had worked for him.380 Finally, at least one policeman regularly dated, and eventually married, one of the Carousel's strippers.390
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Underworld Ties

From the time that Ruby arrived in Dallas in 1947, he was friendly with numerous underworld figures. One of his earliest Dallas acquaintances was Paul Roland Jones, who was convicted of attempting to bribe the sheriff of Dallas and engaging in the sale of narcotics.391 Joe Bonds, one of Ruby's partners in the Vegas Club, had a criminal record.392

Ruby, who enjoyed card playing 393 and horse racing,394 was friendly with several professional gamblers. In 1959, he visited Cuba at the invitation and expense of Lewis McWillie, a professional gambler.395 Alice Nichols reported that Ruby's refusal to give up gambling was one reason why she never seriously considered marrying him.396 When Sidney Seidband, a Dallas gambler, was arrested in Oklahoma City, his list of gambling acquaintances included Jack Ruby.397 And other friends of Ruby have been identified as gamblers.398 Finally, two persons of questionable reliability have reported that Ruby's consent was necessary before gambling or narcotics operations could be launched in Dallas.399

Based on its evaluation of the record, however, the Commission believes that the evidence does not establish a significant link between Ruby and organized crime. Both State and Federal officials have indicated that Ruby was not affiliated with organized criminal activity.400 And numerous persons have reported that Ruby was not connected with such activity.401
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Travels

Despite reports that Ruby visited Havana, Las Vegas, New York, Chicago, Honolulu, and Mexican border towns, most of his time subse-

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quent to 1947 was spent in Dallas. Some of his travels, including, his efforts in behalf of "Little Daddy" Nelson and his visit to New Orleans in June 1963 have been discussed.402 Ruby stated that he went to Chicago in 1952, in 1958 when his father died, and in August 1963 when he met members of his family at O'Hare International Airport while en route from New York to Dallas.403 His August trip to New York motivated by his difficulties with the American Guild of Variety Artists and his desire to obtain talent, has been completely established by hotel records.404 Early in 1963 Ruby also traveled to Wichita, Kans., because of his interest in stripper Gall Raven,405 and on May 25, 1963, he apparently registered in an Oklahoma motel.406

Although Ruby denies being in Las Vegas after 1937,407 there are unsupported rumors that he was in that city in late 1962,408 and the early part of November 1963.409 Reports that he was in Las Vegas during the weekend prior to the assassination 410 appear similarly unfounded.411

There is some uncertainty about Ruby's trip to Havana, Cuba, in 1959. The evidence indicates that he accepted an invitation from gambler Lewis J. McWillie, who subsequently became a violent anti-Castroite, to visit Havana at McWillie's expense.412 Ruby apparently met McWillie in about 1950, when McWillie operated a Dallas night-club.413 McWillie, whom Ruby said he idolized,414 supervised gambling activities at Havana's Tropicana Hotel in 1959 and later was employed in a managerial capacity in a Las Vegas gambling establishment.415 Ruby testified that he went to Havana for 8 days in August 1959 and left because he was not interested in its gambling activities.416 McWillie corroborated this story except that he stated only that Ruby visited Havana "sometime in 1959." 417 Three Chicagoans reported seeing Ruby in Havana during the Labor Day weekend in 1959.418 Meyer Panitz, an acquaintance of McWillie, reported that when he met Ruby in Miami during the "summer of 1959" Ruby stated that he was returning from a pleasure trip to Cuba.419 The theory that the trip to Havana had conspiratorial implications is discussed in chapter VI. There is no reliable evidence that Ruby went to Havana subsequent to September 1959.420

Although Ruby denied ever being in Hawaii,421 there is some evidence that during the summer of 1961 he was in Honolulu seeking dancing talent.422 While it is unlikely that Ruby would forget a trip to Honolulu in 1961, there is no other indication that such a trip, if it occurred, had any sinister motives.

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CHARACTER AND INTERESTS

Family Relationships

As mentioned previously,423 Eva Grant was the only member of the family living in Dallas when Ruby returned to that city in late 1947. In 1948, she returned to the west coast, visiting Dallas sporadically

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until 1959, when she assumed management of the Vegas.424 Despite their recurring arguments, during which they sometimes came to blows,425 Ruby was closer to Eva than any of his brothers or sisters. In the summer of 1963, Eva complained bitterly to Ruby because he gave a friend about $800 instead of paying Vegas Club bills. Eva, citing her poor healthy stated that she should be hospitalized. Ruby rejoined that he had provided her money to enter a hospital. He then shoved her, causing her to fall back about 8 feet and hurt her arm and shoulder. At this point Ruby insisted he wanted her to leave the Vegas Club.426

Ruby frequently told Eva to submit to an operation and in early November 1963 she consented. She was hospitalized for a week, leaving about November 13.427 While she was in the hospital, Jack called Earl and Sam, requesting them to convey their concern to Eva.428 According to Eva, Jack visited her at the hospital two or three times a day. He kept in constant touch with her throughout the weekend of November 22.429

Sam Ruby moved to Dallas from Chicago in July 1955, after selling his interest in the Earl Products Co.430 His son's asthma and Eva's suggestion that he work as a builder in Dallas prompted the move.431 Apparently as a result of difficulties in collecting the $5,500 Sam loaned Jack in 1955 to pay Federal excise taxes, 432 Jack and Sam were never particularly close to each other. However, Sam entered into a partnership in an unsuccessful ice cream business with Jack's close friend, Ralph Paul.433 Jack visited Sam and his family occasionally, especially on Jewish holidays, and from time to time they spoke to each other by telephone.434

Jack had sporadic contacts with his brother Earl, who remained in Chicago until about 1960, when he moved to Detroit.435 The most successful of the brothers, Earl often gave Jack business advice and capital.436 He estimated, perhaps conservatively, that, when arrested, Jack owed him $15,000.437 The evidence also indicates that Jack borrowed at least $1,000, and probably more, from his sister Marion in Chicago.438
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Social Relationships

There have been statements that Ruby was a homosexual. The available evidence does not support the allegation. There is no evidence of homosexuality on his part; Ruby did not frequent known gathering places for homosexuals,439 many of the reports were inherently suspect or based upon questionable or inaccurate premises,440 and Ruby and most of his associates and employees denied the charge.441 All the allegations were based on hearsay or derive from Ruby's lisp or a "feeling" that Ruby was a "sissy," seemed "weird," acted effeminately, and sometimes spoke in a high-pitched voice when angry.442 Some proceeded upon the erroneous theory that Ruby did not date women.443

For the better part of 11 years, Ruby dated Mrs. Alice Reaves Nichols, a blonde divorcee, 4 years younger than he. Mrs. Nichols,

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secretary to a Dallas life insurance company executive,444 testified that she saw Ruby twice a week between 1948 and 1956, and once a week from then until about 1959.445 Ruby discussed marriage with Mrs. Nichols,446 but Mrs. Nichols stated that while dating Ruby she was seeing other men and he was taking out other women.447 Although there are sharply conflicting reports about whether Ruby dated women who worked for him,448 the record indicates that Ruby sought and enjoyed feminine company.449

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Affection for Dogs

Ruby was extremely fond of dogs. Numerous persons stated that he was constantly accompanied by several of the dogs he owned.450 Testimony at Ruby's trial in March 1964 indicated that he referred to his dogs as his "children." 451 He also became extremely incensed when he witnessed the maltreatment of any of his dogs.

Religious Interests

Reared in the Jewish faith, Jack Ruby was not especially devout. Rabbi Hillel Silverman, whose conservative temple Ruby favored, reported that when Ruby's father died in 1958, Ruby came to services twice daily for the prescribed period of 11 months to recite the traditional memorial prayer.453 Ruby normally attended services only on the Jewish high truly days and he was quite unfamiliar with the Hebrew language.454

Ruby was apparently somewhat sensitive to his identity as a Jew. He forbade his comedians to tell stories directed at Jews or Jewish practices 455 and, on several occasions after 1947, he fought with persons making derogatory remarks about his ethnic origins.456 The evidence also indicates that he was deeply upset that an advertisement insulting President Kennedy appeared above a Jewish-sounding name.457

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Physical Activities and Violence

While in Dallas, Ruby continued attempts to keep in excellent physical condition. He frequently exercised at the YMCA, the Carousel, and his apartment, where he maintained a set of weights.458 Ruby was extremely concerned about his weight and health, including his baldness,459 and about his appearance in general.460

Ruby's concern for his physical well-being was partially motivated by practical considerations, for he was his own unofficial club bouncer. On about 15 occasions since 1950, he beat with his fists, pistol whipped, or blackjacked patrons who became unruly.461 At other times, he ejected troublesome customers without a beating,462 in many instances, justifiably.463 However, many people stated that he employed more force than necessary, particularly because he often ended a fracas by throwing his victim down the stairs of the Carousel.464

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Besides acting as a bouncer, Ruby on numerous other occasions severely beat people who were not club patrons, usually employing only his fists. Several of these episodes have been discussed in connection with Ruby's relationship with his emp1oyees.465 In 1951, Ruby attacked a man who had called him a "kike Jew" and knocked out a tooth.466 At about that time Ruby is also reported to have knocked a man down from behind and then to have kicked him in the face.467 In about 1958, Ruby disarmed a man who had drawn a gun on him at the Vegas, beat him almost to death, put the gun back in the man's pocket, and threw him down the stairs.468 In 1958, Ruby reportedly knocked down a man at the Vegas who was 6'3" tall and weighed 230 pounds. Ruby was approximately 5'9" tall and weighed about 175 pounds.469 Ruby then made the man, who had slapped his date, crawl out of the club.470 In a fight at the Vegas, reportedly witnessed by policemen, Ruby severely beat a heavyweight boxer who had threatened him.471

During 1962, several violent episodes occurred. Ruby beat a man who refusal to pay admission or leave and then shoved him down the stairs.472 He "jostled" a woman down the stairs of the Carousel and struck her escort, who was "much smaller" than he.473 On one occasion, Ruby picked up a man who was arguing with his date, knocked him to the floor, cursed him, and then removed him from the Vegas.474 When a cabdriver entered the Carousel and inquired about a patron who had neglected to pay his fare, Ruby struck the cabdriver.475

In February 1963, Ruby badly beat Don Tabon, who had made some remarks about Ruby's lady companion, injuring Tabon's eye.476 Ruby was acquitted of a charge of assault and Tabon sought no monetary relief because he believed Ruby financially incapable of satisfying any resulting judgment. A doctor who went to the Carousel several times between August and November 1963, stated that on each occasion Ruby ejected someone from the club.477

Buddy Turman, a prizefighter and Ruby's friend, stated that Ruby "picked his shots." 478 According to Turman, a bouncer at the Vegas for about a year, Ruby's victim was frequently drunk, female, or otherwise incapable of successfully resisting Ruby's attack. The evidence indicates that, unlike his youthful escapades, Ruby was often malicious. He frequently felt contrite, however, when his anger had passed or when his victim was an old acquaintance, and he would seek to make amends for his violent temper.479

With two exceptions, there is no evidence that Ruby settled disputes with firearms. Shortly before Joe Bonds' conviction in 1954, Ruby is reported to have chased Bonds with a pistol.480 And, Larry Crafard reported that about a week before the assassination, Ruby told him to get Ruby's gun so that an AGVA official and former employee, Earl Norman, could be ejected.481 Although Ruby did not often use his gun, it was frequently accessible when he was carrying large amounts of money.482

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Generosity to Friends and the Need for Recognition

While Ruby often flared up and acted aggressively, he seemed to calm down or forget his anger quickly, and there is also a great deal of evidence that he was extremely generous to his friends. He loaned money to them and apparently cared little whether the loans would be repaid.483 He was quick to offer employment to persons desperately in need of a job 484 and he lent considerable aid to persons seeking work elsewhere.485 Moreover, when friends or new acquaintances had no roof over their heads, Ruby's apartment was frequently theirs to share.486

Ruby's unusual generosity may be explained in part by his extremely emotional reaction to persons in distress, which may have resulted from his firsthand familiarity with poverty, and by his unusual craving to be recognized and relied upon.487 Many of Ruby's acquaintances described him as a "publicity hound," "glad hander," and "name dropper," one always seeking to be the center of attention.488 Apparently the "egocentrism" of his youth 489 never left Ruby. Yet, frequently he sought reassurance from persons he admired.490

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Appendix 17: Polygraph Examination of Jack Ruby
Preliminary Arrangements
Administration of the Test
Interpretation of the Test
PRELIMINARY ARRANGEMENTS
As early as December of 1963, Jack Ruby expressed his desire to be examined with a polygraph, truth serum, or any other scientific device which would test his veracity.1 The attorneys who defended Ruby in the State criminal proceedings in Texas agreed that he should take a polygraph examination to test any conspiratorial connection between Ruby and Oswald.2 To obtain such a test, Ruby's defense counsel filed motions in court and also requested that the FBI administer such an examination to Ruby.3 During the course of a psychiatric examination on May 11, 1964, Ruby is quoted as saying: "I want to tell the truth. I want a polygraph ... "4 In addition, numerous letters were written to the President's Commission on behalf of Ruby requesting a polygraph examination.5

When Ruby testified before the Commission in Dallas County Jail on June 7, 1964, his first words were a request for a lie detector test. The Commission hearing commenced with the following exchanges:

MR. JACK RUBY. Without a lie detector test on my testimony, my verbal statements to you, how do you know if I am telling the truth?

MR. TONAHILL [Defense Counsel]. Don't worry about that, Jack.

MR. RUBY. Just a minute, gentlemen.

CHIEF JUSTICE WARREN. You wanted to ask something, did you, Mr. Ruby?

MR. RUBY. I would like to be able to get a lie detector test or truth serum of what motivated me to do what I did at that particular time, and it seems as you get further into something, even though you know what you did, it operates against you somehow, brain washes you, that you are weak in what you want to tell the truth about and what you want to say which is the truth.

Now Mr. Warren, I don't know if you got any confidence in the lie detector test and the truth serum, and so on.

CHIEF JUSTICE WARREN. I can't tell you just how much confidence I have in it, because it depends so much on who is taking it, and so forth.

But I will say this to you, that if you and your counsel want any kind of test, I will arrange it for you. I would be glad to do that, if you want it. I wouldn't suggest a lie detector test to testify the truth.

We will treat you just the same as we do any other witness, but if you want such a test, I will arrange for it.
Page 808
MR. RUBY. I do want it. Will you agree to that, Joe?

MR. TONAHILL. I sure do, Jack.6
Throughout Ruby's testimony before the Commission, he repeated his request on numerous occasions that he be given an opportunity to take a lie detector test.7 Ruby's insistence on taking a polygraph examination is reflected right to the end of the proceedings where in the very last portion of the transcribed hearings Ruby states:

MR. RUBY. All I want to do is to tell the truth, and the only way you can know it is by the polygraph, as that is the only way you can know it.
CHIEF JUSTICE WARREN. That we will do for you. 8
Following Ruby's insistence on a polygraph test, the Commission initiated arrangements to have the FBI conduct such an examination.9 A detailed set of questions was prepared for the polygraph examination, which was set for July 16, 1964.10 A few days before the scheduled test, the Commission was informed that Ruby's sister, Eva Grant, and his counsel, Joe H. Tonahill, opposed the polygraph on the ground that psychiatric examinations showed that his mental state was such that the test would be meaningless.11

The Commission was advised that Sol Dann, a Detroit attorney representing the Ruby family, had informed the Dallas office of the FBI on July 15, 1964, that a polygraph examination would affect Ruby's health and would be of questionable value according to Dr. Emanuel Tanay, a Detroit psychiatrist.12 On that same date, Assistant Counsel Arlen Specter discussed by telephone the polygraph examination with Defense Counsel Joe H. Tonahill, who expressed his personal opinion that a polygraph examination should be administered to Ruby.13 By letter dated July 15, 1964, Dallas District Attorney Henry Wade requested that the polygraph examination cover the issue of premeditation as well as the defensive theories in the case.14
Against this background, it was decided that a representative of the Commission would travel to Dallas to determine whether Jack Ruby wanted to take the polygraph test. Since Ruby had frequent changes in attorneys and because he was presumed to be sane, the final decision on the examination was his, especially in view of his prior personal insistence on the test.15 In the jury conference room at the Dallas jail on July 18, Assistant Counsel Arlen Specter, representing the Commission, informed Chief Defense Counsel Clayton Fowler, co-Counsel Tonahill and Assistant District Attorney William F. Alexander that the Commission was not insisting on or even requesting that the test be taken, but was merely fulfilling its commitment to make the examination available.16 In the event Ruby had changed his mind and would so state for the record, that would conclude the issue as far as the Commission was concerned.17

Chief Defense Counsel Fowler had objected to the test. He conferred with Jack Ruby in his cell and then returned stating that

Page 809

Ruby insisted on taking the examination.18 Mr. Fowler requested that (1) Dr. Tanay, the Detroit psychiatrist, be present; (2) the results of the test not be disclosed other than to the Commission; (3) the questions to be asked not be disclosed to the District Attorney's office; and (4) the results of the test be made available to defense counsel.19 Sheriff William Decker announced his intention to have Allan L. Sweatt, his chief criminal deputy who was also a polygraph operator, present to maintain custody of Jack Ruby while the examination was being administered.20 Assistant District Attorney Alexander requested a list of questions, a copy of the recording made by the polygraph machine and a copy of the report interpreting the test.21 In response to the numerous requests, the procedure was determined that the questions to be asked of Ruby would be discussed in a preliminary session in the presence of defense counsel, the assistant district attorney and Chief Jailer E. L. Holman, who was to replace Sweatt.22 The assistant district attorney would not be present when Ruby answered the questions, but Jailer Holman was allowed to remain to retain custody of Ruby.23 No commitment was made on behalf of the Commission as to what disclosure would be made of the results of the examination.24 Since Dr. Tanay was not in Dallas and therefore could not be present, 25 arrangements were made to have in attendance Dr. William R. Beavers, a psychiatrist who had previously examined and evaluated Ruby's mental state.26

At the conclusion of the lengthy preliminary proceedings, Ruby entered the jury conference room at 2:23 p.m. and was informed that the Commission was prepared to fulfill its commitment to offer him a polygraph examination, but was not requesting the test.27 On behalf of the Commission, Assistant Counsel Specter warned Ruby that anything he said could be used against him.28 Chief Defense Counsel Fowler advised Ruby of his objections to the examination.29 Ruby then stated that he wanted the polygraph examination conducted and that he wanted the results released to the public as promptly as possible.30 Special Agent Bell P. Herndon, polygraph operator of the FBI, obtained a written "consent to interview with polygraph" signed by Jack Ruby.31 Herndon then proceeded to administer the polygraph examination by breaking the questions up into series which were ordinarily nine questions in length and consisted of relevant interrogatories and control questions.32

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ADMINISTRATION OF THE TEST

During the course of the polygraph examination Jack Ruby answered the relevant, questions as follows:
Q. Did you know Oswald before November 22, 1963?
A. No.33
Q. Did you assist Oswald in the assassination?
A. No. 34
Q. Are you now a member of the Communist Party?
Page 810
A. No.36
Q. Have you ever been a member of the Communist Party?
A. No.37
Q. Are you now a member of any group that advocates the violent overthrow of the United States Government?
A. No.38
Q. Have you ever been a member of any group that advocates violent overthrow of the United States Government?
A. No.39
Q. Between the assassination and the shooting, did anybody you know tell you they knew Oswald?
A. No.40
Q. Aside from anything you said to George Senator on Sunday morning, did you ever tell anyone else that you intended to shoot Oswald?
A. No.41
Q. Did you shoot Oswald in order to silence him?
A. No. 42
Q. Did you first decide to shoot Oswald on Friday night?
A. No. 43
Q. Did you first decide to shoot Oswald on Saturday morning?
A. No.43
Q. Did you first decide to shoot Oswald on Saturday night?
A. No.44
Q. Did you first decide to shoot Oswald on Sunday Morning?
A. Yes.45
Q. Were you on the sidewalk at the time Lieutenant Pierce's car stopped on the ramp exit?
A. Yes.46
Q. Did you enter the jail by walking through an alleyway?
A. No.47
Q. Did you walk past the guard at the time Lieutenant Pierce's car was parked on the ramp exit?
A. Yes.48
Q. Did you talk with any Dallas police officers on Sunday, November 24, prior to the shooting of Oswald?
A. No.49
Q. Did you see the armored car before it entered the basement?
A. No.50
Q. Did you enter the police department through a door at the rear of the east side of the jail?
A. No.51
Q. After talking to Little Lynn did you hear any announcement that Oswald was about to be moved?
A. No.52
Q. Before you left your apartment Sunday morning, did anyone tell you the armored car was on the way to the police department?
Page 811
A. No.53
Q. Did you get a Wall Street Journal at the Southwestern Drug Store during the week before the assassination?
A. No.54
Q. Do you have any knowledge of a Wall Street Journal addressed to Mr. J. E. Bradshaw?
A. No.55
Q. To your knowledge, did any of your friends or did you telephone the FBI in Dallas between 2 or 3 a.m. Sunday morning?
A. No.56
Q. Did you or any of your friends to your knowledge telephone the sheriff's office between 2 or 8 a.m. Sunday morning?
A. No.57
Q. Did you go to the Dallas police station at any time on Friday, November 22, 1963, before you went to the synagogue?
A. No.58
Q. Did you go to the synagogue that Friday night?
A. Yes.59
Q. Did you see Oswald in the Dallas jail on Friday night?
A. Yes.60
Q. Did you have a gun with you when you went to the Friday midnight press conference at the jail?
A. No.61
Q. Is everything you told the Warren Commission the entire truth?
A. Yes.62
Q. Have you ever knowingly attended any meetings of the Communist Party or any other group that advocates violent overthrow of the Government?
A. No.63
Q. Is any member of your immediate family or any close friend, a member of the Communist Party?
A. No.64
Q. Is any member of your immediate family or any close friend a member of any group that advocates the violent overthrow of the Government?
A. No.65
Q. Did any close friend or any member of your immediate family ever attend a meeting of the Communist Party?
A. No.66
Q. Did any close friend or any member of your immediate family ever attend a meeting of any group that advocates the violent, overthrow of the Government?
A. No.67
Q. Did you ever meet Oswald at your post office box?
A. No.68
Q. Did you use your post office mailbox to do any business with Mexico or Cuba?
Page 812
A. No.69
Q. Did you do business with Castro-Cuba?
A. No.70
Q. Was your trip to Cuba solely for pleasure?
A. Yes.71
Q. Have you now told us the truth concerning why you carried $2,200 in cash on you?
A. Yes. 72
Q. Did any foreign influence cause you to shoot Oswald?
A. No.73
Q. Did you shoot Oswald because of any influence of the underworld?
A. No.74
Q. Did you shoot Oswald because of a labor union influence?
A. No.75
Q. Did any long-distance telephone calls which you made before the assassination of the President have anything to do with the assassination?
A. No.76
Q. Did any of your long-distance telephone calls concern the shooting of Oswald?
A. No.77
Q. Did you shoot Oswald in order to save Mrs. Kennedy the ordeal of a trial?
A. Yes.78
Q. Did you know the Tippit that was killed?
A. No.79
Q. Did you tell the truth about relaying the message to Ray Brantley to get McWillie a few guns?
A. Yes.80
Q. Did you go to the assembly room on Friday night to get the telephone number of KLIF?
A. Yes.81
Q. Did you ever meet with Oswald and Officer Tippit at your club?
A. No 82
Q. Were you at the Parkland Hospital at any time on Friday?
A. No.83
Q. Did you say anything when you shot Oswald other than what you've testified about?
A. No.84
Q. Have members of your family been physically harmed because of what you did?
A. No.85
Q. Do you think members of your family are now in danger because of what you did?
(No response.) 86
Q. Is Mr. Fowler in danger because he is defending you?
(No response.) 87


Page 813
Q. Did "Blackie" Hanson speak to you just before you shot Oswald?
A. No.88
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INTERPRETATION OF THE TEST
A polygraph examination is designed to detect physiological responses to stimuli in a carefully controlled interrogation. Such responses may accompany and indicate deception.89 The polygraph instrument derives its name from the Greek derivative "poly" meaning many and the word "graph" meaning writings.90 The polygraph chart writings consist of three separate markings placed on a graph reflecting three separate physiological reactions.91 A rubber tube is placed around the subject's chest to record his breathing pattern on a pneumograph.92 That device records the respiratory ratio of inhalation and exhalation strokes.93 The second component is called a galvanic skin response which consists of electrodes placed on the examinee's fingers, through which a small amount of electrical current is passed to the skin.94 The galvanometer records the minute changes in electrical skin response.95 The third component consists of a cardiograph which is a tracing obtained by attaching a pneumatic cuff around the left arm in a manner very similar to an apparatus which takes blood pressure.96 When the cuff is inflated, that device records relative blood pressures or change in the heart rate.97

From those testing devices, it is possible to measure psychological or emotional stress.98 This testing device is the product of observation by psychologists and physiologists who noted certain physiological responses when people lie.99 In about 1920 law enforcement officials with psychological and physiological training initiated the development of the instrument to serve as an investigative aid.100

The polygraph may record responses indicative of deception, but it must be carefully interpreted.101 The relevant questions, as to which the interrogator is seeking to determine whether the subject is falsifying, are compared with control questions where the examiner obtains a known indication of deception or some expected emotional response.102 In evaluating the polygraph, due consideration must be given to the fact that a physiological response may be caused by factors other than deception, such as fear, anxiety, nervousness, dislike, and other emotions.103 There are no valid statistics as to the reliability of the poly-graph. 104 FBI Agent Herndon testified that, notwithstanding the absence of percentage indicators of reliability, an informed judgment may be obtained from a well-qualified examiner on the indications of deception in a normal person under appropriate standards of administration.105

Ordinarily during a polygraph examination only the examiner and the examinee are present.106 It is the practice of the FBI, however, to have a second agent present to take notes.107 lt is normally undesirable to have other people present during the polygraph examina-

Page 814
tion because the examinee may react emotionally to them.108 Because of the numerous interested parties involved in Ruby's polygraph examination, there were present individuals representing the Commission and the Dallas district attorney, as well as two defense counsel, two FBI agents, the chief jailer, the psychiatrist, and the court reporter, although the assistant district attorney and one defense counsel left when Ruby was actually responding to questions while the instrument was activated.109 Ruby was placed in a position where there was a minimum of distraction for him during the test.110 He faced a wall and could not see anyone except possibly through secondary vision from the side.111 Agent Herndon expressed the opinion that Ruby was not affected by the presence of the people in the room.112

Answer by Ruby to certain irrelevant control questions suggested an attempt to deceive on those questions. For example, Ruby answered "No" to the question "While in the service did you receive any disciplinary action?" 113 His reaction suggested deception in his answer.114 Similarly, Ruby's negative answer to the query "Did you ever overcharge a customer?" was suggestive of deception.115 Ruby further showed an emotional response to other control questions such as "Have you ever been known by another name"116 "Are you married?"117 "Have you ever served time in jails?" 118 "Are your parents alive?" 119 "Other than what you told me, did you ever hit anyone with any kind of a weapon?" 120 Herndon concluded that the absence of any physiological response on the relevant questions indicated that there was no deception.121



An accurate evaluation of Ruby's polygraph examination depends on whether he was psychotic. Since a psychotic is divorced from reality, the polygraph tracings could not be logically interpreted on such an individual. A psychotic person might believe a false answer was true so he would not register an emotional response characteristic of deception as a normal person would.122 If a person is so mentally disturbed that he does not understand the nature of the questions or the substance of his answers, then no validity can be attached to the polygraph examination.123 Herndon stated that if a person, on the other hand, was in touch with reality, then the polygraph examination could be interpreted like any other such test.124

Based on his previous contacts with Ruby and from observing him during the entire polygraph proceeding, Dr. William R. Beavers testified as follows:
In the greater proportion of the time that he answered the questions, I felt that he was aware of the questions and that he understood them, and that he was giving answers based on an appreciation of reality.125
Dr. Beavers further stated that he had previously diagnosed Ruby a "psychotic depressive." 126

Page 815

Based on the assumption that Ruby was a "psychotic depressive," Herndon testified:
There would be no validity to the polygraph examination, and no significance should be placed upon the polygraph charts.127
Considering other phases of Dr. Beavers' testimony, Herndon stated:
Well, based on the hypothesis that Ruby was mentally competent and sound, the charts could be interpreted, and if those conditions are fact, the charts could be interpreted to indicate that there was no area of deception present with regard to his response to the relevant questions during the polygraph examination.128
In stating his opinion that Ruby was in touch with reality and understood the questions and answers, Dr. Beavers excepted two questions where he concluded that Ruby's underlying delusional state took hold.129 Those questions related to the safety of Ruby's family and his defense counsel.130 While in the preliminary session Ruby had answered those questions by stating that he felt his family and defense counsel were in danger, he did not answer either question when the polygraph was activated.131 Dr. Beavers interpreted Ruby's failure to answer as a reflection of "internal struggle as to just what was reality." 132 In addition, Dr. Beavers testified that the test was not injurious to Ruby's mental or physical condition.133

Because Ruby not only volunteered but insisted upon taking a polygraph examination, the Commission agreed to the examination. FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover commented on the examination as follows:
It should be pointed out that the polygraph, often referred to as "lie detector" is not in fact such a device. The instrument is designed to record under proper stimuli emotional responses in the form of physiological variations which may indicate and accompany deception. The FBI feels that the polygraph technique is not sufficiently precise to permit absolute judgments of deception or truth without qualifications. The polygraph technique has a number of limitations, one of which relates to the mental fitness and condition of the examinee to be tested.
During the proceedings at Dallas, Texas, on July 18, 1964, Dr. William R. Beavers, a psychiatrist, testified that he would generally describe Jack Ruby as a "psychotic depressive." In view of the serious question raised as to Ruby's mental condition, no significance should be placed on the polygraph examination and it should be considered nonconclusive as the charts cannot be relied upon.134

Page 816

Having granted Ruby's request for the examination, the Commission is publishing the transcript of the hearing at which the test was conducted 135 and the transcript of the deposition of the FBI polygraph operator who administered the test.136 The Commission did not rely on the results of this examination in reaching the conclusions stated in this report.

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Appendix 18: Footnotes
Introduction
Foreword
Chapter 2
Chapter 3
Chapter 4
Chapter 5
Chapter 6
Chapter 7
Chapter 8
Appendix 7
Appendix 10
Appendix 12
Appendix 13
Appendix 14
Appendix 15
Appendix 16
Appendix 17
Introduction
For references to the testimony of witnesses before the Commission, the following citation form is used: number of volume, "H" (for "Hearings before the President's Commission on the Assassination of President Kennedy"), page number, and the name of the witness in parentheses, e.g., 7 H 441 (O'Donnell). Commission exhibits are referred to by the capital letters "CE" and number; deposition exhibits by the name of the witness, the capital letters "DE," and the number or letter of his exhibit, e.g., CE 705; Sorrels DE 1. References to audiovisual sources for one Dallas broadcasting station (WFAA) are cited as follows: PKT for video tapes, PKF for films, and PKA for audio tapes. The video and audio reels and tapes of other stations are cited by number, e.g., WFAA-TV reel PKT 10; KRLD-TV reel 13.



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Foreword
Executive Order No. 11130 is set forth as app. 1.
The White House press release is set forth as app. II.
Senate Joint Resolution 137 (Public Law 88-202) is set forth as app. III.
The names of all witnesses are set forth in app. V.
The procedures of the Commission are set forth as app. VI
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Chapter II
4 H 130 (Gov. John B. Connally, Jr.); 7 H 441 (Kenneth O'Donnell).
Id. at 441, 442.
Id. at 442-443.
Id. at 442.
Ibid.
7 H 475 (Clifton C. Carter).
Ibid.
Ibid.
4 H 145-146 (Connally).
Ibid.; CE 1367.
4 H 130 (Connally); CE 2960.
7 H 442 (O'Donnell).
4 H 146 (Connally).
Ibid.
7 H 443 (O'Donnell).
Ibid.
4 H 319-325 (Winston G. Lawson); 7 H 334-341 (Forrest V. Sorrels). Governor Connally testified that he was not consulted about the security arrangements in Dallas, and that he did not expect to be. 4 H 145 (Connally).
4 H 319 (Lawson); 7 H 334 (Sorrels).
CE 769, p. 1; 4 H 320 (Lawson).
Details of the advance work done by Agent Lawson are set forth in his contemporaneous memoranda; CE 767, 766, 769.
4 H 321-322 (Lawson); 2 H 107 (Roy H. Kellerman).
4 H 322-324, 344-346 (Lawson).
CE 768, p. 9; see also 7 H 339 (Sorrels).
CE 770.
4 H 323-324 (Lawson).
7 H 334 (Sorrels).
See id. at 335; Sorrels DE 4, p. 1.
CE 769, p. 2.
CE 1360; 4 H 336-337 (Lawson).
CE 768, pp. 6-13; CE 769, p. 5; 4 H 338 (Lawson).
Id. at 325.
Ibid.
CE 769, p. 2; 7 H 337 (Sorrels).
CE 768, p. 4.
Ibid.
CE 769, p. 3.
7 H 338 (Sorrels); 4 H 326 (Lawson); CE 1022, p. 2; CE 769, p. 3.
4 H 341 (Lawson); CE 1022, p. 3.
7 H 333 (Sorrels).
Id. at 337.
Ibid.
4 H 326 (Lawson).
CE 876 is an aerial view of Dealey Plaza and the Triple Underpass; see also CE2188.
7 H 237 (Sorrels); CE 2114-2116.
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Page 818

Notes to Pages 39-51
Ibid.
CE 2967; see 7 H 337 (Sorrels); 4 H 333 (Lawson).
Id. at 326.
CE 769, p. 4; 4 H 326 (Lawson).
Id. at 326-327.
5 H 465-466 (James J. Rowley); 4 H 329, 333 (Lawson).
Id. at 327-329. The adequacy of these arrangements is considered in ch. VIII 447-449.
CE 102,2, p. 2.
CE 1361.
CE 1362.
CE 1363.
CE 1364.
CE 1365.
CE 1366.
CE 1367, 1368.
CE 1369.
CE 1370.
CE 1371.
CE 1372, 1373.
Ibid.
CE 1374.
CE 1375, 1376.
4 H 323 (Lawson); 7 H 339 (Sorrels); CE 769, p. 8.
CE 1377, 1378.
CE 1379.
CE 1380.
CE 996; see also 5 H 534 (Robert G. Klause).
CE 1031; 5 H 504 (Bernard W. Weissman).
CE 1031.
4 H 130 (Connally); 7 H 444-445 O'Donnell).
Id. at 445.
4 H 130 (Connally); 7 H 445 O'Donnell).
7 H 472 (David F. powers).
Ibid.
4 H 130 (Connally); 7 H 445 (O'Donnell).
2 H 63-64 (Kellerman); 7 H 459 (Lawrence F. O'Brien).
7 H 443-444 (O'Donnell).
Id. at 456.
Ibid.
4 H 349 (Lawson); 2 H 67 (Kellerman).
5 H 561 (Pres. Lyndon B. Johnson); 4 H 130 (Connally); CE 2526.
5 H 560 (Johnson); 7 H 474 (Clifton C. Carter); 2 H 146 (Rufus W. Youngblood).
7 H 461 (O'Brien); 2 H 67 (Kellerman); 4 H 339, 350 (Lawson).
Id. at 350; CE 1024.
4 H 339-340 (Lawson).
5 H 560-561 (Johnson); CE 1024, statement of Rufus W. Youngblood.
5 H 561 (Johnson); 2 H 115 (Greer).
See 4 H 335-336 (Lawson).
4 H 132 (Connally); 2 H 135 (Clinton J. Hill); 2 H 70 (Kellerman); 4 H 326, 351 (Lawson).
2 H 135-136 (Hill); 4 H 351 (Lawson).
CE 768, p. 5.
2 H 67 (Kellerman); 4 H 327 (Lawson).
CE 768, p. 5 2 H 67 (Kellerman).
Id. at 68; 4 H 327-328 (Lawson) 2 H 116 (Greer).
CE 344, 345, 346.
2 H 65 (Kellerman); 2 H 114 (Greer).
4 H 349 (Lawson); 2 H 66-67 (Kellerman).
Id. at 67.
Id. at 64-65.
CE 345.
2 H 136-137 (Hill); CE 1025.
4 H 130-131 (Connally); 2 H 68 (Kellerman); 2 H 115 (Greer).
Ibid.
Ibid.
2 H 70 (Kellerman).
4 H 338-339 (Lawson).
2 H 135 (Hill).
Id. at 134.
Id. at 134-135.
7 H 446 (O'Donnell); 7 H 473 (Powers).
4 H 327, 329 (Lawson).
Ibid.; 7 H 342 (Sorrels).
4 H 327 (Lawson); 2 H 135-136 (Hill).
Id. at 136.
2 H 147 (Youngblood).
Id. at 148.
Id. at 147; 5 H 561 (Johnson); 7 H 439 (Senator Ralph W. Yarborough).
2 H 147 (Youngblood).
7 H 474 (Carter); 2 H 69 (Kellerman).
CE 767, attachment 3; CE 1126.
2 H 70 (Kellerman); 4 H 336 (Lawson).
CE 768, pp. 9-10.
4 H 130-131 (Connally); 2 H 67, 70 (Kellerman); 2 H 115 (Greer).
4 H 132 (Connally); 2 H 135 (Hill); 2 H 70 (Kellerman).
Ibid.
4 H 132 (Connally).
7 H 447 (O'Donnell); 7 H 473 (Powers); 4 H 131 (Connally).
2 H 135-136 (Hill); CE 398; CE 1024, statement of Clinton J. Hill, p. 2.
2 H 135 (Hill).
2 H 71 (Kellerman).
2 H 147 (Youngblood).
CE 876; 2 H 71 (Kellerman).
CE 878; 2 H 71-72 (Kellerman).
5 H 561 (Johnson); 4 H 132 (Connally).
7 H 447 (O'Donnell); 7 H 463 (O'Brien); 7 H 473 (Powers).
4 H 147 (Mrs. John B. Connally, Jr.); 4 H 131 (Connally).
2 H 151 (Youngblood).
7 H 473 (Powers).
2 H 120 (Greer).
CE 1974, p. 163.
2 H 119 (Greer).
4 H 134 (Connally) 4 H 149 (Mrs. Connally); 7 H 448 (O'Donnell); 7 H 473 (Powers); 7 H 474 (Carter); 2 H 73 (Kellerman); 2 H 139 (Hill); 3 H 245 (Baker).
5 H 160-161 (Lyndal L. Shaneyfelt).
5 H 179-180 (Mrs. John F. Kennedy).
4 H 132-133 (Connally).
Id. at 135-136.
4 H 147 (Mrs. Connally).
2 H 73-74 (Kellerman).
2 H 117 (Greer).
2 H 74-77 (Kellerman).
4 H 147 (Mrs. Connally).
4 H 133 (Connally).
4 H 147 (Mrs. Connally).
4 H 133 (Connally).
Ibid.; 4 H 147 (Mrs. Connally).
Ibid. 4 H 133 (Connally).
2 H 138 (Hill).
Ibid.
Id. at 138-139.
Ibid.
7 H 473 (Powers).
5 H 180 (Mrs. Kennedy).
CE 1024, statement of John D. Ready.
CE 1024, statement of George W. Hickey, Jr.

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Notes to Pages 51-60
CE 1024, statement of Emory P. Roberts.
Ibid.
2 H 148-149 (Youngblood).
Id. at 149.
5 H 561 (Johnson).
7 H 475 (Carter).
4 H 325 (Lawson).
7 H 347 (Sorrels).
2 H 74 (Kellerman); 2 H 120 (Greer); 2 H 141 (Hill); 2 H 149 (Youngblood).
4 H 353-354 (Lawson).
4 H 161 (Jesse E. Curry).
CE 1974, pp. 163-164.
Ibid.; 2 H 151 (Youngblood); 2 H 141 (Hill); 7 H 450 (O'Donnell); 7 H 475 (Carter).
2 H 151 (Youngblood); CE 1126.
6 H 144 (Doris M. Nelson); 6 H 116 (Ruth J. Standridge).
3 H 358 (Dr. Charles J. Carrico).
6 H 344 (Nelson).
3 H 363 (Carrico); 3 H 369-371 (Dr. Malcolm O. Perry).
4 H 354 (Lawson); 6 H 135 (Diana H. Bowron).
2 H 142 (Hill); 2 H 82 (Kellerman).
4 H 143 (Connally).
6 H 116 (Standridge).
2 H 79 (Kellerman); 2 H 124 (Greer); 4 H 354 (Lawson).
3 H 359 (Carrico); 6 H 141 (Margaret M. Henchliffe); 6 H 136 (Bowron).
3 H 358 (Carrico).
Ibid.
Id. at 359.
Ibid.
Id. at 361-362; 6 H 3 (Carrico).
3 H 361 (Carrico).
Id. at 359-360.
Ibid.
Id. at 360.
Ibid.; 6 H 3 (Carrico).
3 H 360 (Carrico) 3 H 368 (Perry).
Ibid.
Id. at 368-370.
Id. at 370.
Id. at 370, 372.
Id. at 370.
Id. at 371.
Id. at 370.
Id. at 371; 3 H 360 Carrico).
3 H 371 (Perry); 6 H 20 (Dr. William Kemp Clark).
Ibid.
Id. at 25.
Id. at 20; 3 H 371 (Perry).
CE 1126, p. 3.
6 H 20 (Clark); 3 H 372 (Perry); 6 H 41 (Dr. Charles R. Baxter).
6 H 20 (Clark).
3 H 372 (Ferry); 2 H 360 (Comdr. James J. Humes).
3 H 359 (Carrico).
3 H 363 (Carrico); 3 H 382 (Perry); 6 H 25 (Clark).
6 H 3 (Carrico).
3 H 382 (Perry); 6 H 29 (Clark); 6 H 48-49 (Dr. Marion T. Jenkins).
4 H 103-104 (Dr. Robert R. Shaw).
3 H 358 (Carrico).
Ibid.; 6 H 77-78 (Dr. Jackie H. Hunt); 6 H 74-75 (Dr. A. H. Giesecke, Jr.); 4 H 103 (Shaw).
Id. at 102-103.
Id. at 103.
Id. at 104-105; CE 392; 6 H 85, 87 (Shaw).
Id. at 88.
Id. at 85.
4 H 135 (Connally).
6 H 97 (Dr. Charles F. Gregory).
4 H 126-127 (Gregory).
6 H 105-106 (Dr. George Shires).
Id. at 106.
5 H 561 (Johnson); 2 H 149 (Youngblood).
Ibid.
Id. at 152;7 H 475 (Carter).
5 H 564-565 (Mrs. Lyndon B. Johnson); 7 H 475 (Carter).
5 H 561-562 (Johnson); 2 H 152 (Youngblood); 7 H 475 (Carter).
2 H 152 (Youngblood).
5 H 562 (Johnson); 7 H 451 (O'Donnell).
2 H 154-155 (Youngblood).
Id. at 152; 7 H 451 (O'Donnell); 5 H 561 (Johnson).
Ibid.
CE 1026; CE 1024, statement of Emory P. Roberts, p. 5.
5 H 562 (Johnson); 2 H 153 (Youngblood).
Ibid.
2 H 96 (Kellerman); 2 H 126 (Greer); CE 1026.
2 H 80 (Kellerman); 2 H 142 (Hill).
2 H 96 (Kellerman); CE 1024, statements of David B. Grant, Samuel E. Sulliman, Ernest E. Olsson, Jr., .John J. Howlett, Andrew E. Berger, Robert A. Steuart and Richard E. Johnsen.
CE 772. p. 3.
CE 2554. statements of Donald J. Lawton, Roger C. Warner, Henry J. Rybka, and William H. Patterson.
CE 2554, statement of Roger C. Warner, p. 2.
2 H 153 (Youngblood).
7 H 474 (Powers); 3 H 382 (Perry); CE 1126.
7 H 452 (O'Donnell).
Ibid, 2 H 142 (Hill).
7 H 453-454 (O'Donnell); 7 H 468-470 (O'Brien).
7 H 453 (O'Donnell); 2 H 96-97 (Kellerman).
7 H 454 (O'Donnell).
5 H 562-563 (Johnson).
7 H 454 (O'Donnell); 2 H 154 (Youngblood).
2 H 143 (Hill); 2 H 98 (Kellerman).
5 H 563 (Johnson); 5 H 566 (Mrs. Johnson); 7 H 470 (O'Brien).
2 H 143 (Hill); 2 H 98 (Kellerman).
7 H 454 (O'Donnell); 7 H 471 (O'Brien).
2 H 98 (Kellerman); 2 H 143 (Hill).
2 H 98 (Kellerman).
2 H 154 (Youngblood).
7 H 454-455 (O Donnell).
2 H 99 (Kellerman); 2 H 143 (Hill).
Ibid.; 7 H 455 (O'Donnell).
2 H 143 (Hill).
CE 1024, statement of Clinton J. Hill, p. 5.
2 H 349 (Comdr. James J. Humes).
Ibid.
CE 387.
2 H 351 (Humes).
Id. at 354.
Id. at 353-354.
5 H 73 (Robert A. Frazier).
2 H 361-362 (Humes).
Id. at 349; 2 H 100 (Kellerman); 2 H 143-144 (Hill).
7 H 455 (O'Donnell); 2 H 144 (Hill)
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Chapter III

Notes to Pages 63-81
3 H 142-143 (Howard L. Brennan); CE 477, 478.
3 H 149 (Brennan); CE 1437.
CE 479.
3 H 142 (Brennan).
See id. at 142-143.
Id. at 143.
Ibid.
Id. at 143-144.
Id. at 144.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 145.
2 H 204 (Amos Lee Euins).
Ibid.; see CE 365, 366.
2 H 204 (Euins).
6 H 310-311 (D. V. Harkness); 6 H 170 (James R. Underwood).
6 H 313 (Harkness).
Id. at 310; CE 1974 p. 165.
6 H 313 (Harkness) (Euins description of the man he saw is discussed in ch. IV, p. 147).
2 H 157-158 (Robert H. Jackson).
Id. at 158-159.
Id. at 159.
6 H 164 (Tom C. Dillard); 6 H 156- 157 (Malcolm D. Couch); 6 H 169 (Underwood).
6 H 164 (Dillard).
Id. at 164-165; CE 480, 481, 482.
6 H 156-157 (Couch).
Id. at 157.
7 H 485-486 (Mrs. Earle Cabell).
Id. at 486.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.; 7 H 478 (Earle Cabell).
7 H 487 (Mrs. Cabell).
6 H 172-173 (James N. Crawford).
Ibid.
Id. at 173.
Ibid.
6 H 176 (Mary Ann Mitchell).
Ibid.
3 H 202-203 (James Jarman, Jr.).
3 H 190 (Harold Norman).
3 H 169-173 (Bonnie R. Williams).
Id. at 173; 3 H 190 (Norman); 3 H 202, 203 (Jarman).
3 H 195 (Norman).
Id. at 191.
3 H 175 (Williams).
Ibid.
3 H 204 (Jarman).
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 204-205.
Id. at 211.
Ibid.
Id. at 207, 211.
3 H 196 (Norman).
Id. at 195.
See, e.g., the statements of eyewitnesses in CE 1428, 1432, 1433, 1435, 1436, 2084.
See e.g. CE 1428, 1432, 2087, 2088, 2098, 2099.
6 H 249 (J. W. Foster); 6 H 254 (J. C. White).
6 H 256-257 (Joe E. Murphy); Murphy DE A.
6 H 257 (Murphy).
6 H 250 (Foster); 6 H 255 (White); see 6 H 256 (Murphy).
Id. at 257.
6 H 250 (Foster).
6 H 241 (S. M. Holland).
See 6 H 224 (Austin L. Miller); 6 H 22.8 (Frank E. Reilly); 6 H 236-237 (Royce G. Skelton); 6 H 240-242 (Holland); CE 1416-1424 (statements of James L. Simmons, Walter Luke Winborn, Nolan H. Potter, Curtis Freeman Bishop, Richard Calvin Dodd, Thomas J. Murphy, Clemon Earl Johnson, Ewell William Cowsert, and George A. Davis).
6 H 239-24.1 (Holland).
6 H 253 (Foster).
7 H 516 (James W. Altgens); 6 H 226 (Miller).
6 H 284-285 (Lee H. Bowers, Jr.).
Id. at 285.
Id. at 285-286.
Id. at 287.
6 H 229 (Reilly); 6 H 241-242 (Holland); 6 H 258 (Murphy); Murphy DE A.
6 H 250 (Foster); see 6 H 229 (Reilly).
4 H 351 (Winston G. Lawson); 7 H 346 (Forrest V. Sorrels).
4 H 351 (Lawson).
See 6 H 258 (Murphy).
6 H 251 (Foster).
Id. at 251-252.
6 H 225 (Miller).
6 H 237-238 (Skelton).
6 H 230 (Reilly).
6 H 243-245 (Holland).
CE 1421.
6 H 287 (Bowers).
See 6 H 251-252 (Foster).
6 H 244 (Holland).
6 H 225 (Miller); see also CE 1416, 1417.
6 H 287-288 (Bowers); CE 1416-1419, 1423.
6 H 298 (Clyde A. Haygood).
5 H 67 (Robert A. Frazier); 3 H 432 (Frazier); CE 567.
5 H 67 (Frazier); 3 H 435 (Frazier); CE 569.
5 H 66, 71 (Frazier); CE 840.
5 H 68 (Frazier).
Ibid.; CE 350; see 2 H 85-86, 87-89 (Roy H. Kellerman).
5 H 70 (Frazier); CE 349.
5 H 67-69, 72-74 (Frazier).
Ibid.
Id. at 68; 3 H 399 (Frazier).
5 H 68 (Frazier).
2 H 86 (Kellerman); CE 351.
5 H 69 (Frazier).
2 H 84-85 (Kellerman); 2 H 122 (William Robert Greer).
5 H 70 (Frazier).
Ibid.
Ibid.
4 H 204-205 (Jesse W. Fritz); 3 H 283-284 (Luke Mooney).
Id. at 284-285; CE 508.
3 H 285 (Mooney); CE 510, 1974, p. 176.
4 H 205 (Fritz).
3 H 285 (Mooney).
4 H 249-250 (J. C. Day); CE 715, 716.
3 H 293-294 (Eugene Boone); 7 H 107 (Seymour Weitzman); CE 514, 515.
3 H 293 (Boone); 4 H 205 (Fritz); 4 H 257 (Day); CE 718; see 7 H 161 (Richard M. Sims).
4 H 258-259 (Day); 4 H 205 (Fritz); CE 141.
4 H 260 (Day); 4 H 206 (Fritz).
3 H 294 (Boone); 4 H 260 (Day); see 7 H 108-109 (Weitzman).
6 H 116-117 (Ruth J. Standridge).
6 H 121-122 (Jane C. Wester); 6 H 126 (R. J. Jimison).
6 H 129-131 (Darrel C. Tomlinson).
Id. at 130
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Page 821

Notes to Pages 81-96
H 363 (Dr. Charles J. Carrico); 6 H 137 (Diana H. Bowron).
Id. at 137-138; 6 H 141 (Margaret M. Henchcliffe); 6 H 145 (Doris M. Nelson).
Id. at 145-146; 6 H 142 (Henchcliffe); 6 H 137-138 (Bowron).
3 H 392-394 (Frazier); 4 H 260 (Day); CE 139.
3 H 393-394 (Frazier); CE 541.
3 H 392-393 (Frazier).
Id. at 392; CE 540.
3 H 392-393 (Frazier).
7 H 108-109 (Weitzman).
3 H 395 (Frazier).
Ibid.
Id. at 395-396; 4 H 260 (Day).
3 H 397 (Frazier).
Id. at 391.
Id. at 391, 421.
3 H 496 (Joseph D. Nicol).
See generally 3 H 417-419, 429-430 (Frazier).
Id. at 424.
See app. X.
3 H 429, 432, 435 (Frazier); 3 H 498, 500-502 (Nicol); CE 399, 567, 569.
3 H 502 (Nicol); 3 H 434, 436 (Frazier).
3 H 497 (Nicol); 3 H 435 (Frazier).
5 H 73-74 (Frazier).
3 H 415 (Frazier); 3 H 505 (Nicol); CE 543-545.
3 H 440 (Frazier); 7 H 591 (Cortlandt Cunningham); 7 H 591 (Charles L. Killion).
2 H 352-353 (Comdr. James J. Humes); 2 H 377 (Comdr. J. Thornton Boswell); 2 H 380 (Lt. Col. Pierre A, Finck).
2 H 352 (Humes).
Id. at 357-359.
Id. at 859-361.
CE 400.
2 H 379-380 (Finck).
2 H 352 (Humes).
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.; 2 H 377 (Boswell); CE 388.
5 H 75-77 (Dr. Alfred G. Olivier).
Id. at 89; CE 861, 862.
5 H 87 (Olivier).
Id. at 89.
2 H 361 (Humes); CE 387, 391.
2 H 364 (Humes); 2 H 380 (Finck).
Ibid.; 2 H 364 (Humes); 2 H 377 (Boswell).
2 H 363 (Humes).
Id. at 367-368.
Id. at 364.
Ibid.; 2 H 380 (Finck); CE 385.
2 H 368-369 (Humes).
Id. at 367.
Id. at 363.
Id. at 361-362.
3 H 361 (Carrico).
3 H 388 (Dr. Malcolm O. Perry); id. at 372.
3 H 362 (Carrico).
3 H 373 (Perry).
3 H 362 (Carrico).
3 H 373 (Perry).
6 H 42-43 (Dr. Charles R. Baxter); 6 H 35 (Dr. Robert N. McClelland); 6 H 48-50 (Dr. Marion T. Jenkins); 6 H 55 (Dr. Ronald C. Jones).
3 H 369 (Perry).
Id. at 375.
Id. at 375-376.
Id. at 375.
Id. at 368, 372, 375.
Id. at 375.
CE 1415, "The Doctors' Hard Fight To Save Him," New York Herald Tribune, Nov. 23, 1963.
5 H 76-78 (Olivier).
Id. at 78; CE 850.
See 3 H 362 (Carrico); 3 H 368 (Perry).
2 H 364 (Humes); CE 385; see 5 H 60-61 (Frazier); CE 394.
2 H 375 (Humes).
5 H 77-78 (Olivier); CE 849.
5 H 59-62 (Frazier); CE 393, 394, 395.
5 H 59-62 (Frazier).
Id. at 59.
Ibid.
Id. at 59-60.
Id. at 60.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 61.
Ibid.
CE 395.
5 H 62 (Frazier).
Ibid.
4 H 104 (Dr. Robert R. Shaw).
Id. at 104-105; CE 679, 680.
4 H 104 (Shaw); 6 H 85 (Shaw).
4 H 136-138 (Gov. John B. Connally, Jr.).
Id. at 135.
4 H 118, 124 (Dr. Charles F. Gregory).
Id. at 118-119.
Id. at 119-120.
Id. at 120-121.
Id. at 124.
6 H 89 (Shaw).
4 H 109 (Shaw).
4 H 138 (Connally); 6 H 106 (Dr. George T. Shires).
See 5 H 87 (Olivier); 6 H 106 (Shires).
Ibid.; 4 H 125 (Gregory).
6 H 106, 109 (Shires); 4 H 113 (Shaw); 4 H 125 (Gregory).
CE 684; 5 H 63 (Frazier).
Ibid.
Ibid.; CE 683.
5 H 64 (Frazier).
Id. at 63-64.
Id. at 64; CE 685.
5 H 64 (Frazier).
Ibid.
Ibid.; CE 686.
5 H 64-65 (Frazier).
Ibid.
Id. at 65.
Ibid.
CE 687, 688; 5 H 65-66 (Frazier).
Ibid.
5 H 93 (Dr. Arthur J. Dziemian).
Ibid.
Ibid.; see 5 H 82-83 (Olivier).
Id. at 81.
Ibid.; CE 854, 855.
5 H 82 (Olivier); CE 856.
5 H 82 (Olivier).
Id. at 82-83.
Ibid.
4 H 121-122 (Gregory).
See id. at 124.
See 5 H 82 (Olivier).
Id. at 87; see id. at 82.
3 H 430 (Frazier).
6 H 98 (Gregory).
Id. at 98-99.
6 H 91 (Shaw); 6 H 101-102 (Gregory); 6 H 109-110 (Shires).
4 H 139-140 (Connally).
Id. at 138-139; CE 689.
5 H 92 (Dziemian); see 5 H 84-87 (Olivier); 5 H 95-97 (Dr. F. W. Light, Jr.).
2 H 71-73 (Kellerman); 2 H 116-117 (Greer); 4 H 132-133 (Connally)
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Page 822

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Notes to Pages 96-119
CE 347, 354, 699.
5 H 137 (Leo J. Gauthier); CE 884; see 5 H 138-165 (Lyndal L. Shaneyfelt).
Id. at 139-141.
Id. at 153-154.
Id. at 142.
Id. at 153-154; 3 H 407 (Frazier).
See 5 H 93 (Dziemian).
5 H 130-132 (Thomas J. Kelley); see CE 871-874.
5 H 132-134 (Kelley).
5 H 147 (Shaneyfelt).
Id. at 162.
5 H 134 (Kelley); 5 H 167 (Frazier).
5 H 139 (Shaneyfelt).
Id. at 149.
Id. at 147-148.
See id. at 145.
Id. at 147-149.
Id. at 149-150.
Id. at 150-151.
Id. at 152.
Id. at 151.
Id. at 151-152.
Id. at 152.
Id. at 157.
Id. at 153, 156-157.
5 H 168-169 (Frazier).
Id. at 71, 169.
Id. at 70, 169 (Frazier); 5 H 77 (Olivier).
5 H 70-71 (Frazier).
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 174.
CE 697, 698.
5 H 131-132 (Kelley).
3 H 359 (Carrico); 4 H 147 (Mrs. John B. Connally, Jr.); see 4 H 138-140 (Connally).
5 H 169-171 (Frazier).
Id. at 170; 4 H 145 (Connally).
5 H 170 (Frazier).
Ibid.
Id. at 167.
5 H 153 (Shaneyfelt); 5 H 137 (Gauthier).
5 H 153, 162 (Shaneyfelt).
Ibid.
Id. at 162.
Id. at 162-163.
Id. at 163; CE 902, 903.
5 H 133 (Kelley).
5 H 163 (Shaneyfelt).
4 H 137-188 (Connally).
See 4 H 104-105 (Shaw).
5 Id. 164 (Shaneyfelt).
CE 385.
5 H 78-80 (Olivier).
CE 399, 853; 5 H 80 (Olivier).
Id. at 80, 86.
Id. at 86.
Id. at 86-87; 5 H 91-92 (Dziemian).
Id. at 92 (Dziemian).
Ibid.; 5 H 83-84 (Olivier).
Id. at 86.
Id. at 80.
Id. at 84; 6 H 95 (Shaw).
5 H 94, 97 (Light).
Id. at 97.
CE 389, 390, 885.
CE 388, 389.
See 5 H 159-160 (Shaneyfelt).
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 145, 160.
Id. at 160.
E.g. 4 H 147 (Mrs. Connally); 2 H 76 (Kellerman); 2 H 118 (Greer); 2 H 149-150 (Rufus W. Youngblood); 7 H 448 (Kenneth O'Donnell); 7 H 440 (Senator Ralph W. Yarborough); see also the reports of numerous eyewitnesses in CE 1416-1419, 1425, 1427, 1430-1432, 1434-1436, 2084, 2087, 2090, 2098-2107.
E.g. 2 H 139 (Clinton J. Hill); CE 1421, 1429.
E.g. 2 H 194 (James R. Worrell, Jr.); 6 H 207 (Jean L. Hill); 6 H 238 (Skelton).
Hatcher, Jury & Weller, Firearms Investigations, Identification and Evidence, 41.8 (1957).
See supra at p. 85.
CE 1024, statement of Agent Glen A. Bennett.
CE 2112.
4 H 132-133 (Connally).
4 H 147 (Mrs. Connally); 5 H 152 (Shaneyfelt).
4 H 147 (Mrs. Connally).
7 H 517, 520-521 (Altgens).
5 H 158 (Shaneyfelt).
7 H 493 (Phillip L. Willis); 15 H 696 697 (Shaneyfelt); Shaneyfelt DE 25.
4 H 133, 135 (Connally).
5 H 160 (Shaneyfelt).
Id. at 153-154; 3 H 407 (Frazier).
For recollection that the second and third shots were closer together see e.g. 2 H 73-74 (Kellerman); 2 H 118 (Greer); 2 H 150 (Youngblood); 2 H 159 (Jackson); CE 2084, 2098, 2100. For recollection that the shots were evenly spaced see e.g. 7 H 495 (Willis). For recollection that the first and second shots were closer together see the statement of Cecil Ault, CE 2103.
7 H 518 (Altgens).
7 H 560 (Emmett J. Hudson).
5 H 180 (Mrs. John F. Kennedy).
6 H 238 (Skelton).
Ibid.
6 H 252 (J. W. Foster).
See CE 2111.
7 H 553 (James T. Tague).
7 H 546 (Eddy R. Walthers).
Ibid.; 7 H 553 (Tague).
Ibid.
Id. at 555.
CE 1974, p. 166; see 6 H 298 (Haygood).
15 H 700 (Shaneyfelt).
Ibid.
Ibid.
E.g. 2 H 76 (Kellerman); 2 H 118 (Greer); 2 H 139 (Clinton J. Hill); 2 H 150 (Youngblood; 2 H 182-183 (Arnold L. Rowland); 2 H 160 (Jackson)
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Chapter IV
See ch. III.
11 H 207 (Albert Yeargan); 11 H 206 (J. Philip Lux); 7 H 364 (William Waldman).
11 H 205 (Louis Feldsott).
7 H 364-365 (Waldman); 7 H 370-371 (Mitchell Scibor).
7 H 420 (James Cadigan); 4 H 373 (Alwyn Cole).
7 H 420 (Cadigan); 4 H 359-362 (Cole).
7 H 365-368 (Waldman); Waldman DE 7, 8, 9, 10; CE 773, 788.
CE 788, 789; 7 H 295 (Harry
Page 823
Holmes); 4 H 373 (Cole); 7 H 423 (Cadigan); Cadigan DE 11.
7 H 366-368 (Waldman); Waldman DE 7, 10; CE 2957.
7 H 365-368 (Waldman); Waldman DE 7, 8, 9, 10; CE 773, 788.
7 H 361-364 (Waldman); Waldman DE 1, 3, 4.
Waldman DE 7.
3 H 393 (Robert Frazier); CE 1977.
Holmes DE 3; Cadigan DE 13; 7 H 295 (Holmes); CE 2011, p. 17; see also CE 791, 792.
4 H 377-378 (Cole); CE 791, 792.
4 H 379 (Cole); 7 H 425-426 (Cadigan); CE 793.
2 H 457-459 (Ruth Paine); 1 H 18-19 (Marina Oswald); 5 H 388 (Marina Oswald).
Cadigan DE 13; CE 791; 7 H 527 (Holmes).
Id. at 528.
3 H 300-301 (M. N. McDonald); CE 143; 7 H 54 (Gerald Hill); 7 Id. 21-22 (Bob Carroll); Cadigan DE 12.
7 H 376 (Heinz Michaelis); CE 135, 790; 7 H 594 (David Goldstein); Cadigan DE 12.
4 H 375 (Cole); 7 H 424 (Cadigan).
CE 801, 802; 7 H 187-188 (Richard Stovall); 7 H 228 (Guy Rose); CE 1986, 1989, 1990; CE 2011, p. 20.
CE 2011, p. 21.
CE 795, 1986, 1989, 1990; 7 H 187-188 (Stovall); 7 H 228 (Rose); CE 2011, pp. 22-23.
Compare CE 801 with 795; For a detailed description of additional steps in the creation of the forged card, see 4 H 386-387 (Cole).
CE 795, 800-801, 806-812; 4 Id. 380-382, 385-387, 389-391 (Cole); 7 H 427 (Cadigan); 7 H 195 (Stovall).
CE 813, 2004; CE 2011, p. 25.
4 H 394-396 (Cole).
CE 1828, 2012.
7 H 296 (Holmes).
CE 817; Cadigan DE 22; 7 H 296 (Holmes); CE 1799, p. 3; CE 2011, p. 19.
4 H 397-398 (Cole); 7 H 431-432 (Cadigan).
1 H 64 (Marina Oswald).
5 H 401 (Marina Oswald).
See e.g., CE 819; CE 1413, pp. 19, 35.
1 H 64 (Marina Oswald); 5 H 401, 403 (Marina Oswald).
Ibid; 1 H 65 (Marina Oswald).
CE 1398.
CE 1945.
CE 2014.
1 H 91 (Marina Oswald). When translated from the Russian, the name was spelled "Alec". Oswald himself spelled the name "Alek" in correspondence. See note 43, infra.
See, e.g., CE 38, 55-56.
3 H 289 (Luke Mooney); 3 H 292-293 (Eugene Boone).
4 H 258 (J. C. Day); cf. 3 H 295 (Boone).
4 H 259 (Day).
Id. at 261; 4 H 20 (Sebastian Latona).
Id. at 21.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 22, 29; see also 4 H 258-259 (Day).
Id. at 260-261.
4 H 24 (Latona).
Ibid.
4 H 261-262 (Day).
4 H 73 (Latona); 4 H 261 (Day).
CE 2637.
4 H 24 (Latona); CE 637-639
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Notes to Pages 119-128
4 H 50 (Arthur Mandella); 15 H 745-746 (Mandella).
4 H 47 (Latona); 7 H 590 (Ronald Wittmus).
4 H 30 (Latona); 4 H 54 (Mandella); 7 H 590 (Wittmus).
4 H 2 (Latona); 4 H 262 (Day).
4 H 260 (Day).
4 H 82, 85 (Paul Stombaugh); CE 674.
4 H 56, 74 (Stombaugh).
CE 150, 673-676; 3 H 302 (McDonald); see CE 2011, p. 13. 15 H 695 (Lyndal Shaneyfelt).
4 H 83-87 (Stombaugh).
Id. at 88.
Id. at 87.
Id. at 87-88.
1 H 121 (Marina Oswald).
3 H 252 (T. L. Baker); 3 H 276 (Mrs. Robert Reid); 2 H 259 (William Whaley).
6 H 412-413 (Mrs. Mary Bledsoe).
7 H 173 (Richard Sims); 2 H 287 (Cecil McWatters); 4 H 223 (J. W. Fritz); CE 381, 381-A; CE 2005, p. I 137-B.
Ibid.
4 H 84 (Stombaugh).
Id. at 83.
3 H 41 (Ruth Paine); see app. XIII.
See footnotes 107-114. infra.
See ch. VI, pp. 318-321.
See footnotes 107-114, infra.
CE 712, 713; 4 H 237, 241 (Fritz); 11 H 155-156 (M. Waldo George).
1 H 15-16, 117-118 (Marina Oswald); CE 134.
CE 133-A.
CE 748; 4 H 281 (Lyndal Shaneyfelt).
Ibid.
CE 133-A, 133-B, 134; 1 Id. 117-118 (Marina Oswald); 5 H 405, 410 (Marina Oswald); CE 750.
CE 749; 7 H 194 (Stovall); 7 H 231 (Rose); CE 2011, p. 26. The recovered negative was of the picture introduced as CE 133-B.
4 H 284-288 (Shaneyfelt).
Id. at 284.
Id. at 289; 15 H 693 (Shaneyfelt).
4 H 237, 241 (Fritz); CE 712, 713, 714.
4 H 288 (Shaneyfelt).
Id. at 290-294; 15 H 687-690 (Shaneyfelt).
4 H 292-294 (Shaneyfelt); 15 H 689-690 (Shaneyfelt); Shaneyfelt DE 13, 14, 18.
See footnote 4, 82, 83, supra.
CE 1406; 15 H 690-692 (Shaneyfelt); Shaneyfelt DE 20, 21, 22, 22-A.
1 H 15, 118 (Marina Oswald); see p. 182, infra.
Michaelis DE 5; Waldman DE 7.
1 H 119 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 14.
Id. at 21; CE 1403, p. 735.
1 H 21-22, 54 (Marina Oswald); but see Id. at 65; contra CE 1403, p. 736.
1 H 26 (Marina Oswald); 3 H 4-5, 7, 10-11, 19 (R. Paine).
1 H 26 (Marina Oswald).
3 H 26-21, 25 (R. Paine); 2 H 507-508 (R. Paine).
1 H 26, 52, 53, 61, 67-78, 74 (Marina Oswald); CE 2003. p. 46.
1 H 26.52 (Marina Oswald).
3 H 21-25 (R. Paine); 9 H 436-443 (M. Paine).
2 H 414-416 (M. Paine); 9 H 437-440 (M. Paine).
9 H 436 (M. Paine)
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Page 824

Notes to Pages 128-140
2 H 417 (M. Paine); 9 H 442-443 (M. Paine).
7 H 229 (Rose); 7 H 548 (Eddy Walthers).
4 H 57-58 (Stombaugh).
3 H 27-39 (R. Paine); 1 H 51 (Marina Oswald); 6 H 401-402 (Bledsoe); 10 H 293-294 (Mrs. A. C. Johnson); 6 H 436 (E. Roberts).
2 H 212-213, 217 (Frazier); 1 H 51,124 (Marina Oswald); 3 H 40, 67, 127 (R. Paine).
1 H 51 (Marina Oswald); 2 H 222 (Frazier); 3 H 40 (M. Paine); see 3 H 28-46 (M. Paine).
2 H 222-223 (Frazier); CE 2003, p. 25.
Ibid.
2 H 247-248 (Mrs. Linnie Mae Randle); 2 H 224 (Frazier).
10 H 297 (Mrs. A. C. Johnson).
CE 2046.
3 H 72-73 (R. Paine); 9 H 424 (R. Paine); R. Paine DE 275, 276; CE 449.
3 H 75-76 (R. Paine).
1 H 68-69 (Marina Oswald).
CE 2640.
3 H 46, 56-57 (R. Paine); 1 H 65 (Marina Oswald).
3 H 48, 59-61 (R. Paine); 9 H 418 (R. Paine); 1 H 71 (Marina Oswald).
3 H 48, 52, 60 (R. Paine); 9 H 397, 418 (R. Paine); CE 430.
CE 429, 430, 434; 3 H 29, 52-53 (R. Paine); 9 H 402 (R. Paine).
9 H 408, 410 (R. Paine); 3 H 20-22 (R. Paine); 1 H 26, 52-53, 67, 119 (Marina Oswald); CE 140; 2003, p. 46.
3 H 47 (R. Paine).
Id. at 47, 62-63.
Id. at 48-49, 65.
1 H 66-67 (Marina Oswald).
Ibid; 3 H 58-59, 67 (R. Paine).
Compare photos in CE 1305 and 1304.
2 H 252 (Cortlandt Cunningham).
1 H 73-74 (Marina Oswald); 3 H 68-69 (R. Paine).
Ibid; 3 H 78-79 (R. Paine); 7 H 229-230 (Rose).
1 H 119 (Marina Oswald).
3 H 79 (R. Paine).
Ibid; 1 H 74 (Marina Oswald).
Ibid; 7 H 305 (Holmes); Holmes DE 4, p. 3-4; see also 4 H 223, 229 (Fritz).
1 H 72-73 (Marina Oswald); 3 H 68, 112 (R. Paine); 2 H 224-226 (Frazier).
1 H 66, 72-73 (Marina Oswald); 3 H 68 (R. Paine).
2 H 248 (Randle); CE 144, 446.
2 H 251 (Randle); CE 144, 446.
2 H 248-249 (Randle).
Id. at 249-250.
Id. at 249.
2 H 225-226 (Frazier).
Id. at 226.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 228.
Id. at 220.
Id. at 228.
Id. at 230.
6 H 376-377 (Jack Dougherty).
See e.g. 6 H 383 (Eddie Piper); 3 H 164-165 (Bonnie Ray Williams); 3 H 188 (Harold Norman); 3 H 200 (James Jarman, Jr.); 3 H 218-219 (Roy Truly); 6 H 328 (William Shelley); 6 H 348-349 (Charles Givens); 6 H 358-359 (Troy West); 6 H 364-365 (Danny Arce); 6 H 337 (Billy Lovelady); CE 1381, pp. 2, 9, 12, 13, 18, 20, 25, 33-34, 37, 39, 43, 50, 58, 59, 67, 71, 77, 82, 86, 89, 96, 97, 105.
2 H 226 (Frazier); 2 H 249-250 (Randle).
3 H 395 (Frazier); CE 139.
CE 1304; 2 H 240 (Frazier).
Id. at 241.
Id. at 243.
CE 2009.
2 H 249-250 (Randle).
2 H 239 (Frazier).
2 H 248-249 (Randle); see CE 2008.
Ibid.
2 H 243 (Frazier).
Id. at 229.
See CE 142; 4 H 266 (Day).
4 H 266-267 (Day); 7 H 143-145 (Robert Lee Studebaker); Studebaker DE F; CE 1302.
3 H 395 (Frazier); CE 142, 626.
CE 1301, 1302.
See CE 508, 723, 726; 4 H 265-266 (Day); 3 H 285-286, 289 (Luke Mooney).
4 H 267 (Day).
See app. X, pp. 565-566; 4 H 3-8 (Latona).
Id. at 4-5, 8.
Id. at 7.
Id. at 47; 7 H 590 (Wittmus).
4 H 50-51 (Mandella).
4 H 5, 47 (Latona); 4 H 50-51 (Mandella); 15 H 745-746.
4 H 44-45 (Latona).
Id. at 7; 2 H 228 (Frazier).
See CE 677 which indicates it was picked up by R. L. Studebaker of the Dallas Police Force on November 22, 1963; 4 H 89-90 (Cadigan).
Id. at 93.
Id. at 95.
Id. at 93, 94, 97.
Id. at 93-94, 97, 99, 100.
CE 1077, 364; 4 H 93 (Cadigan).
Id. at 94-96, 99-100.
Ibid.
Id. at 96; CE 1965.
3 H 215-218 (Truly).
4 H 77-78 (Stombaugh).
Id. at 81.
Id. at 78.
Ibid.
Id. at 81.
Ibid.
3 H 214 (Truly).
Id. at 214-215; 6 H 328 (Shelley).
Id. at 215; 6 H 328 (Shelley).
See infra, p. 143.
4 H 269, 272, 277 (Day); CE 654, 733, 734; 7 H 147 (Studebaker); Studebaker DE J; CE 1309.
4 H 269, 270-271, 277 (Day); CE 641, 733, 734; 7 H 141-143, 147 (Studebaker); Studebaker DE A, B, C, D, E, 5; CE 1306, 1308.
4 H 251, 277 (Day); CE 481, 482, 653, 733, 734; 7 H 141-143, 147 (Studebaker); Studebaker DE A, B, D, E, J.
7 H 141 (Studebaker); 7 H 391 (Shelley); 3 H 232, 236 (Truly).
7 H 149 (Studebaker).
CE 733; 734; 1312; 7 H 147 (Studebaker); Studebaker DE J.
CE 1302; see pp. 134-135 supra.
4 H 31, 38, 42 (Latona).
Id. at 42.
Id. at 32, 34.
3 H 231 (Truly); 7 H 391-392 (Shelley).
3 H 232 (Truly); 7 H 149 (Studebaker); 7 H 392 (Shelley).
7 H 391 (Shelley); 3 H 236 (Truly).
7 H 391-392 (Shelley).
4 H 269 (Day); CE 1302.
4 H 39 (Latona).
Id. at 38, 39 (Latona).
Id. at 39.
Ibid
Page 825
Id. at 38-39.
4 H 269-270 (Day); 4 H 31, 38-39, 42 (Latona).
CE 313; pp. 17-18.
4 H 51, 52, 54 (Mandella); 15 H 745-746 (Mandella); CE 662.
Id. at 47; 7 H 590 (Wittmus).
4 H 42-44 (Latona); CE 1980, 3135.
6 H 347, 349 (Givens).
Id. at 354.
Id. at 349.
Ibid.
Id. at 349-350, 353.
Id. at 350-351.
Id. at 351; 3 H 223 (Truly).
6 H 351 (Givens).
CE 1381.
6 H 342-345 (Frankie Kaiser); 6 H 332 (Shelley); 6 H 335 (Nat Pinkston); 3 H 233-235 (Truly); Kaiser DE A; CE 506.
CE 1966, 3141, 6 H 344 (Kaiser); 6 H 335 (Pinkston).
6 H 344 (Kaiser); 6 H 335 (Pinkston).
Ibid; 6 H 332-333 (Shelley); 3 H 215. (Truly).
6 H 332-333 (Shelley).
See ch. III.
3 H 144-148 (Howard Brennan); 7 H 354 (Forrest Sorrels).
3 Id. 141-144 (Brennan); CE 477-479.
3 H 149-157 (Brennan); CE 479.
3 H 142 (Brennan).
Id. at 143.
Id. at 143-144.
Id. at 145; 6 H 322-323 (J. Herbert Sawyer); 3 H 197 (Norman); 3 H 207 (Jarman); 7 H 349 (Sorrels); 7 H 540-544 (W. E. Barnett).
6 H 321 (Sawyer); Sawyer DE A; CE 1974, p. 24-25.
CE 2005.
3 H 144 (Brennan).
CE 1991.
CE 1945, 1950, 1951; CE 1944, p. 3.
11 H 471 (Francis Martello); CE 1413, pp. 19,
CE 1981.
CE 1974, p. 59.
Id. at 181.
Id. at 74.
3 H 144 (Brennan).
CE 481, 715, 733, 734.
CE 715, 733, 734.
See 5 H 167 (Frazier); CE 1301.
3 H 144 (Brennan).
See e.g., CE 481, 482, 485.
3 H 174 (Williams); 3 H 190-191 (Norman); 3 H 204 (Jarman); CE 485, 486, 494.
CE 485, 486, 494.
See CE 485, 486, 494, 715, 733, 734, 1912.
3 H 146, 156 (Brennan); 3 H 197 (Norman); but see, 7 H 349 (Sorrels).
3 H 184-185 (Brennan).
3 H 197 (Norman); 9 H 207 (Jarman).
3 H 197 (Norman).
3 H 207 (Jarman).
3 H 147-148 (Brennan); 7 H 355 (Sorrels).
3 H 148 (Brennan); but see 7 354-355 (Sorrels).
3 H 155 (Brennan).
CE 2006; 3 H 155-156 (Brennan).
Id. at 155.
Id. at 148.
Ibid; see also id. at 155.
Id. at 148; 7 H 354 (Sorrels).
6 H 193-194 (Ronald Fischer); 6 H 203-205 (Robert Edwards)
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Notes to Pages 141-152
6 H 192 (Fischer); 6 H 202-203 (Edwards).
3 H 141 (Brennan).
6 H 193 (Fischer).
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 194.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 197-198.
Id. at 197.
Id. at 198.
Ibid.
Id. at 198-199.
6 H 203 (Edwards).
Id. at 203-204.
See ch. III, p. 64.
2 H 203 (Amos Euins); CE 365
2 H 204-207 (Euins).
CE 367.
6 H 170 (James Underwood).
2 H 208 (Euins).
7 H 349 (Sorrels).
7 H 519 (James Altgens).
Ibid; CE 369, 203.
5 H 158 159 (Shaneyfelt); 7 H 519 (Altgens); CE 900.
CE 1408.
6 H 338-339 (Lovelady); CE 1407.
2 H 233 (Frazier); 6 H 328 (Shelley).
Ibid; CE 369.
3 H 244 (Baker).
Id. at 245.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 246.
Ibid.
Id. at 247.
Ibid.
Id. at 248.
Ibid.
Id. at 248-249.
Id. at 249.
CE 1118.
3 H 249 (Baker).
Ibid.
3 H 223 (Truly).
Ibid.
3 H 249-250 (Baker).
Id. at 255-256; 3 H 222-223 (Truly).
CE 1118.
7 H 591 (Truly).
3 H 224 (Truly); 3 H 250 (Baker); CE 498.
3 H 250, 255 (Baker).
Ibid.
Id. at 250; CE 1118.
3 H 223-224 (Truly).
3 H 255 (Baker).
Id. at 250.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 255.
Id. at 251.
3 H 225 (Truly).
Ibid.; 3 H 251 (Baker).
3 H 225 (Truly); 3 H 251 (Baker).
Id. at 252 (Baker).
3 H 225 (Truly).
Ibid.
3 H 247-248 (Baker).
3 H 228 (Truly).
3 H 252 (Baker).
Id. at 254; see also 3 H 240 (Truly).
3 H 254 (Baker); Truly, however stated that the second run was timed at 1 minute 15 seconds, 3 H 240 (Truly).
7 H 592 (John Howlett).
7 H 592-593 (Baker); 3 H 247-248 (Baker).
Id. at 253
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Page 826

Notes to Pages 152-165
Id. at 252; accord, 3 H 228 (Truly).
Id. at 223.
Ibid.
3 H 254 (Baker).
3 H 226 (Truly); see also 3 H 254 (Baker).
3 H 226-227 (Truly).
6 H 379 (Dougherty); see also 3 H 229 (Truly).
6 H 380 (Dougherty).
6 H 382-386 (Piper).
3 H 180 (Williams).
Ibid; 3 H 193 (Norman); 3 H 206 (Jarman); 3 H 231 (Truly); CE 490, 492.
3 H 201-206 (Jarman); 3 H 89-97 (Norman); 3 H 171-176 (Williams).
3 H 201-206 (Jarman); 3 H 89-97 (Norman); 3 H 171-176 (Williams); 6 H 378 (Dougherty); CE 1381, pp. 27, 49, 70, 101-102.
6 H 388 (Victoria Adams).
Ibid.
6 H 329 (Shelley); 6 H 339 (Lovelady).
Ibid.; 6 H 329 (Shelley).
6 H 329 (Shelley).
Id. at 329-330; 6 H 338-340 (Lovelady).
Id. at 340.
3 H 273 (Mrs. Reid).
Ibid.
Id. at 274.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 278; CE 1118.
3 H 276 (Mrs. Reid).
1 H 122 (Marina Oswald).
Ibid.
6 H 345 (Kaiser).
3 H 275 (Mrs. Reid).
Id. at 275, 279.
Id. at 279.
CE 1118.
7 H 542-543 (Barnett).
See ch. III, p. 63.
7 H 543 (Barnett).
Ibid.
6 H 310 (D. V. Harkness); CE 1974, p. 165.
6 H 311 (Harkness).
Id. at 312.
CE 1974, p. 165; 6 H 316-317 (Sawyer).
Id. at 317-318.
Id. at 320.
Id. at 318, 320.
Id. at 320.
7 H 348 (Sorrels).
3 H 238 (Truly).
3 H 230, 238 (Truly).
Id. at 230.
Id. at 239.
4 H 206 (Fritz).
Id. at 211; 7 H 173 (Sims); CE 381.
Compare CE 381 A and 372; 2 H 268 (McWatters).
2 H 263-264, 286 (McWatters).
Id. at 271.
Id. at 264, 271.
Id. at 264-265.
Id. at 271.
Id. at 279-280, 282; CE 377.
2 H 280-283 (McWatters).
CE 2641.
2 H 270 (McWatters).
6 H 401, 402 (Mrs. Bledsoe).
Id. at 406.
Ibid.
Id. at 408-409.
Id. at 409.
Ibid.
CE 150; 7 H 33-34 (Thomas Hutson); 1 H 121-122 (Marina Oswald); 15 H 695 (Shaneyfelt).
6 H 412-413 (Mrs. Bledsoe).
CE 1985.
Ibid; CE 1984.
6 H 411 (Mrs. Bledsoe).
2 H 275 (McWatters); CE 376.
2 H 276 (McWatters).
Id. at 275-276.
10 H 292-293 (Mrs. A. C. Johnson).
CE 2017.
2 H 283 (McWatters).
CE 1987.
Ibid.
6 H 266, 270 (Roger Craig); CE 1967, 1992, 1993.
Ibid.; 6 H 266-267 (Craig).
Ibid.
6 H 270 (Craig).
Ibid.
4 H 245 (Fritz).
Ibid., 7 H 404 (Fritz).
2 H 260 (Whaley).
Ibid.
Id. at 260-261.
Id. at 261.
Ibid.
2 H 260 (Whaley); 6 H 432 (Whaley); CE 2003, p. 293.
2 H 294 (Whaley); 6 H 430, 432 (Whaley).
CE 1054, 2003, p. 293.
CE 370, 382.
2 H 254 (Whaley).
Id. at 255.
Ibid.
Id. at 256.
Ibid.
Id. at 258, 371.
2 H 258 (Whaley).
CE 1119-A.
6 H 428-429 (Whaley).
Id. at 429.
Ibid.
Id. at 434.
Ibid.
2 H 260 (Whaley).
6 H 345 (Kaiser).
6 H 409 (Mrs. Bledsoe).
2 H 259 (Whaley).
2 H 256-257, 292 (Whaley).
CE 383-A, 2003, p. 289.
4 H 214 (Fritz).
Id. at 211, 223; CE 2003, p. 289.
4 H 223 (Fritz).
CE 1119-A.
6 H 440 (Mrs. Roberts).
Id. at 435-436.
Id. at 436; 10 H 294-295 (Mrs. A. C. Johnson); Mrs. A. C. Johnson DE A.
6 H 438-440 (Mrs. Roberts); 7 H 439 Mrs. Roberts); CE 2017.
CE 1119-A.
CE 1974, pp. 52-53.
CE 1995.
4 H 177 (Jesse Curry).
3 H 297 (McDonald); CE 1976, p. 8; 522.
7 H 77 (Rio Pierce); Sawyer DE B, p. 1; CE 1974. p. 24.
4 H 179 (Curry); CE 1974. p. 26.
CE 1974, pp. 36-37; Sawyer DE A; 4 H 179, 184 (Curry); 7 H 75 (James Putnam).
Id. at 76; 4 H 179 (Curry).
Ibid; CE 1974, pp. 24-25, 28, 37.
4 H 179 (Curry); CE 1974, pp. 24-25, 28, 37.
Ibid.
CE 1305.
3 H 322-327 (William Scoggins); CE 1305.
3H 333 334 (Scoggins); 7 H 265-266 (James Leavelle); CE 2003, p. 293
Page 827
3 H 334-335 (Scoggins).
6 H 446-449 (Domingo Benavides).
Id. at 449; CE 1974, p. 52.
6 H 450-451 (Benavides); 7 H 68 (J. M. Poe); CE 2011, pp. 7-8.
6 H 451-452 (Benavides); 7 H 263-264 (Leavelle).
3 H 306-307, 313 (Helen Markham).
Id. at 307.
Id. at 307-308, 313-316; 3 H 343 (Barbara Davis); 6 H 456-457 (Virginia Davis).
3 H 308 (Markham).
Id. at 308-309, 316, 321.
Id. at 309, 320.
7 H 68 (Poe).
CE 1974, p. 58-59.
CE 2002; 3 H 310 (Markham).
Id. at 311; see 4 H 176 (Curry); 4 H 212 (Fritz); 7 H 253-254 (L. C. Graves); 7 H 263 (Leavelle); CE 2003, p. 293.
7 H 252 (Graves).
Id. at 254.
3 H 311 (Markham).
2 H 51 (Mark Lane).
Markham, DE 1.
Id. at 3-4, 8.
Id. at 3, 7.
7 H 68 (Poe); CE 1974, p. 59.
3 H 317 (Markham).
7 H 500-506 (Markham).
3 H 343-344 (B. Davis); 6 H 455-458 (V. Davis).
3 H 344-345 (B. Davis).
Id. at 345-346; 6 H 458, 460, 463-464 (V. Davis); 7 H 153 (C. N. Dhority); CE 2011, pp. 7-8.
CE 2003, p. 293; 6 H 461-462 (V. Davis); 3 H 349 (B. Davis); 7 H 153-154 (Dhority); 7 H 250 (C. W. Brown).
3 H 348 (B. Davis).
Id. at 349.
6 H 461 (V. Davis).
CE 2003, p. 293; 6 H 462 (V. Davis); 3 H 350 (B. Davis); 7 H 153-154 (Dhority); 7 H 250 (Brown).
6 H 462 (V. Davis).
Ibid; 3 H 350 (B. Davis).
Ibid; 6 H 462 (V. Davis).
7 H 83-84 (William Smith).
Id. at 84.
Id. at 84-85.
Id. at 85.
3 H 351-352 (Ted Callaway); 7 H 395-396 (Sam Guinyard).
3 H 352-353 (Callaway); 7 H 396-397 (Guinyard).
3 H 353-354 (Callaway).
7 H 398 (Guinyard).
Ibid; 3 H 354 (Callaway).
Ibid.
Ibid; 3 H 332 (Scoggins).
7 H 264 (Leavelle); 3 H 355 (Callaway); 7 H 399-400 (Guinyard); CE 2003, p. 293.
3 H 355 (Callaway).
7 H 400 (Guinyard).
Ibid.; 3 H 355 (Callaway).
CE 1054.
Ibid.; 7 H 253 (Graves); 1 H 167-168 (Sims); 4 H 166, 175 (Curry); 7 H 262-266 (Leavelle).
CE 1305.
CE 2523; 11 H 434, 436-437. (Warren Reynolds).
7 H 594 (Harold Russell).
15 H 744-745 (B. M. Patterson); B. M. Patterson DE A, B.
15 H 703 (L. J. Lewis); L. J. Lewis DE A.
CE 2523; 11 H 435 Reynolds); 15 H 744-745 (B. M. Patterson); B. M. Patterson DE A, B
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Notes to Pages 166-178
7 H 594 (Russell).
15 H 744-745 (B. M. Patterson); B. M. Patterson DE A, B.
CE 2523; 11 H 435-4, 37(Reynolds).
15 H 703 (L. J. Lewis); L. J. Lewis DE A.
3 H 200 301 (McDonald); 7 H 54-55 (Gerald Hill); 7 H 24-25 (Carroll).
6 H 449-450 (Benavides); 3 H 345 346 (B. Davis); 6 H 463-464 (V. Davis).
3 H 465-466, 468 (Cunningham).
Id. at 466.
3 H 511 (Joseph Nicol).
CE 2011, p. 9.
3 H 475-476 (Cunningham).
Id. at 475, 485; 3 H 512 (Nicol).
3 H 475 (Cunningham).
Id. at 483.
CE 603.
3 H 512 (Nicol).
3 H 465 (Cunningham).
3 H 352 (Callaway).
7 H 372-374 (Michaelis).
Id. at 373-375; Michaelis DE 1.
7 H 375 (Michaelis).
7 H 376 (Michaelis); CE 135, 790.
7 H 367-377 (Michaelis); CE 135, 790.
7 H 376-378 (Michaelis); Michaelis DE. 2-5.
4 H 361, 375 (Cole); 7 H 424 (Cadigan).
1 H 118 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 120.
Id. at 118, 120; 11 H 405 (Edwin Walker).
CE 144, 2003, p. 286; 7 H 213-214 (Henry Moore); Moore DE 1; 7 H 222-223 (F. M. Turner), 7 H 197-199 (Walter Ports); Ports DE
1 H 120 (Marina Oswald).
6 H 440 (Roberts); CE 1974, p. 52.
6 H 439 440 (Roberts).
Hill DE B; 3 H 302 (MacDonald); 7 H 53 (Rill).
CE 705, pp. 10, 22, 82.
CE 1974, p. 59.
7 H 68-70 (Poe).
7 H 593 (Alvin Brock).
CE 1974, p. 60.
7 H 116-118 (Capt. W. R. Westbrook).
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 118.
CE 1843.
6 H 345 (Kaiser); CE 163.
1 H 122 (Marina Oswald).
Ibid; 7 H 117-118 (Westbrook).
6 H 439 (Roberts).
3 H 356 (Callaway).
3 H 312 (Markham); 3 H 347 (B. Davis); 3 H 328 (Scoggins).
Ibid.
CE 1119-A. See pp. 168-169, supra.
7 H 2 (Johnny Brewer).
Id. at 3.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 4.
7 H 10-11 (Mrs. Julia Postal).
Id. at 11.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
CE 1974, p. 83.
Id. at 83-84; 3 H 298-299 (McDonald); CE 2003, p. 75.
3 H 299 (McDonald).
7 H 19 (Carroll); 7 H 49 (Hill).
CE 2003, p. 77
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Page 828

Notes to Pages 178-189
7 H 6 (Brewer); 3 H 299 (McDonald); 7 H 30 (Hutson); 7 H 37 (C. T. Walker).
7 H 5-6 (Brewer); 3 H 299 (McDonald); 7 H 37 (C. T. Walker).
Id. at 38.
7 H 49 (Hill); 7 H 31 (Hutson).
3 H 299 (McDonald).
Ibid.
Id. at 300.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid; 7 H 93 (Ray Hawkins).
3 H 300 (McDonald).
Ibid.
Id. at 300-301; 7 H 20 (Carroll).
7 H 547-548, 551 (Walthers).
7 H 39 (Walker); 7 H 93-94 (Hawkins).
7 H 32 (Hutson); 7 H 39-40 (Walker); see also 7 H 94 (Hawkins).
3 H 461 (Cunningham).
Id. at 464- 465.
7 H 87-88 (George Applin Jr.).
Id. at 88-90.
7 H 547 (Walthers).
7 H 94-95 (Hawkins).
7 H 72 (John Gibson).
Id. at 73.
7 H 6 (Brewer).
Ibid.
7 H 40 (C. T. Walker); 7 H 52 (G. Hill); CE 1974, p. 181.
3 H 301 (McDonald).
CE 1974, p. 88.
4 H 206 (Fritz); 7 H 163 (Sims).
7 H 59 (Hill).
Ibid.
Ibid.
4 H 275-276 (Day).
3 H 514 (Nicol); 3 H 495 (Cunningham).
Id. at 487.
For testimony relating to the interrogation sessions, see 4 H 152-153, 157 (Curry); 4 H 207-211, 217, 221-231, 239-240 (Fritz); 4 H 355-357 (Winston Lawson); 4 H 466-470 (James Hosty, Jr.); 7 H 123-127 (Elmer Boyd); 7 H 164-182 (Sims); 7 H 309-318 (James Bookhout); 7 H 320-321 (Manning Clements); 13 H 58-62 (Sorrels); 7 H 590 (Kelley); 7 H 296-306 (Holmes); CE 1982.
4 H 214, 217, 230-231 (Fritz); 7 H 299 (Holmes).
7 H 215 (Moore); 7 H 193-194 (Stovall); 7 H 231 (Rose); 7 H 203-205 (John Adamcik).
CE 1982; p. 137; 4 H 226 (Fritz); CE 2003. p. I 138-B, 138-C.
4 H 226-231 (Fritz); CE 2003, p. I 138-B, 138-C; 7 H 298-299 (Holmes).
See pp. 126-127, supra.
4 H 214 (Fritz).
Id. at 224, 230.
See pp. 172-173, supra.
CE 795, 1986, 1989, 1990; 7 H 187-188 (Stovall); 7 H 228 (Rose); CE 2011, p. 20.
4 H 222 (Fritz).
Ibid.
Ibid; 7 H 299 (Holmes); Holmes DE 4.
Ibid; 7 H 299 (Holmes).
Ibid.
4 H 211 (Fritz); CE 2003, p. I 136-D; 7 H 311-312 (Bookhout).
Mrs. A. C. Johnson DE A; see 10 H 294-295 (Mrs. A. C. Johnson).
CE 2003, p. 137-B.
7 H 305 (Holmes).
3 H 41 (R. Paine).
7 H 305 (Holmes); Holmes DE 4, pp. 3-4; see also 4 H 223, 229 (Fritz).
Id. at 218, 228.
2 H 220 (Frazier).
4 H 467-468 (Hosty); see also 4 H 213-214 (Fritz); CE 2003, p. I 136-B, 136-C.
6 H 328-329 (Shelley); see also 3 H 230 (Truly).
CE 1988; 4 H 224 (Fritz); CE 2005, p. I 137-C; Holmes DE 4, (Kelley).
3 H 201 (Jarman); CE 1980.
3 H 201 (Jarman).
11 H 405 (Walker).
CE 2958.
5 H 446 (Surrey).
CE 1997.
CE 1785, 2525; 9 H 393-394 (R. Paine); 1 H 18 (Marina Oswald).
CE 1; 1 H 17, 37 (Marina Oswald).
7 H 437 (Cadigan).
CE 1130.
1 H 16 (Marina Oswald).
Ibid.
Id. at 17.
11 H 155 (Waldo George).
7 H 292 (Holmes).
CE 1979.
1 H 16-17 (Marina Oswald); 11 H 292-294 (Marina Oswald).
Ibid; 1 H 18 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 38; see CE 2, P-2; CE 3, P-1; CE 5.
CE 3, P-l; CE 5.
CE 1397.
CE 1006-1009, 1011-1012.
CE 2, P-2; see CE 1397.
CE 2001, p. 3.
CE 1351, p. 8.
Waldman DE 7.
15 H 692 (Shaneyfelt); Shaneyfelt DE 20.
CE 4, P-5; 1 H 39 (Marina Oswald).
CE 1953, pp. 23-24, CE 4, P-5.
CE 1824-A, p. 385; 1953, pp. 24-25; CE 1953-A, P-1.
1 H 16 (Marina Oswald); CE 1403, pp. 733-734.
CE 1953, pp. 2-4.
Id. at 4-5.
CE 2524, 2011, p. 5.
3 H 439 (Frazier).
Id. at 434.
Id. at 440.
3 H 503 (Nicol).
Ibid.
1 H 17 (Martina Oswald); CE 1403, p. 733.
CE 1953, p. 14.
CE 2521, 1790.
CE 1953, pp. 27-31; CE 1979.
1 H 334-335 (Robert Oswald); CE 323, p. 27.
1 H 123 (Marina Oswald).
CE 1357.
1 H 334-340 (Robert Oswald).
5 H 392 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 389-390.
Id. at 390.
Ibid.
Michaelis DE 2.
1 H 18-19 (Marina Oswald); 2 H 457-459 (R. Paine).
CE 1795, 1975.
CE 1973.
CE 2522, 1795, 1975.
CE 1972.
5 H 390 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 397.
Ibid.
CE 1972.
5 H 395 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 389 (Marina Oswald).
11 H 305-306 (Maj. Eugene D. Anderson)
Page 829
762. 11 H 305-306 (Anderson); 11 H 309 (Sgt. James A. Zahm).
11 H 310 (Zahm).
11 H 305-306 (Anderson).
3 H 413 (Frazier).
3 H 450 (Ronald Simmons).
11 H 306 307 (Zahm).
Id. at 307.
Ibid.
Id. at 308.
Id. at 307, 309.
11 H 310 (Zahm).
11 H 302-303 (Anderson).
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 304; Anderson DE 1.
Ibid; 3 H 304 (Anderson).
Id. at 305; Anderson DE 1.
Ibid.
11 H 304 (Anderson).
Id. at 305.
11 H 308 (Zahm).
Ibid.
1 H 327 (Robert Oswald).
Id. at 325-327.
Ibid.
CE 1402, 2007; CE 1403, p. 731; 1 H 327-328 (R. Oswald); 1 H 96 (Marina Oswald); 2 H 465-466 (R. Paine).
1 H 327 (R. Oswald).
1 H 14-15 (Marina Oswald); CE 1156, p. 442.
CE 1404, pp. 446-448
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Notes to Pages 189-200
9 H 249 (George De Mohrenschildt); 9 H 315-317 (Jeanne De Mohrenschildt).
1 H 21-22, 53-54, 65 (Marina Oswald); CE 1814, p. 736.
CE 2964.
See discussion, ch. III, p. 117, supra.
3 H 399, 437-438 (R. A. Frazier); 3 H 449 (Simmons).
Id. at 444.
Id. at 445-447.
Id. at 445.
Id. at 446.
Ibid.
Id. at 444; See discussion Chanter III, p. 115, supra.
See ch. III, pp. 64-68, supra.
3 H 446 (Simmons).
Id. at 447.
Id. at 447, 449.
Id. at 450; See also fn 794, supra.
3 H 403-404 (R. A. Frazier).
Id. at 404.
Ibid.
Id. at 404-405.
Id. at 405-407.
Id. at 406-407.
Id. at 411, 443 (Simmons).
3 H 413-414 (R. A. Frazier).
11 H 309, 310 (Zahm); 11 H 305, 306 (Anderson).
11 H 309 (Zahm).
Id. at 309-310

[monosylab1k]

Chapter V
4 H 152 (Jesse E. Curry); CE 701, 2139, 2140.
4 H 209 (J. W. Fritz); 7 H 22 (Bob K. Carroll); 7 H 59-60 (Gerald Hill); 7 H 123 (Elmer L. Boyd); 7 H 164 (Richard Sims).
7 H 125 (Boyd); 7 H 166 (Sims).
7 H 126 (Boyd); 7 H 173 (Sims).
7 H 128 (Boyd); 7 H 168 (Sims).
7 H 128-129 (Boyd); 7 H 169-170 (Sims); 7 H 264 (James R. Leavelle); 7 H 151 (C. N. Dhority).
4 H 216-217 (Fritz); 7 H 129 (Boyd); CE 2003, p. 104; 15 H 506-508 (David L. Johnston); see also sources cited in footnote 45.
4 H 217 (Fritz); 7 H 130 (Boyd); 7 H 171-172 (Sims).
4 H 218 (Fritz); 7 H 278-285 (W. E. Barnes); 7 H 288-289 (J. B. Hicks); CE 2003, pp. 167, 206, 283.
CE 2003, p. 168; 15 H 507 (Johnston).
WFAA-TV reel PKT 11; see infra, p. 208.
7 H 132 (Boyd); 7 H 177 (Sims); CE 2003, pp. 238-239; 4 H 153 (Curry); see 4 H 219 (Fritz); 7 H 266 (Leavelle).
4 H 153 (Curry); 12 H 96 (M. W. Stevenson); 12 H 389-391 (Woodrow Wiggins); 7 H 328 (H. Nichols).
4 H 155 (Curry); 4 H 221 (Fritz); CE 2003, p. 104; 15 H 507-508 (Johnston).
4 H 222, 226 (Fritz); 7 H 133 (Boyd).
Ibid.
CE 2003, pp. 207, 393; 1 H 77-79 (Marina Oswald); 1 H 149-150 (Marguerite Oswald).
CE 1999, 2187.
4 H 227 (Fritz); 7 H 265 (Leavelle).
CE 2023.
CE 2003, pp. 207-208, 393; 1 H 461-462 (Robert Oswald).
3 H 85-86 (Ruth Paine).
7 H 328 (H. Nichols); CE 2165.
CE 2003, p. 142; 4 H 228 (Fritz); 7 H 178 (Sims).
3 H 87-88 (R. Paine).
CE 2003, p. 142; 7 H 258 (L. C. Graves); 7 H 266 (Leavelle).
4 H 230 (Fritz); CE 2003, p. 320.
CE 2003, p. 301.
CE 2024.
For testimony relating to the interrogation sessions, see 4 H 152-153, 157 (Curry); 4 H 207-211, 217, 222-231, 239-240 (Fritz); 4 H 355-357 (Winston G. Lawson); 4 H 444-470 (James P. Hosty); 7 H 123-137 (Boyd); 7 H 164-182 (Sims) 7 H 309-318 (James W. Bookhout); 7 H 320-321 (Manning C. Clements); 13 H 58-62 (Forrest V. Sorrels); 7 H 297-301 (Harry Holmes); CE 2003, pp. 136a-138b, CE 2060, 2061.
CE 2003, pp. 141-142.
4 H 207 (Fritz); CE 2003, p. 125.
CE 2003, pp. 136d-138e, 161; 5 218 (Henry Wade).
4 H 215 (Fritz).
CE 2003, pp. 173, 184, 208.
4 H 215 (Fritz); 7 H 318 (Bookhout).
4 H 231-232, 246 (Fritz); 7 H 133, 135 (Boyd); 7 H 180-182 (Sims); 7 H 266- 267, 269 (Leavelle); 7 H 259 260 (L. Graves).
4 H 239 (Fritz).
7 H 310 (Bookhout).
4 H 152 (Curry); see also 4 H 232 (Fritz).
4 H 238 (Fritz); 7 H 311 (Bookhout).
4 H 153, 175-176 (Curry); 15 H 829
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Page 830

Notes to Pages 200-212
129 (Curry); 4 H 238 (Fritz); 7 H 128, 134-135 (Boyd); 7 H 330 (Nichols); 7 H 311, 316-317 (Bookhout); 7 H 321 (Clements); 7 H 297 (Holmes); 15 H 512-513 (Johnston); see WFAA-TV reel PKT 21; KRLD-TV reel 20; WFAA-TV reel PKT 25.
7 H 59 (G. Hill); 7 H 21 (Carroll); 7 H 134-135 (Boyd); 7 H 330 (Nichols).
4 H 216 (Fritz); 7 H 314, 316-317 (Bookhout).
4 H 216-217, 221 (Fritz); 15 H 506-508 (Johnston).
CE 2166.
See supra, p. 182.
7 H 323 (Gregory L. Olds).
CE 2073, see CE 1999.
3 H 88-89 (R. Paine); 10 H 116 (John J. Abt).
7 H 325-332 (Nichols); 7 H 322- 325 (Olds); CE 2165.
7 H 299-300(Holmes).
12 H 30 (Curry); Glen King DE 4, 5; 15 H 55 (King); NBC-TV reel 3.
CE 1359, p. 4.
5 H 218 (Wade).
For testimony describing conditions on third floor see, e.g., 4 H 152, 153, 158, 160 (Curry); 4 H 231-232 (Fritz) 4 H 355 (Lawson); 4 H 462-463 (Hosty) 7 H 277 (Barnes) 7 H 318 (Bookhout) 7 H 322 (Clements); 13 H 40 (Thomas D. McMillon); 13 H 58-59 (Sorrels); 15 H 54-55 (King); Seth Kantor DE 4; CE 1353; 7 H 157 (Dhority); 15 H 512 (Johnston); WFAA-TV reel PKT 21; WFAA-TV reel PKT 14; KRLD-TV reel 9.
4 H 463 (Hosty).
4 H 151 (Curry); 12 H 30 (Curry); 15 H 55 (King); Kantor DE 4; Leo Sauvage, "The Oswald Affair," Commentary 64 (March 1964); CE 2176.
12 H 30 (Curry).
4 H 151 (Curry).
4 H 355 (Lawson).
7 H 157 (Dhority); 4 H 151 (Curry); 12 H 30 (Curry); 5 H 218 (Wade); CE 1359.
5 H 218 (Wade).
4 H 355 (Lawson).
2 H 260 (William W. Whaley).
King DE 5, p. 7; WFAA-TV reel PKF-5; WFAA-TV reel PKT-8.
15 H 55 (King).
7 H 269 (Leavelle).
7 H 358-359 (Sorrels).
12 H 96 (Stevenson); CE 1353.
12 H 34 (Curry); CE 1353.
15 H 54 (King); 12 H 112 (Cecil E. Talbert).
15 H 54 (King); see 12 H 112 (Talbert).
12 H 96 (Stevenson); 12 H 135-138 (Charles O. Arnett); 15 H 590-591 (Thayer Waldo); CE 1757, 2037-2043, 2047-2059; John G. McCullough DE 2; CE 2062, 2066; Waldo DE I; Icarus N. Pappas DE 3.
13 H 58-59 (Sorrels).
See, e.g., Waldo DE 1; CE 1757, 2044, 2048, 2052, 2053.
13 H 40 (McMillon); 13 H 131 (Jimmy Turner); 15 H 591-592 (Waldo); CE 2040, 2074; 15 H 373-377 (McCullough); WBAP-TV reel FW 2.
KRLD-TV reel 23.
CE 2074.
7 H 64 (G. Hill); WFAA-TV reel PKT 24-27;28; CE 2160.
CE 2003, pp. 125, 141-142, 293.
4 H 232, 246 (Fritz); 12 H 33 (Curry).
For testimony describing Oswald's passage through the third-floor corridor, see, e.g., 12 H 33 (Curry); 4 H 231 232 (Fritz); 7 H 181 (Sims); 7 H 268-269 (Leavelle); Kantor DE 4, pp. 10-19; WFAA-TV reel PKT 14.
For testimony describing the Friday evening press conference, see 4 H 166-167 (Curry); 12 H 96 (Stevenson); 5 H 221- 222 (Wade); 15 H 510-512 (Johnston); 15 H 591-593 (Waldo); 13 H 115-116 (Robert L. Hankal); 7 H 132-133 (Boyd); 7 H 175-176 (Sims); 7 H 322 (Clements); 7 H 323-324 (Olds); 4 H 219 (Fritz); 4 H 357-358 (Lawson); 13 H 189-192 (A. M. Eberhardt); CE 2173.
12 H 32 (Curry); Waldo DE 1; CE 2040; 15 H 592 (Waldo); 15 H 510-511 (Johnston); CE 2052; 7 H 324 (Olds); WFAA-TV reel PKF 5; KRLD-TV reel 23.
4 H 219 (Fritz).
CE 2173.
12 H 34 (Curry); 7 H 132 (Boyd); 7 H 176 (Sims).
4 H 219 (Fritz).
4 H 167, 175 (Curry); 4 H 219 (Fritz).
15 H 131 (Curry).
4 H 175 (Curry); KRLD-TV reel 23.
4 H 175 (Curry).
12 H 44-46 (J. E. Decker); see also 4 H 180-181 (Curry); 12 H 35 (Curry); 15 H 116 (Charles O. Batchelor).
12 H 2 (Batchelor).
12 H 35 (Curry).
CE 2013, 2018, 2021; W. B. Frazier DE 5087; Talbert DE 5065; 12 H 53-55 (W. B. Frazier).
12 H 37 (Curry); 15 H 125 (Curry); 12 H 6-7 (Batchelor); 15 H 116-118 (Batchelor).
12 H 36-37 (Curry); see 12 H 6-7 (Batchelor); 15 H 116 (Batchelor).
12 H 7-8, 12 (Batchelor); 15 H 116-118 (Batchelor); 12 H 37 (Curry); 12 H 99-100 (Stevenson).
12 H 35-36 (Curry); 15 H 128, 132 (Curry); 15 H 115, 122-123 (Batchelor); 15 H 134, 137 (Stevenson).
13 H 17 (Leavelle).
Ibid.
13 H 63 (Sorrels).
12 H 91 (James M. Solomon); 12 H 138 (Arnett); 12 H 292 (Logan W. Mayo); 12 H 317-318 (Wm. J. Newman).
12 H 112 (Talbert); 12 H 421-422, 426 (Patrick T. Dean).
12 H 208 (Wilbur J. Cutchshaw); R. L. Lowery DE 5083; 12 H 307 (L. Miller); 12 H 396 (Don R. Archer); 13 H 268 (Vernon S. Smart).
12 H 47-49 (Decker).
12 H 117 (Talbert); 15 H 184 (Talbert); 12 H 16 (Batchelor); 12 H 100 (Stevenson).
See, e.g., B. H. Combest DE 5100; Robert S. Huffaker DE 5333.
12 H 113-117 (Talbert); 15 H 183-184 (Talbert); 12 H 141-143 (Arnett); 12 H 166 (Buford L. Beaty); 12 H 173-175 (Alvin R. Brock); 12 H 319 (Newman); 12 H 338-340 (R. Pierce); 12 H 354 (D. F. Steele); 12 H 384-386 (Gano G. Worley); 12 H 421-426 (Dean); 13 H 118 (Huffaker); 13 H 8.5-88 (Fred A. Bieberdorf); 13 H 14.3 (Hal Fuqua); 1.3 H 146-147 (Edward Kelly); 13 H 149-156 (Louis McKinzie); 13 H 166-175 (A. Riggs); 13 H 175-181 (John O. Servance); 13 H 156-166 (E. Pierce); James A. Putnam DE 5071; CE 2010, 2032, 2066
Page 831
13 H 159-160 (E. Pierce); 13 H 180 (J. 0. Servance); 12 H 422-423 (Dean); 12 H 173-174 (Brock); 12 H 141-144 (Arnett).
CE 2027, 2062; KRLD TV reel 13; but see CE 2029.
12 H 67 (0. A. Jones); 12 H 112 (Talbert); 13 H 131 (J. Turner); 12 H 335- 336 (Bobby G. Patterson); 12 H 183-184 (Combest); 12 H 360 (Roy E. Vaughn); 12 H 422 (Dean); CE 2051, 2069; Hankal DE 5337; CE 2037, 2039, 2043, 2047, 2050, 2055, 2056, 2057.
12 H 36 (Curry); 12 H 10-15 (Batchelor); 12, H 97-98 (Stevenson); 15 H 134 (Stevenson); 15 H 125-127 (Curry); 15 H 115, 119 (Batchelor).
12 H 164-168 (Beaty); 12 H 180 (Combest); 12 H 313 (L. Miller); 12 H 409-411 (Barnard S. Clardy); 12 H 428 (Dean); 12 H 209 (Cutchshaw); CE 2028.
13 H 43 (McMillon).
12 H 66 (0. A. Jones); 12 H 191 (Kenneth H. Croy); 12 H 209-210 (Cutchshaw); 12 H 270 (Harry M. Kriss); 15 H 119-120 (Batchelor); 15 H 135 (Stevenson).
In addition to the testimony cited in footnotes 114 and 115, see 12 H 119 (Talbert); 12 H 150-157 (Arnett) 12 H 181 (Combest); 12 H 189 (Croy); 12 H 275-276 (Lowery); 13 H 45 (McMillon); 12 H 287 (Billy J. Maxey); 12 H 345-346 (Putnam); 12 H 17 (Batchelor); 15 H 120 (Batchelor); 12 H 102 (Stevenson); 15 H 135 (Stevenson); 13 H 8 (L. Graves); 13 H 109 (Ira Beers); 13 H 121 (Huffaker); 13 H 127 (George R. Phenix); CE 2002; WFAA-TV reel PKT 17 38.00-47.18.
CE 2052, 2053.
12 H 8, 15 (Batchelor); 12 H 426 (Dean); CE 2070, pp. 9, 10; KRLD-TV reel 13; WBAP-TV reel FW 1.
13 H 6 (L. Graves); 13 H 28 (L. D. Montgomery); CE 2054; 15 H 594-596 (Waldo); CE 2052, 2053, 2059; Pappas DE 4.
12 H 15 (Batchelor); 15 H 117 (Batchelor); 12 H 118 (Talbert); 12 H 167 (Beaty).
4 H 188-189 (Curry); 12 H 37-38 (Curry); 15 H 125 (Curry); 4 H 233 (Fritz); 12 H 100 (Stevenson); 15 H 136 (Stevenson); 13 H 61-63 (Sorrels).
7 H 155-156 (Dhority); 12 H 339 (R. Pierce) CE 2003, pp. 312, 314.
12 H 16 (Batchelor); 12 H 68 (O. A. Jones); 12 H 100 (Stevenson).
13 H 5 (L. Graves); Leavelle DE 5088; 13 H 27 (Montgomery); CE 2064; CE 2003, pp. 220-221.
15 H 137 (Stevenson); CE 2003, p. 171; CE 2060 12 H 391 (Wiggins); 13 H 28 (Montgomery).
12 H 145-146 (Arnett); 12 287-288 (Maxey); 12 H 339-340 (R. Pierce); 12 H 345-347 (Putnam); 12 361-362 (Vaughn); 12 H 377 (James G. Watson); 12 H 427-428 (Dean); 13 H 134-135 (J. Turner).
7 H 155-156 (Dhority); CE 2003, pp. 312-314; WFAA-TV reel PKT 16.
WFAA TV reel PKT 10; CE 2038, 2039, 2042.
CE 2039.
CE 2038, 2042. 2059, 2062.
McMillon DE 5018; see also 13 H 7 (L. Graves); 13 H 16-17 (Leavelle).
See sources cited in footnote 129, WFAA TV reel PKT-16; WFAA-TV reel PKT-10; NBC TV reel 66; KRLD-TV reel 13.
13 H 29 (Montgomery); see reels cited in footnote 135
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Notes to Pages 212-224
12 H 183 (Combest); see also 12 H 169 (Booty); 12 H 376-377 (Watson); 13 H 7, (L. Graves); 13 H 115 (Hankal); CE 2052.
For testimony describing the final seconds culminating in the shooting of Oswald, see, e.g., 4 H 234-235, 243 (Fritz); 13 H 137 (J. Turner); see also WFAA TV reel PKF-10; KRLD TV reel 13; NBC-TV reel 66.
12 H 434-438 (Dean); 15 H 188-189 (Talbert); Dean DE 5009, p. 2; McMillon DE 5018; see Sorrels DE 1.
12 H 433 (Dean); 12 H 412 (Clardy).
C. R. Hall DE 2.
13 H 71 (Sorrels); 5 H 181-213 (Jack Ruby); C. R. Hall DE 3, p. 11.
CE 2025; 13 H 221-226 (D. Lane).
KRLD-TV reel 13.
12 H 348-349 (Willie B. Slack); 12 H 392 (Wiggins); 13 H 90-91 (Frances Cason); 13 H 96 (Hardin); 13 H 101 (Hulse); 13 H 239-243 (Priddy); Michael Hardin DE 5125, 5126, 5127; F. Cason DE 5135; CE 2022; see also reels cited in footnote 138.
CE 2002, pp. 112-113; CE 2026.
Compare Dean DE 5009, p. 2 and 12 H 228-234 (N.J. Daniels) with 12 H 434 (Dean) and 12 H 412 (Clardy). See also 12 H 347 (Putnam) and KRLD-TV reel 13; C. R. Hall DE 3, pp. 11, 12, which suggests that the Pierce car may have passed Ruby before Putnam entered the car, which would have been at the bottom, rather than the top, of the Main Street ramp.
13 H 135-137 (J. Turner).
12 H 323-329, 332-334 (Newman); 12 H 192-193 (K. H. Croy). Cf. 12 H 262-264 (Howard B. Holly); 12 H 89-90 (Solomon).
12 H 232 (N.J. Daniels).
12 H 228-234 (Daniels); Daniels DE 5325; Compare 12 H 362-363 (Vaughn); Vaughn DE 5325, p. 2.
N.J. Daniels DE 5325, pp. 1-2; 12 H 369 (Vaughn).
12 H 359-362 (Vaughn); CE 2034, 2035, 2043, 2058.
12 H 359-362 (R. Pierce) 12 H 346 347 (Putnam); 12 H 287 (Maxey); see also CE 2035, 2063; 15 H 681-685 (Harry T. Tasker).
12 H 212, 215-216; Cutchshaw); Lowery DE 5083.
KRLD-TV reel 13.
13 H 132-136 (J. Turner).
KRLD TV reel 13.
CE 2071.
KRLD-TV reel 13; 15 H 117-118 (Batchelor).
See sources in note 112.
CE 2003 pp. 260-261a; 12 H 49-50 (McMillon); C. R. Hall DE 3, pp. 11, 12; CE 2182.
KLIF reel 75 (Duncan interview with Sergeant Dean), Nov. 24, 1963.
See supra, p. 212.
CE 2030; Vaughn DE 5335; Putnam DE 5071.
See sources in footnote 152. 12 H 190 (Croy).
CE 2002.
5 H 198 199 (Jack Ruby); 14 H 545 (Jack Ruby).
See Commission Exhibits in footnote 74.
See app. XVI.
14 H 167, 191-192 (Curry).
12 H 427, 420 (Dean).
12 H 156-157 (Arnett); 12 H 192 194 (Croy); 12 H 252-253 (Wm. J. Harrison); King DE 3.
KRLD TV reel 13
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Page 832

Notes to Pages 224-246
E.g., 12 H 182-183 (Combest); 12 H 211 (Cutchshaw); 12 H 249, 251 (Harrison); 12 H 275-276 (Lowery); 12 H 399 (Archer); KRLD-TV reel 13.
See infra, pp. 353-354; CE 2019; 5 H 199 (J. Ruby); C. R. Hall DE 3. Cf. 13 H 244 (George Senator); Senator DE 5401.
5 H 199 (J. Ruby); 13 H 244 (Senator); Senator DE 5491.
CE 2068.
CE 1982, 2072; 12 H 30 (Curry); 4 H 241 (Fritz); 12 H 94 (Stevenson).
Talbert DE 1; 12 H 112 (Talbert).
Talbert DE 2; 15 H 123 (Batchelor); King DE 4, p. 9.
15 H 55 (King).
12 H 39 (Curry). See also 15 H 54-55 (King).
15 H 55 (King).
15 H 53 (King); Talbert DE 2.
King DE 4, p. 9; 15 H 55, 58 (King); 15 H 127 (Curry).
4 H 152 (Curry).
See supra, pp. 202-206.
CE 1359, p. 4.
King DE 4, p. 10; 15 H 54 (King).
CE 1353; King DE 4, 5; KRLD-TV reel 9; WFAA TV reel PKT 21; CE 2052.
15 H 55-56 (King).
See supra, p. 208.
See supra, 208; CE 2052.
15 H 188-191 (Talbert); WFAA-TV PKT-30-35.01-36.21; 15 H 128 (Curry).
CE 2018; 4 H 187-188 (Curry).
See supra, p. 212.
This judgment is shared by the officials of the Dallas Police Department. See, e.g., 15 H 127-128 (Curry); 15 H 122 (Batchelor).
King DE 4, pp. 8-9.
See supra, p. 201.
15 H 125 (Curry); 15 H 120-121 (Batchelor).
12 H 40; see also 4 H 186 (Curry).
4 H 233 (Fritz).
12 H 53-54 (W. B. Frazier); 15 H 153 (Fritz).
13 H 17 (Leavelle); 13 H 63 (Sorrels).
4 H 233 (Fritz); 12 H 35 (Curry); see sources cited in footnote 101.
12 H 69 (O. A. Jones).
See supra, p. 213.
12 H 155 (Arnett); 12 H 247 (Harrison); 12 H 281, 284 (Frank M. Martin); 12 H 428 (Dean); CE 2031.
4 H 187 (Curry); 12 H 35 (Curry); 12 H 9-10, 13 (Batchelor); 12 H 390 (Wiggins).
See sources in footnote 133.
See supra, p. 215.
7 H 156 (Dhority); 4 H 233-234 (Fritz); WFAA-TV reel PKT-16; 13 H 17 (Leavelle); see supra, p. 216.
13 H 17 (Leavelle).
12 H 69 (0. A. Jones).
15 H 53 (King).
CE 1353, p. 3.
4 H 152, 181 (Curry); 12 H 30-31 (Curry); 5 H 218 (Wade).
See CE 2142 through 2152 and CE 2168 through 2173.
WFAA audio reel 2, Nov. 23, 1963; KRLD audio reel 33-1, -9, Nov. 23, 1963; WFAA-TV reels PKT 12 10.16; PKT 7; PKT 21 48.30; see also 4 H 160, 199 200 (Curry).
CE 2153, 2155.
CE 2157, 2159, 2160, 2162, 2163, 2164, 2167.
5 H 238-239 (Wade).
5 H 238-240 (Wade); see, for instance, CE 2168 through 2173.
5 H 223 (Wade); KRLD-TV reel 23; CE 2169.
5 H 227 (Wade); CE 2170.
5 H 250 (Wade); CE 2169, 2172.
7 H 108 (Weitzman).
3 H 169 (B. R. Williams); CE 2160.
CE 2146.
CE 2178.
5 H 239 (Wade).
5 H 228 (Wade); see sources cited in footnote 219.
5 H 115 (J. Edgar Hoover).
5 H 115 116 (Hoover); 15 H 58 (King); CE 2072; cf. 15 H 129 (Curry).
CE 2148.
5 H 237 (Wade).
5 H 237-238 (Wade).
CE 2168; 5 H 237-238 (Wade).
See 165, 174.
CE 2180.
WBAP Fort Worth audio reel 12 "A," Nov. 24, 1963; CE 2168.
6 H 368 370 (Joe R. Molina); CE 2086, pp. 12-14.
CE 2146, 2147, 2162, 2181.
KRLD-TV audio reels 21 "B"-11, 22 "A"-5, 24 "A," 25 "A," Nov. 23, 1963; 6 H 370 (Molina).
6 H 372 (Molina).
CE 2186.
6 H 370 (Molina); CE 3132.
6 H 371 (Molina); CE 2036, pp. 14-16, CE 2049, 2065, 1970.
5 H 223 (Wade); CE 2169; see Vernon's (Tex.) Ann. C. P. art. 714.
CE 2144; see Washburn v. State, 165 Grim. Rep. 125, 318 S.W. 2d 627, 637 (Tex. Ct. Grim. App. 1958), certiorari denied, 359 U.S. 965 (1958).
CE 2168; see supra, pp. 179 180.
CE 2153, 2172, 2152; see also WBAP-TV reel FW 2.
CE 2146, 2172; WBAP-TV reel FW 2.
CE 2183.
CE 2184.
4 H 201 (Curry); see also 12 H 39 (Curry).
King DE 5, p. 5.
CE 1353, 2052; Waldo DE 1.
4 H 153 (Curry).
See supra, p. 208.
13 H 17 (Leavelle); 13 H 63 (Sorrels).
4 H 166 (Curry); King DE 4, 5. Felix McKnight, executive editor of the Dallas Times-Herald, discussed this pressure in an address at Northwestern University in February 1964. See CE 2185.
King DE 5, p. 6.
Elgin E. Crull DE 1.
King DE 4; CE 1359
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Chapter VI
CE 2768, 2772, 2444, 3042, pp. 59, 65.
See pp. 31-40, supra.
10 H 152 (Irving Statman); Helen Cunningham DE l-A; 11 H 477-78 (H. Cunningham).
See app. XIV, p. 745.
Burcham DE 1, p. I; 11 H 473 (John Burcham).
3 H 37 (Ruth Paine); CE 401.
See footnote 3, supra
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Notes to Pages 246-259
CE 1871; Gangl DE 1; 11 H 478-479 (Theodore Gangl).
CE 427; 11 H 478-479 (Gangl).
Gangl DE 1; 11 H 478-479 (Gangl).
Ibid.
3 H 33-34 (R. Paine); 2 H 246-247 (Linnie Mae Randle); see 1 H 29 (Marina Oswald).
2 H 246 (Randle).
3 H 33-34 (R. Paine); 3 H 213 (Roy Truly).
3 H 34-35 (R. Paine).
3 H 214 (Truly).
10 H 132 (H. Cunningham); H. Cunningham DE 1-A.
10 H 132 (H. Cunningham).
Ch. II, p. 31.
Ibid.
Id. at 40.
Ch. IV, p. 131-137.
2 H 216 (Buell Wesley Frazier).
Ibid; CE 3118.
2 H 222 (B. W. Frazier).
Id. at 226.
1 H 65 (Marina Oswald); 3 H 46 (R. Paine); see app. XIII, p. 740.
Ch. IV, pp. 130-131.
Id. at pp. 135-136.
1 H 73 (Marina Oswald); 3 H 49 (R. Paine).
CE 142, 626; 1, 304.
See 3 H 232 (Truly).
Id. at 231; CE 483.
3 H 231 (Truly).
Id. at 232.
Ibid.
Ch. IV, pp. 137-140.
CE 1131; 1301; see 3 H 231-232 (Truly).
3 H 232, 236 (Truly); CE 1131.
See 3 H 232 (Truly).
Ch. IV, footnotes 217, 223; p. 140-146.
Id. at footnote 215, p. 140.
CE 3135.
Ch. IV, footnote 232, p. 141.
CE 3131, pp. 17-18.
Ibid.
See 4 H 2-3 (Sebastian Latona).
See CE 3155 representing the FBI opinion based on Sebastian Latona's findings.
6 H 349-351 (Charles Givens).
Ibid.
3 H 169-170 (Bonnie Ray Williams).
Id. at 169.
Id. at 170-171.
Id. at 169.
Id. at 169, 171.
Id. at 171-172.
Ch. IV, pp. 143-147.
Ibid.
2 H 167-168 (Arnold Rowland); CE 354.
Id. at 169, 171.
Id. at 172.
Id. at 169, 182, 185; CE 357.
Id. at 175-176.
Id. at 188.
Id. at 178; CE 357.
2 H 183-184 (A. Rowland).
Id. at 184; CE 2782.
6 H 185-188 (Barbara Rowland).
Id. at 188.
CE 2783. This statement constitutes an amendment to the original testimony; see 6 H 188 (B. Rowland).
Id. at 181-182, 185-186.
Id. at 190.
Compare 2 H 165, 166, 179, 188 (A. Rowland), with CE 2644.
6 H 263-264 (Roger D. Craig).
Id. at 264.
Id. at 272.
CE 1381, pp. 74, 96.
CE 1381.
Id. at 5.
Ch. IV, pp. 156-164.
Id. at 155-163.
7 H 543 (W. E. Barnett).
Ibid.
Ch. IV, pp. 149-156.
2 H 195-196 (James Worrell).
6 H 276 (George Rackley); 6 H 282 (James Romack).
Ch. IV, p. 160.
Id. at 163.
6 H 443, 7 H 439 (Earlene Roberts).
Ibid.
Id. at 443-444.
CE 2781.
CE 2645.
Id. at 3; CE 2045.
7 H 439 (E. Roberts).
See also CE 3106 and CE 3107.
5 H 364-365 (Dean Rusk).
E.g., 9 H 242-243 (George De Mohrenschildt); 11 H 172-173 (William Stuckey); 8 H 323 (Erwin Donald Lewis); 8 H 316-317 (Donald Camarata); 322-323 (Richard Call); 8 H 315-316 (James Botelho); 8 H 320-321 (Henry Roussel, Jr.); 8 H 319-320 (Paul Murphy); 8 H 319 (David Murray, Jr.); 8 H 321-322 (Mack Osborne). But see 8 H 285 (Daniel Powers). For Oswald's Marine service, see app. XIII, pp. 681- 689.
Priscilla Johnson DE 1, pp. 3, 7-8; CE 1385, p. 10 (Aline Mosby); CE 908.
9 H 242-243 (G. De Mohrenschildt).
CE 1385, p. 7 (Mosby); Johnson DE 1, p. 11.
See e.g., 2 H 399 (Michael R. Paine); 11 H 172-173 (Stuckey).
CE 295, p. 4.
CE 2767.
CE 2716.
CE 2767; 1 H 203 (Marguerite Oswald).
CE 3099.
CE 2673.
11 H 444-446, 459-460 (P. Johnson); and P. Johnson DE 1, pp. 6, 8.
CE 24, entry for Nov. 17 to Dec. 30, 1959; see also CE 206, 202 (Oswald running out of money); CE 24, entry for Nov. 17 to Dec. 30, 1959, in which Oswald says he has only $28 left.
CE 1385, p. 11; see also P. Johnson DE 1, p. 3; 11 H 455 (P. Johnson).
E.g., 8 H 323 (Lewis); 8 H 316-317 (Camarata); 8 H 322-323 (Call); 8 H 315-316 (Botelho); 8 H 320-321 (Roussel); 8 H 319-320 (Murphy); 8 H 319 (Murray); 8 H 321-322 (Osborne); but see 8 H 285 (Powers).
8 H 307 (Allison Folsom); Folsom DE 1, p. 7.
5 H 291 (Richard E. Snyder); 11 H 455-456 (P. Johnson).
CE 24, entry of Nov. 17 to Dec. 30, 1959.
CE 24, entry of Jan. 7 to Mar. 16, 1960; CE 93, p. 4 (reference to "Rosa Agafanova" probably should be to "Rosa Kuznetsova.").
CE 1401, p. 277.
CE 2945 (Felkner).
Folsom DE 1, pp. 11, 28.
CE 2676, 2711; CE 946, p. 7.
CE 2677; app. XIII, p. 690.
See CE 946, p. 7.
CE 946, p. 9 (translated, CE 2776).
CE 946, p. 8 (translated, CE 2775); CE 2676.
CE 2769.
CE 2780.
Ibid.
CE 2773.
CE 908
CE 24.
E.g., CE 92, 101, 827.
E.g., CE 24, entry of Oct. 31, 1959,
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Page 834

Notes to Pages 259-272
refers to a reporter named "Goldstene" whose name is A. L Goldberg, see CE 2719; CE 24, entry for Nov. 15, 1959, records an interview with Aline Mosby which appeared in the Fort Worth Star Telegram on Nov. 15, datelined Nov. 14 (CE 2716).
1 H 30, 104-105 (Marina Oswald).
E.g., CE 18, 1438.
CE 2774, 3096.
E.g., compare CE 931, 251-256 with V. T. Lee DE 1, 2, 4-7 and CE 2779.
CE 24.
The files have been assigned CD 1114, 1115.
5 H 260-299 (Snyder); 5 H 299-306, 318-326 (John A. McVickar).
CE 1385.
11 H 442-469 (P. Johnson).
CE 985.
CE 24, entry of Oct. 16, 1959.
CE 24, entry of Oct. 21, 1959.
CE 24, entries of Oct. 20 and 21, 1959; 5 H 617; and CE 935, p. 2; CE 1438 and CE 827 indicate that Oswald was interviewed by "Leo Setyaev" (perhaps Lev Setyayev, an English-speaking commentator for Radio Moscow), a "Radio Moscow Reporter," probably also working for the KGB on this occasion. The interview was apparently never broadcast. 2 H 274 (Richard E. Snyder); but see CE 25, p. 3.
CE 2760.
CE 24, entry of Oct. 21, 1959.
CE 2778.
CE 985, doc. 1C-2, 1C-3.
CE 2776.
1 H 91 (Marina Oswald).
E.g., 8 H 382, 384, 386 (Anna N. Meller); 9 H 240 (G. DeMohrenschildt); 9 H 309, 311 (Jeanne De Mohrenschildt); 11 H 474 (Hilda Smith); and see comments of fellow Marines in app. XIII, pp. 681-689, and discussion of his character in ch. VII; see also 2 H 318 (Katherine Ford), relating an incident in which Oswald reacted violently to a suggestion that Marina Oswald may have contemplated suicide.
CE 908.
5 H 270 (Snyder).
Id. at 262.
Id. at 295-296.
CE 908.
5 H 290 (Snyder).
Id. at 289.
CE 913; 5 H 263 (Snyder).
CE 2774.
5 H 280 (Snyder); but see 8 H 287-288 (Powers).
CE 908, p. 2.
CE 912. See app. w, pp. 747-751, for further details regarding Oswald's attempted expatriation.
5 H 287-288 (Snyder); CE 941, p. 3; 5 H 302-303 (McVickar).
11 H 453-455 (P. Johnson); see also CE 1385; CE 911, p. 1 (contemporaneous observation that Oswald used words as though he had learned them out of a dictionary).
5 H 279, 287, 290 (Snyder); CE 941, 958; 5 H 300-301 (McVickar); and see 11 H 447-460 (P. Johnson).
App. XIII, pp. 675, 679, 683, 685-688, 722.
See ch. VII, pp. 384, 388-390; app. XIII, pp. 679, 686-687.
See, e.g., CE 24, entry of Oct. 16, 1959 5 H 616 (Marina Oswald).
See CE 1385, pp. 15-17 (Mosby) 5 H 272, 287-288 (Snyder); CE 908 (Snyder); CE 941, p. 3, 5 H 302-303 (McVickar); 11 H 453 (P. Johnson).
CE 24, entry of Oct. 31, 1959.
5 H 287 (Snyder); but see 5 H 272 (Snyder).
P. Johnson DE 6, p. 1; 11 H 444 (P. Johnson).
Id. at 452.
CE 913.
CE 912.
8 U.S.C. see. 1481.
5 H 269, 290 (Snyder).
See Johnson DE 5, passim, and especially p. 13; 11 H 447, 456, 458-459 (Johnson).
CE 24, entries of Nov. 16, 1959, and Jan. 4, 1960.
CE 985, doc. Nos. 1A, 2A, and 3A (1).
CE 1885, p. 4.
11 H 456-457 (P. Johnson); P. Johnson DE 1, pp. 3-4.
CE 24, entry of Nov. 16, 1959.
CE 297.
CE 202; CE 206; 1 H 204 (Marguerite Oswald).
See also CE 297 (Oswald seemed to associate acceptance by Soviet authorities with leaving the hotel in Moscow).
CE 3125.
P. Johnson DE 5, p. 7.
CE 985, doc. Nos. 1A, 2A, and 3A (1).
CE 2762, p. 2.
CE 960, question 2.
CE 2762, p. 2.
CE 960, question 2.
CE 2760.
CE 24, entries of Oct. 28, 1959, and Nov. 17 to Dec. 30, 1959.
CE 24.
CE 985.
M. Kramer DE 1, 2.
11 H 213 (Rita Naman); 11 H 212 (Monica Kramer).
11 H 211-212 (Katherine Mallory).
See generally app. XV.
E.g., CE 298, 315, 184.
E.g., CE 1392-1395.
E.g., 9 H 171, 229, 241-242 (G. de Mohrenschildt); see also 8 H 359 (George A. Bouhe) (conversation about Leningrad, Marina's native city).
E.g., 1 H 92 (Marina Oswald); CE 2761, 104; CE 1401, pp. 275-276; CE 994, p. 1.
CE 2761.
CE 24, entries of Jan. 4, 5, 7, and 13, 1960, and see CE 25, pp. 1B-2B.
CE 24, entry of Jan. 8, 1960.
CE 24, entry of Mar. 16, 1960.
CE 24, entries of Jan. 11 and 13, 1960; CE 1109 (union membership booklet) and 1108 (workbook); CE 24, entry of Jan. 13, 1960 (700 rubles); CE 1110 (750-850 rubles); CE 1401, p. 270 (800-900 rubles).
1 H 95 (Marina Oswald).
CE 1401, p. 271.
CE 2720.
CE 24, entry of Jan. 13, 1960; CE 25, pp. 1B-2B; see generally 5 H 293- 294 (Snyder).
CE 24, entry of Jan. 4-31, 1961.
1 H 93.
CE 2721; see also 5 H 293-294 (Snyder).
CE 2760.
10 H 203 (Dennis Hyman Ofstein).
CE 25, pp. 1B-2B.
Ibid.
5 H 407 (Marina Oswald).
5 H 616 (Marina Oswald).
E.g., 8 H 360 (Bouhe); 9 H 145 (Paul Gregory); 9 H 79 (Gary E. Taylor); 2 H 339 (Peter Gregory)
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Notes to Pages 272-281
E.g., 8 H 350 (Max E. Clark); 2 H 397 (R. Paine).
CE 1401, p. 275; 1 H 93 (Marina Oswald); 5 H 590 (Marina Oswald).
CE 985, doc. No. 8A.
9 H 114 (Ilya Mamantov); but see 8 H 362 (Bouhe) (commenting that there is nothing unusual about hunting in Soviet Union).
CE 2670.
Ibid.
Ibid.
CE 2770.
1 H 96 (Marina Oswald).
CE 1964, pp. 2-3, 5.
CE 24, entry of Apr. 30, 31 [sic], 1961.
1 H 327-328 (Robert Oswald); 2 H 466 (R. Paine); 8 H 385 (Meller); 8 H 362 (Bouhe).
CE 2649.
CE 303.
CE 1964.
Id. at 6.
CE 2733.
CE 24, entry of Apr. 31 [sic], 1961; CE 1111.
CE 960, attachment 2, p. 2.
See, e.g., 1 H 25 (Marina Oswald); 2 H 342 (Peter Gregory); 10 H 59 (Lt. Francis Martello).
CE 931.
5 H 277 (Snyder).
CE 930.
CE 2757.
5 H 276 (Snyder); moreover, it arrived too late to have prompted Oswald's letter even if it had been delivered, see CE 2757 and date stamped on CE 2681.
CE 931.
CE 933.
CE 940.
CE 251, 252.
CE 1074.
5 H 252-254 (Waterman); CE 970, 971; and see CE 934.
CE 24, entry of July 8, 1961; CE 935.
CE 24, entry of July 9, 1961; 1 H 96-97 (Marina Oswald); CE 1401, pp. 278, 280.
CE 2762, p. 1.
CE 2762, p, 1.
Ibid.
CE 960.
CE 24, entry of July 8, 1961.
The factual and legal basis of this decision is set forth and evaluated in app. XV. pp. 747-751.
CE 935, p. 2.
CE 938, 946.
CE 935.
5 H 318-319 (McVickar).
CE 946, 979.
CE 246-247, 249, 251-256, 931, 1083, 1093.
CE 2774.
E.g., V.T. Lee DE 1, 2, 4-7.
5 H 287-288 (Snyder).
CE 2687, 2688; 5 H 280 (Snyder).
Id. at 278, 288; see also CE 2687, 2688.
CE 1401, pp. 277-278, 280.
CE 985, Docs. Nos. 1B-4B; CE 1122.
CE 24, entry of Dec. 25, 1961; CE 1403, p. 725.
5 H 591,604-605, 617-619 (Marina Oswald).
CE 1403, p. 745.
CE 246, 255.
CE 29.
CE 316.
CE 824, p. 4.
5 H 604, 617-618 (Marina Oswald).
CE 2722.
CE 960; 5 H 340 (Abram Chayes).
CE 2756.
CE 2762, p. 3; CE 2771.
CE 301.
CE 24, entry of July 15 to Aug. 20, 1961.
E.g., 9 H 147, 151 (Paul Gregory).
CE 1122.
1 H 89-90, 97 (Marina Oswald).
Ibid. (Marina Oswald); but see 5 H 604-605 (Marina Oswald). (In a later interview, the official did not try to discourage her.)
1 H 89-90, 97 (Marina Oswald); 5 H 608-609 (Marina Oswald); in an earlier interview with the FBI Marina Oswald said she was "thrown out" because she failed to pick up her membership card, CE 1401, p. 276; this was probably only the ostensible reason, however; 5 H 608-609 (Marina Oswald).
9 H 147 (Paul Gregory).
5 H 598, 604 (Marina Oswald).
See CE 960.
1 H 7 (Marina Oswald); 8 H 358 (George H. Bouhe); 9 H 224-226 (George De Mohrenschildt); id. at 306-311 (Jeanne De Mohrenschildt); 2 H 297-299 (Katya Ford); 2 H 323-324, 328-330 (Declan P. Ford); 8 H 344-345, 353 (Max E. Clark); 9 H 64-69 (Lydia Dymitruk); id. at 142-143 (Paul Gregory); 2 H 338-341 (Peter Gregory); 8 H 393-399 (Elena Hall); id. at 407-409 (John R. Hall); 11 H 119-123 (Alexander Kleinlerer); 8 H 381-385 (Anna Meller); id. at 416-419 (Valentina Ray); 9 H 77-78, 82-83 (Gary E. Taylor); id. at 29-30 (Natalie Ray); id. at 22 (Paul M. Raigorodsky); id. at 39-42 (Thomas M. Ray); id. at 46-48 (Samuel B. Ballen); id. at 107 (Ilya A. Mamantov); id. at 134-135 (Dorothy Gravitis); id. at 161-162 (Helen Leslie); 8 H 435 (Mrs. Igor Voshinin); id. at 466-468 (Igor Voshinin); CE 1858, pp. 12-13; 11 H 125-128, 130-133 (Alexandra De Mohrenschildt Gibson); CE 1861; 10 H 16-17 (Everett D. Clover); 2 H 435-437 (R. Paine).
See e.g., 9 H 2 (Raigorodsky); id. at 46 (Ballen); id. at 103 (Mamantov); id. at 199, 202-203, 210, 280-282 (G. De Mohrenschildt); 10 H 3, 13 (Glover).
1 H 134-135 (Marguerite Oswald); id. at 7 (Marina Oswald); 8 H 372-373 (Bouhe); id. at 345-346 (M. Clark); 9 H 228-231 (G. De Mohrenschildt); id. at 306-310 (J. De Mohrenschildt); 2 H 299-300 (K. Ford); id. at 329 (D. Ford); 9 H 64-65 (Dymitruk); id. at 144 (Paul Gregory); 8 H 393-395 (E. Hall); id. at 407-408, 411 (J. Hall); 11 H 118-123 (Kleinlerer); 8 H 382-384 (A. Meller); id. at 422-423 (V. Ray); 11 H 147-149 (A. Gibson).
8 H 373 (Bouhe); 9 H 228 (G. De Mohrenschildt); id. at 306, 324 (J. De Mohrenschildt); 8 H 387-388 (A. Meller); 11 H 118-123 (A. Kleinlerer); 2 H 329 (D. Ford); 9 H 65-68 (Dymitruk); 11 H 125-128, 130-134, 135-139, 140, 143-145, 147-149, 150-151 (A. Gibson).
1 H 11-12, 31 (Marina Oswald); 11 H 118-123 (Kleinlerer); 8 H 365 (Bouhe); id. at 394 (E. Hall); 9 H 82, 84 (G. Taylor); id. at 310 (J. De Mohrenschildt); id. at 231-233 (G. De Mohrenschildt); 2 H 298-299 (K. Ford); 2 H 325 (D. Ford); 9 H 64 (Dymitruk); 8 H 345 (M. Clark); id. at 394-395, 403 (E. Hall); id. at 407 (J. Hall); id. at 416-417 (V. Ray).
App. XIII, pp. 673-675.
CE 2692; 1 H 318, 372, 330-331, 380-381 (R. Oswald); id. at 131-132 (Marguerite Oswald); id. at 4 (Marina Oswald).
1 H 133, 135 (Marguerite Oswald); id. at 4-5 (Marina Oswald)
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Notes to Pages 281-285
1 H 134 (Marguerite Oswald); id. at 5 (Marina Oswald).
See 1 H 7 (Marina Oswald); see the accounts of how members of the community met Oswald in footnote 301, supra.
8 H 344-345 (M. Clark); CE 1389; cf. 2 H 338 (Peter Gregory).
8 H 344-345 (M. Clark).
2 H 338, 340 (Peter Gregory); 9 H 142-144 (Paul Gregory).
2 H 341 (Peter Gregory); 8 H 358-359, 372-373 (Bouhe); id. at 381-385 (A. Meller).
See e.g., 9 H 224-226 (G. De Mohrenschildt); 2 H 297 (Katya Ford); see also footnote 301, supra.
Those testifying include G. Bouhe, G. De Mohrenschildt, J. DeMohrenschildt, K. Ford, D. Ford, M. Clark, L. Dymitruk, Paul Gregory, Peter Gregory, E. Hall, J. Hall, E. Glover, A. Meller, V. Ray, G. Taylor, N. Ray, P. Raigorodsky, T. Ray, S. Ballen, I. Mamantov, D. Gravitis, H. Leslie, Mrs. I. Voshinin, I. Voshinin, A. Gibson. See also e.g., CE 1857 (Mrs. Max Clark); CE 1858 (Mrs. Tatiana Biggers); CE 1860 (Charles Edward Harris. Jr.); CE 1861 (Mrs. Charles Edward Harris); CE 1865 (Leo Aronson); 11 H 118 (Kleinlerer).
E.g., 8 H 367, 377 (Bouhe); 2 H 309-310 (K. Ford); 9 H 238, 252-253 (G. De Mohrenschildt); 1 H 34-35 (Marina Oswald).
1 H 11-12, 31 (Marina Oswald); 8 H 365-367 (Bouhe); 11 H 118-123 (Kleinlerer); 8 H 393-394 (E. Hall); 9 H 82-83 (G. Taylor); id. at 310, 325 (J. De Mohrenschildt); id. at 231-233 (G. De Mohrenschildt); 2 H 298-299, 304 (K. Ford); 2 H 325 (D. Ford); 8 H 345 (M. Clark); id. at 394-395, 403 (E. Hall); id. at 412 (J. Hall); id. at 386-388 (A. Meller); id. at 416-417 (V. Ray).
1 H 31 (Marina Oswald); 8 H 394-395, 403 (E. Hall); id. at 412 (J. Hall); 11 H 119-121 (Kleinlerer).
1 H 11-12 (Marina Oswald); 8 H 365 (Bouhe); 2 H 298-299, 304 (K. Ford); 2 H 325 (D. Ford); id. at 386-388 (A. Meller); id. at 416- 417 (V. Ray); 9 H 310, 325 (J. De Mohrenschildt); id. at 231-233 (G. De Mohrenschildt); id. at 64 (Dymitruk).
1 H 10 (Marina Oswald); see app. XIII, pp. 717-722.
8 H 365 367 (Bouhe); 2 H 307 (K. Ford).
2 H 307 (K. Ford); see 8 H 367, 377 (Bouhe); 2 H 300-310 (K. Ford); 9 H 252-253 (G. De Mohrenschildt); 1 H 34-35 (Marina Oswald).
2 H 459-462, 468-469, 3 H 4-11, 28-30 (R. Paine); 1 H 18-19, 23, 27-28, 46 (Marina Oswald); 8 H 133-134, 139 (Lillian Murret); 8 H 184-186 (Charles Murret).
9 H 273 (G. De Mohrenschildt); 2 H 473 (R. Paine); 9 H 69 (Dymitruk).
See e.g. 8 H 388-389 (A. Meller); id. at 401 (E. Hall); id. at 419, 422 (V. Ray); 2 H 305-310 (K. Ford); 9 H 248, 250 (G. De Mohrenschildt); id. at 317 (J. De Mohrenschildt); S H 410-411 (J. Hall).
CE 1781, pp. 546-547; CE 1929, pp. 192-193; 2 H 499 (R. Paine); CE 419-421; CE 409-B, p. 2.
See footnote 326, supra; 9 H 106-107 (Mamantov).
See 9 H 224-266. 309-313 (G. De Mohrenschildt); 9 H 306-327 (J. De Mohrenschildt); 1 H 11 (Marina Oswald); 10 H 260-261 (M. F. Tobias); 10 H 245-246 (Mrs. Tobias); 9 H 93 (G. Taylor).
9 H 248-249 (G. De Mohrenschildt); id. at 314-315 (J. De Mohrenschildt).
Id. at 315-317 (J. De Mohrenschildt); see id. at 249-250 (G. De Mohrenschildt).
Id. at 317 (J. De Mohrenschildt); see id. at 249 (G. De Mohrenschildt).
Id. at 249 (G. De Mohrenschildt).
1 H 18 (Marina Oswald).
9 H 249-250 (G. De Mohrenschildt); see id. at 317 (J. De Mohrenschildt).
Id. at 248, 250 (G. Mohrenschildt); id. at 317 (J. De Mohrenschildt).
Id. at 299, 317-318 (J. De Mohrenschildt).
Id. at 318.
Id. at 272, 276 (G. De Mohrenschildt).
In addition to the testimony and exhibits included in the record to this report, additional data relative to the background of the De Mohrenschildts is included in the files of the Commission.
9 H 168-179 (G. De Mohrenschildt); CE 3100.
9 H 179-180, 190-191 (G. De Mohrenschildt).
Id. at 191-192, 195, 201-203, 211-212; id. at 300-302 (J. De Mohrenschildt).
Id. at 213-216 (G. De Mohrenschildt); id. at 302-303 (J. De Mohrenschildt).
Id. at 216 (G. De Mohrenschildt).
Id. at 276, 280 282, 217 (G. De Mohrenschildt); see id. at 305 (J. De Mohrenschildt).
Id. at 296-297 (J. De Mohrenschildt); 8 H 352-353 (Max E. Clark); id. at 377 (Bouhe); id. at 431-433 (Mrs. Voshinin); id. at 467-469 (Igor Voshinin); 9 H 99 100 (G. Taylor); id. at 120-121 (Ilya Mamantov); id. at 164-165 (Helen Leslie); 10 H 10-12 (Everett Glover).
9 H 222 (G. De Mohrenschildt); and see id. at 296 (J. De Mohrenschildt).
id. at 285-286, 291-295.
CE 3116, 3117. See CE 869, footnote 340, supra.
2 H 433-436, 438-439 (R. Paine).
10 H 16, 18-19, 24-26 (Glover); 9 H 256, 258 (G. De Mohrenschildt).
2 H 440 (R. Paine); 9 H 435 (M. Paine).
2 H 459-462, 468-469; 3 H 9 (R. Paine).
2 H 468-469; 3 H 9 (R. Paine).
CE 408, 409, 409 B. 410, 411, 412, 415, 416; 2 H 483-498 (R. Paine); cf. CE 422; 2 H 501 502 (R. Paine).
3 H 4-5. 9 (R. Paine); 1 H 26 (Marina Oswald); CE 461.
See app. XIII, pp. 730-731.
See note 356, supra; CE 421.
3 H 10 (R. Paine); 1 H 23 (Marina Oswald).
3 H 10 (R. Paine).
CE 461; 9 H 345 346 (R. Paine).
3 H 29-30 (R. Paine).
1 H 37 (Marina Oswald).
3 H 27-41, 84-85 (R. Paine).
Id. at 33-39; 9 H 345-346 (R. Paine); 1 H 46, 51-52, 63 65 (Marina Oswald).
4 H 451 452 (Hosty); 3 H 38, 92, 96 (R. Paine).
4 H 452 (Hosty); 3 H 38, 96 (R. Paine).
3 H 97. (R. Paine); 4 H 450, 452 (Hosty).
CE 103; 2 H 405-406 (M. Paine); 3 H 13-18 (R. Paine); 9 H 395 (R. Paine). See up. 309-310 infra.
3 H 13-18, 97 (R. Paine); 2 H 406 (M. Paine).
3 H 15, 18. 100-102 (R. Paine).
4 H 459 (Hosty).
3 H 44-45 (R. Paine).
Id. at 44
Page 837
2 H 431 (R. Paine); 9 H 831-832, 339 (R. Paine); CE 1831, pp. 4-5.
Ibid.
9 H 332 (R. Paine).
2 H 432 (R. Paine); 3 H 133-134 (R. Paine).
3 H 133-134 (R. Paine).
2 H 387-388 (M. Paine).
3 H 134 (R. Paine).
2 H 387 (M. Paine); 9 H 338 (R. Paine); 3 H 135 (R. Paine).
Ibid.; 9 H 338-339 (R. Paine); 9 H 134 (Gravitis).
2 H 508 (R. Paine).
2 H 385 (M. Paine); CE 1830, pp. 4-5.
2 H 390-392 (M. Paine); CE 1830, pp. 4-5.
2 H 389-390 (M. Paine); CE 1830, p. 6.
2 H 389-392 (M. Paine).
Id. at 385, 386; 2 H 432 (R. Paine).
2 H 385 (M. Paine); 4 H 448 (Hosty).
2 H 387-388 (M. Paine).
Id. at 389.
3 H 9-10, 93, 129 (R. Paine); 9 H 343 (R. Paine), see CE 429-440.
3 H 15-18, 43-46, 96-105 (R. Paine); 2 H 405-406 (M. Paine); CE 103.
3 H 21 25, 79, 81 (R. Paine); 9 H 393-394, 408-410 (R. Paine).
3 H 17-18 (R. Paine); 4 H 462, 473 (Hosty).
Id. at 450-454; CE 830, p. 11.
R. Paine DE 277, 278, 278-A, 469; CE 404-424.
CE 401, 402.
E.g., 9 H 342 (R. Paine).
CE 3116, 3117; in addition to the testimony and exhibits included in the record to this report, additional data relative to the background of the Paines is included in the files of the Commission.
CE 3116, 3117, 821-824, 826, 829, 830, 833, 836; 4 H 403-430 (John W. Fain); 4 H 431-440 (John L. Quigley); 4 H 440-476 (James P. Hosty, Jr.).
CE 1172; cf. A. Johnson DE 1; see 9 H 455 (M. Paine); 3 H 118 (R. Paine); CE 1145, p. 1.
A. Johnson DE 1-3; 10 H 97-98, 100 (Arnold S. Johnson); CE 93; see also 10 H 209-210 (Dennis H. Ofstein); CE 1799; Oswald also subscribed to several Russian periodicals. CE 1147; 8 H 370-371 (Bouhe).
A. Johnson DE 1, 3-4 10 H 98-100 (A. Johnson).
A. Johnson DE 2; 10 H 99-100 (A. Johnson).
A. Johnson DE 6, 4-A.
A. Johnson DE 4, 4-A; cf. Johnson DE 3, 7.
A. Johnson DE 7; 10 H 103-104 (A. Johnson).
Weinstock DE 1; 11 H 207-208 (Louis Weinstock); A. Johnson DE 5, 5- A; Tormey DE 1, 2; 10 H 107-108 (James J. Tormey).
See pp. 299-307, infra.
CE 2564.
See app. XIII, notes 1110-1119, infra. When questioned by Mexican police shortly after the assassination, Señora Duran did not recall whether or not Oswald had in fact told her he was a member of the Communist Party. CE 2120, p. 5.
See ch. V, p. 201, supra; 10 H 116-117 (Abt).
Dobbs DE 9, 11; see also Dobbs DE 10, 13.
Dobbs DE 12; 10 H 113-114; 11 H 208-209 (Farrell Dobbs)
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Notes to Pages 285-295
Dobbs DE 1-8; 10 H 109-110, 113 (Dobbs); CE 1799; see 3 H 119 (R. Paine).
Dobbs DE 13; 10 H 114-115; 11 H 209 (Dobbs).
CE 3153. 824, p. 7; CE 826, p. 12; CE 869, 2973, 3037, 3038, 3041; see also 5 H 28 (Alan H. Belmont); 4 H 411 (Fain); 4 H 302 (Robert I. Bouck).
10 H 97, 102-105 (A. Johnson); 10 H 108 (Tormey); 10 H 110-111,114-116 (Dobbs); 11 H 208-209 (Dobbs); 11 H 207-208 (Weinstock).
H. Twiford DE 1; 11 H 179 (Horace Twiford); CE 3085; CE 2335, pp. 6- 7.
11 H 179 (H. Twiford); 11 H 179-180 (Estelle Twiford).
CE 3085.
Ibid., in 1956, when Oswald was 16 years old, he apparently obtained information about the Socialist Party of America. Gray DE 1; 11 H 209-210 (V. Gray).
V. T. Lee DE 1; 10 H 87-88 (Vincent T. Lee).
Lee DE 2, 3; CE 828; 11 H 93 (Lee).
Lee DE 2.
Lee DE 3.
Lee DE 4; CE 1410, 1411, 2349, 2542, 2543, 2544, 1413, pp. 28-31; CE 2545.
Lee DE 5-7.
Lee DE 5.
10 H 37-42 (Bringuier); Pizzo DE 453-A, 453-B; CE 1413, pp. 19 30; CE 1412, 2548, 2546, 3029; 10 (Steele); Bringuier DE 1. See also 11 475 (Rachal); see app. XIII, pp. 728-729.
10 H 37-39 (Bringuier); CE 1413, pp. 19-30, 34, 42; CE 826, pp. 5-10; 10 H 53-57 (Martello); Lee DE 6; 1 H 21 (Marina Oswald); CE 1412, 2210, 2216, 2520, 2860, 2895, 3032; CE 3119, pp. 12-14; CE 826, pp. 9-10.
10 H 35-37 (Bringuier); see app. XIII, p. 728.
CE 826, pp. 5-10; 10 H 53-57 (Martello).
Lee DE 6, 7; Bringuier DE 1; 11 H 158-171 (Stuckey); 10 H 39-43 (Bringuier); Stuckey DE 2, 3; Pizzo DE 453-A, 453-B.
Holmes DE 1.
10 H 90, 93 (Lee).
See pp. 407-412, infra.
See CE 826, p. 7; CE 1413, p. 31; CE 1414; CE 3119, pp. 14-15; CE 3120. The Cuban Revolutionary Council, an anti-Castro organization, at one time did maintain an office at 544 Camp St., but it vacated the building early in 1962, before Oswald had returned from the Soviet Union, CE 1414.
CE 1410, 1411, 2542-2544; 10 H 90 (Lee).
5 H 401-402 (Marina Oswald).
10 H 62-71 (C. Steele, Jr.); see 10 H 93-94 (Lee); cf. Lee DE 5.
CE 826, p. 12; CE 2952. p. 3; CE 2973. 3037; cf. 5 H 9 (Belmont); 4 H 444-445 (Hosty); 4 H 432-436 (Quigley); compare, e.g., CE 3029, 3128.
2 H 403, 407 (M. Paine); CE 783, 2213; 7 H 325 (Gregory L. Olds).
2 H 403, 407-408 (M. Paine); 9 H 462-464 (Raymond F. Krystinik).
11 H 424-425 (Maj. Gen. Edwin A. Walker, Jr., Resigned, U.S. Army).
A. Johnson DE 7; 10 H 96, 103-104 (A. Johnson).
See pp. 182-187, supra.
In addition to the preceding discussion. see ch. VII, infra.
5 H 489-500 (Bernard Weissman); CE 1811, pp. 4-15; CE 1815, pp. 710- 714; CE 1034
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Page 838

Notes to Pages 295-307
5 H 496 (Weissman).
CE 1033, p. 1.
5 H 497 (Weissman).
CE 1815, 1032, 1033, 1035, 1037, 1042, 1044, 1047, 1049; 5 H 498 (Weissman).
CE 1041, 1042; cf. CE 1049; see 5 H 526 (Weissman); see also note 458, infra.
CE 1032, 1033, 1037, 1038, 1040, 1044, 1047, 1049.
CE 1033, p. 2.
5 H 491 (Weissman).
CE 1032; see CE 3112.
5 H 490, 514, 519-520 (Weissman); CE 1811, pp. 6-7; CE 1813.
CE 1811, p. 8; CE 1878; 5 H 501, 505, 511, 519-520 (Weissman).
5 H 506; 11 H 429 (Weissman); CE 1811, p. 9.
5 H 505 (Weissman); see also CE 1815, p. 711; CE 1811, p. 9.
Id. at 505-508 (Weissman); CE 1815, p. 2; CE 1878, p. 298; CE 1811, p. 9.
5 H 507-508 (Weissman), CE 1031, 1811, p. 9.
5 H 504 (Weissman); CE 1878, 1882, 1811, p. 10; CE 1815, p. 712.
5 H 506, 509, 511 (Weissman); CE 1878, p. 298; CE 1885, 1883, p. 306; CE 1884, p. 307.
CE 1882-1885.
5 H 507-509 (Weissman).
5 H 510-512 (Weissman); CE 1815, p. 712.
Ibid.; CE 1882, pp. 1-2.
5 H 509 (Weissman); CE 1811, p. 11; CE 1815, p. 711; CE 1878, p. 298.
Ibid.; CE 1031.
5 H 509 (Weissman).
5 H 508-509 (Weissman); CE 1811, p. 11; CE 1815, p. 712.
5 H 507 (Weissman).
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 511, 517.
Id. at 511, 520; CE 1815, p. 713.
5 H 511 (Weissman).
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 515-516, 521-524; CE 1811, p. 12; CE 1815, p. 713; 3139.
2 H 60 (Mark Lane).
5 H 553-555 (Lane); see CE 2510-2518.
5 H 522-524 (Weissman).
CE 996.
CE 2473, 2474 1837, 5 H 541 (Robert G. Klause).
CE 1835.
5 H 536-537, 539-544 (Klause); CE 1836, 2474, 1835.
5 H 425-426, 429, 431 (Surrey); 11 H 412 (Walker).
5 H 428 (Surrey).
Ibid.
Ibid.
CE 1835, p. 2; 5 H 537-539 (Klause).
Id. at 537 (Klause); CE 2473.
5 H 536 (Klause).
Id. at 537-538.
Id. at 539.
Id. at 537; CE 1836, p. 2.
5 H 539 (Klause); CE 1836, p. 2.
5 H 538 (Klause).
Id. at 538-539 (Klause); CE 1836, p. 2; CE 2473, pp. 1-2.; CE 2474.
5 H 539 (Klause); CE 1836, p. 2.
5 H 539 (Klause); CE 1836, pp. 1-2; CE 2473, p. 1; CE 2474, p. 6.
5 H 539-540 (Klause).
Id. at 546; CE 1836, p. 2.
CE 2473, p. 2.
Id. at p. 3.
CE 1836, p. 2.
CE 2473, p. 2
5 H 530-531 (Weissman).
CE 1835 1836, 2473-2474, 3103.
5 H 531 (Weissman).
5 H 542 (Klause); 5 H 447-448 (Surrey); 11 H 424-425 (Walker).
1 H 23, 28, 45 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 28, 45.
CE 2478.
1 H 22-24, 44-47 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 45.
Id. at 22-23; CE 1404, pp. 451-453.
11 H 214-215 (Dr. and Mrs. John B. McFarland); and see 11 H 179-180 (Estelle Twiford) (Oswald told her in Houston, Tex. that he was a member of the Fair Flay for Cuba Committee and on his way to Mexico.)
1 H 23, 46-47 (Marina Oswald).
1 H 24-25 (Marina Oswald); see also ch. VII, pp. 412-413; app. XIII. p. 730. (One purpose of Oswald's Fair Play for Cuba activities was to get him into Cuba.)
See app. XIII, pp. 731-733, for time of departure from New Orleans; see CE 2121, p. 47; CE 2566, p. 2, for arrival in Mexico City.
CE 2121, p. 39.
Ibid.
Ibid.
See app. XIII, pp. 730-731.
CE 2121, p. 39.
1 H 24-25 (Marina Oswald); and see CE 2121, p. 69.
CE 2121, pp. 39-40.
See CE 2121, pp. 39-40; CE 2564.
See app. XIII, pp. 734-736.
1 H 27- 28, 50 (Marina Oswald).
CE 2121, pp. 35-41.
CE 2120, pp. 4-6.
CE 2121, p. 42; CE 2120, p. 3. The official report of the Government of Mexico is set out in CE 2120 and CE 2123.
CE 2121, p. 38 (Silvia Duran).
CE 2123, attachment 5, p. 3.
Ibid.; CE 2121, p. 35.
See app. XIII, pp. 730-731, for documents Oswald took with him; CE 2121, pp. 39-40 (Silvia Duran's statement); 1 H 24-25 (Marina Oswald); CE 18, p. 54 (the "notation" of the address Silvia Duran gave Oswald).
CE 2445.
CE 2564.
CE 2564.
E.g., compare CE 2564 with CE 1969.
CE 3127.
Compare 2564 with CE 155, 161.
CE 2121, pp. 26-28.
CE 2121, pp. 53, 58.
11 H 214-15 (Dr. and Mrs. John B, McFarland); 11 H 217 (Pamela Mumford); CE 2121, pp. 72-78.
CE 2121, pp. 53-58.
CE 2121, pp. 57-58. The only witness who places Oswald with anyone else during the trip was thoroughly discredited. See CE 2450, 2451, 2569, 2570, 2571, 2572, 2573, 2574, 2575, 3095.
CE 2450.
11 H 217 (Mumford); CE 2195, pp. 2-3, 40-42.
CE 2195, pp. 44-46.
11 H 220-221 (Mumford); 11 H 214 (McFarland); CE 2195, pp. 5-6.
CE 2195 passim.
CE 2121, p. 59.
Id. at 48-59; CE 3074.
CE 18, p. 54.
CE 2568.
CE 2567, p. 3.
567. This is the case of "D" treated at 55, infra.
CE 2949
Page 839
CE 2948.
CE 2676.
CE 2950.
CE 2952, 2953, 2954, 2955, p. 5.
CE 2959.
E.g., CE 2951.
CE 2946.
CE 3047.
CE 2952, p. 2; CE 2955, pp. 1-4.
CE 3152, 1161.
5 H 365 (Dean Rusk).
CE 986, pp. 1-3; CE 29.
CE 6; CE 986.
CE 8.
CE 986.
CE 2768, 2772, 2444, 3042, pp. 59, 65.
CE 15.
CE 16.
3 H 13-18, 51-52 (R. Paine).
1 H 45 (Marina Oswald).
CE 2764.
CE 2764.
CE 3126.
1 H 44, 49.
Oswald entered Mexico on Sept. 26 and his tourist card was good for 15 days thereafter; CE 2478. reproduced in report, p. 300.
CE 792; 7 H 295 (Harry Holmes); Holmes DE 3.
7 H 527 (Holmes); see Holmes DE 1-A.
See pp, 118-122, 172-174, supra.
CE 1158.
CE 817; 7 H 296 (H. Holmes).
Holmes DE 1; 7 H 292-293 (H. Holmes).
Holmes DE 4, pp. 1, 2; app. XIII, pp. 713-730, 737-740.
10 H 294 (Mrs. A. C. Johnson); 6 H 435-437 (Earlene Roberts).
CE 1160, 1158, 1152, 1178.
CE 1799, p. 1.
See footnotes 594, 597, 599, supra.
CE 791; 11 H 136, 149 (Gibson).
CE 817; 8 H 91 (L. Murret).
Holmes DE 1; 10 H 292-293 (Mrs. A. C. Johnson).
1 H 350, 356, 392 (R. Oswald); CE 322; Cunningham DE 3. 3 A; Hunley DE 2, 5; Creel DE 1; Rachal DE 1; CE 427;10 H 198 (Dennis H. Ofstein); CE 1167, p. 489. See also, e.g., Holmes DE 3-A; Arnold Johnson DE 5; V. T. Lee DE 7, 8 A, 8 B, 8 C, 9; Dobbs DE 6, 9, 10; R. Watts DE 1, 4, 5.
See pp. 121-122, supra.
See, e.g., CE 1135, 2973, 2971-2972, 3113; Semingson DE 3001.
See CE 796, 815, 809, 806, 819, 1398 see 4 H 380-399 (Alwyn Cole).
Id. at 387.
Id. at 387-388; 10 H 184-186 (John J. Graef), 196-197 (Ofstein), 169 (Robert L. Stovall).
10 H 186 (Graef), 198, 201 (Ofstein).
4 H 378 389 (Cole).
10 H 186-187 (Graef), 198 (Ofstein), 172 (Stovall).
CE 800; CE 115.
CE 2478.
CE 2539, p. 1.
CE 2121, p. 47; CE 2480.
CE 2463;11 H 217, 220 (Pamela Mumford); CE 2120, pp. 39 41; cf. 11 H 179-180 (Mrs. E. Twiford).
See footnote 601, supra.
6 H 401 (Mary E. Bledsoe).
CE 1410, 1411.
CE 135; 7 H 377 (Heinz W. Michaelis); CE 3088.
CE 1398.
11 H 226-231 (Dial D. Ryder); CE 1333; Greener DE 1; CE 1334
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Notes to Pages 307-319
11 H 226 (Ryder), 251 (Charles W. Greener); see p. 119, supra.
See pp. 118-122, 172-174, supra.
11 H 231-233 (Ryder); CE 1334, p. 4.
CE 2454, p. 6; 7 H 224-225 (F. M. Turner); CE 1334, p. 24; 11 H 246-247 (Greener).
CE 1325; 11 H 227 (Ryder).
CE 1334, pp. 1-2, 13.
11 H 226, 230-231, 234 (Ryder), 246, 251 (Greener).
11 H 234, 226, 230-231 (Ryder); CE 1333. p. 2.
11 H 225-226, 233, 235-238 (Ryder).
CE 1330, p. 2.
11 H 241-242, 244, 237 (Schmidt), 464-467 (Lehrer).
CE 1334, pp. 14-20; CE 3030.
11 H 254-259 (Gertrude Hunter); 11 H 263-275 (Edith Whitworth).
11 H 261-262, 282, 284 (Mrs. Hunter), 11 H 272, 283 (Mrs. Whitworth).
11 H 277, 300-301; 5 H 399-400 (Marina Oswald).
CE 1337,2974.
11 H 226, 228-229 (Ryder); CE 2974.
11 H 264, 274, 286-288 (Mrs. Whitworth); 11 H 257 (Mrs. Hunter).
CE 1327.
11 H 263, 265-266 (Mrs. Whitworth); see CE 1327, 3089.
11 H 254, 280, 289 (Mrs. Hunter).
11 H 280 (Marina Oswald); see footnotes 707, 708, infra.
11 H 256 (Mrs. Hunter); 11 H 266 (Mrs. Whitworth); CE 2454; 11 H 290-292 (Marina Oswald), 11 H 155 (R. Paine).
11 H 154 (R. Paine).
See ibid.; 11 H 277 (Marina Oswald).
11 H 255, 280, 288 (Mrs. Hunter).
CE 2976.
CE 2976.
CE 2977.
CE 2975.
CE 2977, p. 3.
E.g., compare CE 2903 and CE 2446 with app. XIII, pp. 730-736; compare CE2446 with CE 2448, CE 3049, 3 H 214 (Roy Truly), and CE 2454; compare 2447 with CE 2904 and CE 3049; see CE 2547; compare CE 3110 with CE 2925; compare CE 2926, 2927, 2928 with CE 3019; see CE 2933, 2908; see also, e.g., 10 H 309-327 (Clifton M. Shasteen); 2209, 3130.
10 H 372 (Malcolm H. Price, Jr.).
10 H 380 (Garland G. Slack).
10 H 392 (Sterling C. Wood), 10 H 385-390 (Homer Wood).
10 H 375-376 (M. Price). 10 H 383-384 (Slack), 10 H 388-389 (H. Wood), 10 H 391-395 (S. Wood).
CE 2934, 2935.
10 H 356-363 (Floyd G. Davis). 10 H 363-369 (Virginia Davis); CE 2916, 2919.
CE 2915, 2917.
CE 2930, 2923, 2924, 2919, 2898, 2922, 2906, 3077; see 10 H 381 (Slack).
CE 2909, p. 238.
CE 2910.
10 H 370 (M. Price); see app. XIII. pp. 730-736 infra.
10 H 371 (M. Price); 10 H 380 (Slack); 10 H 361 (F. Davis).
10 H 380 (Slack); but see 10 H 361 (F. Davis).
11 H 154-155 (R. Paine); see also 2 H 515, 3 H 41 (R. Paine); 1 H 58, 62 (Marina Oswald).
10 H 370 (M. Price), 10 H 365 (V. Davis)
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Page 840

Notes to Pages 319-328
See footnotes 707, 708 infra; cf. CE 2209.
10 H 365 (V. Davis); CE 2941.
10 H 393 (S. Wood), 10 H 381-382 (Slack); CE 2909; 10 H 358 (F. Davis).
Ibid.; 10 H 365-366 (V. Davis), 373 (M. Price); CE 2909, 3077.
CE 2897; CE 2898, pp. 116-117.
10 H 373-374 (M. Price), 10 H 392, 395-397 (S. Wood), 10 H 381-383 (Slack); CE 2913.
CE 139; 3 H 392-396 (Robert A. Frazier).
10 H 370 (M. Price), 10 H 386 (H. Wood), 10 H 391-392 (S. Wood); cf. 10 H 380 (Slack).
10 H 374 (M. Price), 10 H 382 (Slack); 10 H 392 (S. Wood); see also CE 2916, 2935, 2915.
10 H 374 (M. Price), 10 H 382 (Slack).
10 H 386 (H. Wood), 392 (S. Wood); CE 2924, 2915.
CE 139, 3133; 3 H 392-296 (Frazier), 154 (Howard L. Brennan).
10 H 374 (M. Price), 10 H 382 (Slack); 4 H 257 (J. C. Day); CE 139; 10 H 395 (S. Wood).
10 H 374 (M. Price); 3 H 394 (Frazier); CE 541, pp. 3, 4.
10 H 372-373 (M. Price).
See pp. 315-316, supra. ch IV. pp. 113-122.
10 H 395 (S. Wood), 10 H 382 (Slack).
10 H 370-371 (M. Price), 10 H 391 (S. Wood), 10 H (F. Davis); but cf. CE 2910.
CE 2921, 2918, 2905, 2920, 3049.
See, e.g., 2 H 226-229, 241 (Buell W. Frazier); 10 H 297 (Mrs. A. C. Johnson); 6 H 426 (Mary Bledsoe); CE 2932.
See 10 H 352-356 (Albert Guy Bogard).
In addition to the corroborating evidence discussed in text, it is to be noted that on Feb. 24, 1964, Mr. Bogard was interviewed by the FBI In regard to his allegation with the use of a polygraph. No corded by the polygraph when Bogard was asked relevant questions concerning his report. The responses recorded were those normally expected of a person telling the truth. CE 3031. However, because of the uncertain reliability of the results of polygraph tests, see app. XVII, pp. 813-816, infra. the Commission has placed no reliance upon these results.
10 H 342-345 (Frank Pizzo); CE 3078, p. 7.
CE 3091, 3092.
CE 3071, p. 365.
10 H 344 (Pizzo); CE 3078, p. 7.
Ibid.
See 10 H 354 (Bogard); CE 3071, 2969.
10 H 346, 350 (Pizzo); CE 3071 p. 2.
CE 3091.
10 H 347-351 (Pizzo); CE 2970.
CE 3078, p. 7.
1 H 112-113, 5 H 402, 11 H 280 (Marina Oswald); 8 H 142-143 (L. Murret); id. at 185 (C. Murret); 2 H 292-293 (R. Oswald); 8 H 399 (E. Hall); 9 H 87 (G. Taylor); 10 H 126 127 (Cunningham); 11 H 56-57 (J. Pic).
2 H 502-517, 11 H 153-154 (R. Paine).
2 H 515, 3 H 41. 11 H 153-154 (R. Paine); 1 H 58, 62 (Marina Oswald).
11 H 368-369, 373, 375, 377, 379 (Sylvia Odio).
Id. at 370-372.
Id. at 370, 382.
Id. at 370-371.
Id. at 372.
Ibid.
Id. at 372-373, 377.
Id. at 373.
Id. at 382, 385.
CE 2907.
11 H 370, 374 (S. Odio); CE 2942.
1 H 26 (Marina Oswald); CE 2124. p. 383; CE 405, 1156, pp. 443-444; CE 2125, pp. 475, 477; CE 2479; 10 H 276-277 (Jesse J. Garner).
CE 2131; 2939.
CE 2938, 2939, 2940, 3109, 2131, 2476.
CE 2131, 2939.
CE 2961, 2132, pp. 10-14; CE 2533, 2962.
1 H 27 (Marina Oswald); 11 H 214 (McFarland); 179-180 (Estelle Twiford); 11 H 179 (Horace E. Twiford).
CE 2191, pp. 5-7.
11 H 214-215 (McFarland).
CE 2193, pp. 1-2; CE 2123, 2566, pp. 2-3; CE 2534.
CE 2138, pp. 12-14; CE 3075, 3086. But see 11 H 179 (Estelle Twiford).
CE 3090.
CE 2534.
11 H 214-215 (McFarland); CE 2534, 2732.
11 H 214-215 (McFarland); see also 1 H 27 (Marina Oswald).
11 H 179-180 (E. Twiford).
CE 3045.
Ibid.; see 11 H 372 (S. Odio).
See note 736, supra.
CE 3148.
Ibid.
Ibid.; 11 H 375 (S. Odio).
CE 2390.
CE 3147.
CE 3146.
Ibid.
Ibid.
11 H 370 (S. Odio).
11 H 341-346 (Rodriguez).
Compare 11 H 341-342 (Rodriguez) with 11 H 370, 382-383 (S. Odio).
11 H 343 (Rodriguez).
11 H 350-351 (Orest Pena).
CE 2902.
Id. at 15; compare 11 H 355-356 (O. Pena).
11 H 342 (Rodriguez); 351 (O. Pena); CE 2477, p. 10.
1 H 35, 83, 100 (Marina Oswald); 2 H 487 (R. Paine); 8 H 389 (A. Meller); 9 H 244 (G. De Mohrenschildt); 11 H 150 (D. Gibson).
11 H 325-339 (Dean Andrews).
Id. at 331; CE 3094; CD 2899.
CE 2900, 2901, 3104.
1 H 142, 191-193, 195-196, 200 (Marquerite Oswald); but see e.g., 1 H 20, 83 (Marina Oswald); 3 H 108 (R. Paine).
CE 1138, p. 3; 1 H 206 (Marguerite Oswald).
CE 821; 4 H 408-409 (John Fain).
1 H 214 (Marguerite Oswald); see generally footnote 865.
CE 2580 p. 4; 2581.
8 H 341 (Pauline Bates).
Ibid.
5 H 120-121 (John A. McCone); 5 H 121 122 (Richard M. Helms); see also CE 3138 (Department of Defense).
CE 870.
5 H 105-106 (J. Edgar Hoover); 5 H 14-15, 26-27 (Alan H. Belmont); 4 H 429 (Fain); 4 H 440 (John L. Quigley); 4 H 469 (James P. Hosty).
CE 825.
CE 835.
CE 18, address book, p. 76
Page 841
4 H 451 (James P. Hosty); 3 H 18, 103-104 (Ruth Paine).
1 H 48 (Marina Oswald); 3 H 99 (R. Paine).
1 H 48 (Marina Oswald).
Ibid.
See generally CE 1135, 1141, 1150, 1152, 1158, 1159, 1160, 1161, 1162, 1163, 1164, 1165, 1166, 1167, see CE 1169.
1 H 82-83 (Marina Oswald).
CE 1148, 1149, 1155.
CE 1169, 1 H 62 (Marina Oswald).
10 H 230 (Chester A. Riggs, Jr.); CE 1160; 10 H 237-241 (Mrs. Mahlon Tobias); CE 1133, 1134; 11 H 155 (M. Waldo George); 10 H 265 (Mrs. Jesse Garner); CE 1139; see 1 H 10 (Marina Oswald) see CE 1160.
11 H 140-141 (Mrs. Donald Gibson); 2 H 470-472 (R. Paine); 9 H 225-226 (G. De Mohrenschildt), 308 (J. De Mohrenschildt), 77 (Gary E. Taylor); 1 H 134-135 (Marquerite Oswald).
See app. XIII, pp. 713-715.
1 H 7-8 (Marina Oswald); 8 H 394-395 (Elena Hall); 11 H 120 (Alexander Kleinlerer).
2 H 299, 304 (Katherine Ford); 8 H 386-387 (Anna N. Meller); 1 H 11-12 (Marina Oswald); 8 H 416 (Valentina Ray).
10 H 288-290 (Colin Barnhorst); id. at 281-283 (Richard L. Hulen); CE 1160, p. 3; 10 H 307 lA. C. Johnson); 6 H 401-402 (Mary Bledsoe); cf. CE 1166. p. 3.
8 H 133-135, 138-139 (Lillian Murret); 2 H 459-468 (R. Paine).
3 H 9, 12-13, 18, 32, 39-41 (R. Paine); 1 H 26, 51, 53-55, 79 (Marina Oswald); 2 H 217 (Buell W. Frazier).
1 H 8 (Marina Oswald); 8 H 394 (E. Hall); 2 H 299 (Katherine Ford); 3 H 9 (R. Paine).
3 H 93 (R. Paine); 1 H 62, 69, 70 (Marina Oswald); 1 H 134 (Marguerite Oswald); see e.g., 1 H 134 (Marguerite Oswald); 1 H 6 (Marina Oswald); see also note 304. supra. Oswald purchased a TV set on credit, but it was returned without any payment having been made on it; CE 1165, pp. 17-21; CE 1167, pp. 490- 495; 11 H 210 (Albert F. Staples); 9 H 360, 361, 362, 363 (R. Paine).
1 H 135-136 (Marguerite Oswald); 8 H 372-373 (Bouhe), 382 (Meller), 394 (E. Hall); 9 H 324-325 (J. De Mohrenschildt); 11 H 119 (Kleinlerer); see also 9 H 66-68 (Dymitruk); 8 H 410 (V. Ray).
2 H 487 (R. Paine); 1 H 35 Marina Oswald); 8 H 153 (L. Murret); 8 H 418 (V. Ray).
E.g., 1 H 5, 5 H 416 (Marina Oswald).
1 H 134 (Marguerite Oswald).
2 H 217 (B. W. Frazier).
11 H 171 (William K. Stuckey); 8 H 133, 135, 148 (L. Murret), 193 (John Murret); CE 146, 148, 149, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 163.
9 H 144 (Paul Gregory).
1 H 134-135 (Marguerite Oswald); 1 H 7; 8 H 382-385 (A. Meller); 8 H 393-394 (E. Hall); 8 H 416 (V. Ray); 8 H 372-373 (Bouhe); see 9 H 144 (Paul Gregory); cf. 8 H 369 (Bouhe); id. at 387 (Meller).
1 H 69-79 (Marina Oswald).
1 H 318 (R. Oswald).
CE 1138, pp. 11-12.
1 H 30 (Marina Oswald).
7 H 376 (Heinz W. Michaelis); Michaelis DE 2; CE 1137; seen app. XIV, p. 743.
CE 1410, 1411
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Notes to Pages 328-335
10 H 64-66 (C. Steele, Jr.). It is not known whether the second person who assisted Oswald was also paid by him. CE 2216; see generally, note 434, supra.
See app. XIV, p. 744.
2 H 468-469; 9 H 343 (R. Paine); 1 H 19 (Marina Oswald).
3 H 9-12 (R. Paine).
8 H 186-187 (Charles Murret).
1 H 27 (Marina Oswald); CE 2131, 2476; see app. XIII, p. 731.
See app. XIII, pp. 730-736; app. XIV, p. 745.
10 H 334-336, 340 (Leonard A. Hutchison).
CE 3121; CE 1165, pp. 5-6; 1 H 58 (Marina Oswald), CE 3129, p. 4
10 H 328-333, 340 (Hutchison).
11 H 155 (R. Paine), 290-291 (Marina Oswald); 10 H 296 (Mrs. A. C. Johnson); 6 H 404-405 (Mary Bledsoe); CE 2454, pp. 2-4.
CE 2789, pp. 630-631.
10 H 328-329, 336-338 (Hutchison); but see CE 2789, pp. 629-630.
Note 814, supra; 2 H 213, 222-225 (B. W. Frazier); 10 H 328 (Hutchison); see CE 3129, p, 6.
10 H 328, 338 (Hutchison).
CE 3129, p. 1; see also 1 H 58 (Marina Oswald).
Compare. 10 H 338 (Hutchison) with CE 1132; 1 H 348 (R. Oswald).
10 H 414-415. 422-423 (L. Wilcox).
11 H 315-318 (Robert G. Fenley). 311-312 (C. A. Hamblen); Wilcox DE 3005. Hamblen repeated the story to a second journalist the following day, 11 H 316 (Fenley).
Wilcox DE 3005; see also Wilcox DE 3007; 11 H 312 (Hamblen); 10 H 415-417 (L. Wilcox).
11 H 311-314 (Hamblen).
11 H 318-325 1A. Lewis); Wilcox DE 3006; 10 H 417-421 (L. Wilcox).
Wilcox DE 3008; 10 H 412-413 (Semingsen), 423 (L. Wilcox).
10 H 419-425 (L. Wilcox). 407-413 (Semingsen); Semingsen DE 3001.
11 H 313 (Hamblen); 10 H 424 (L. Wilcox), 412 (Semingsen).
10 H 424 (L. Wilcox), 412-413 (Semingsen).
See 13 H 436 (Curtis LaVerne Crafard).
Crafard DE 5226, p. 150; CE 2319.
Crafard DE 5226, pp. 147-148, 150; but see CE 2322.
CE 2270, 2291.
CE 1669.
CE 2265.
CE 2251.
CE 2269, 2288; see also CE 2319.
CE 2245.
Newnam DE 2; see also CE 2265.
Crafard DE 5226, p. 150; 15 H 323 (Eva L. Grant); 15 H 283 (Eileen Kaminsky).
15 H 626, 628 (Lawrence V. Meyers), CE 1606, 2267.
CE 2259, 2274; 14 H 153 (Ralph Paul); C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 3; 5 H 183 (Jack Ruby); CE 2405, p. 26.
CE 2434, 2435.
15 H 629 (Meyers); CE 2268.
Id. at 627; 15 H 667 (Paul); see also CE 2266. 13 H 326 (Armstrong).
15 H 183 (J. Ruby); C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 3.
Crafard DE 5226, p. 150.
Ibid.
5 H 183 (J. Ruby); 13 H 330 (Armstrong); C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 4; CE 2436; see also 15 H 539 (John W. Newnam); CE 2438
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Page 842

Notes to Pages 335-343
C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 4; see also CE 1479, 2321.
5 H 183 (J. Ruby).
CE 2405, pp. 17-18; CE 2436.
15 H 183 (J. Ruby); CE 2405, p. 26; CE 2436; see also 13 H 319-320 (Armstrong); 15 H 219-220 (Joseph Weldon Johnson, Jr.).
CE 2405, pp. 24, 26; CE 2436; cf. 5 H 184 (J. Ruby).
15 H 535-539 (Newnam); Newnam DE 4; CE 2405, pp. 17-20; see also CE 3050.
CE 1031; 15 H 544-545 (Newnam); 5 H 184 (J. Ruby).
15 H 323 (Grant).
15 H 540-541 (Newnam).
Id. at 541.
5 H 184 (J. Ruby).
Ibid.; 15 H 541 (Newnam); 15 H 575 (Billy A. Rea); CE 2264.
15 H 579-580 (Richard L. Saunders).
15 H 580-581 (Saunders).
Id. at 581; see also 15 H 575 (Rea); CE 2408. p. 49; CE 2264.
13 H 330 (Armstrong).
15 H 542, 545 (Newnam); see 15 H 324 (Grant).
5 H 184 (J. Ruby).
Id. at 184 185.
14 H 542-544 (Newnam); 15 H 583-584 (Saunders); see also CE 2408, p. 49; CE 2264.
15 H 79-81 (Seth Kantor); see also 15 H 388-396 (Wilma May Tice).
See 15 H 388-396 (Tice); CE 2290; CE 2293; CE 2437.
14 H 561-563 (J. Ruby); 5 H 185 (J. Ruby).
See KRLD TV Reel 5; compare 15 H 81 (Kantor).
CE 2303, p. 27; 13 H 331-332 (Armstrong); 13 H 208-209 (Karen B. Carlin); see also 5 H 185 (Ruby); but see 13 H 452 (Crafard).
15 H 75-76 (Kantor); CE 2301.
15 H 76-82 (Kantor).
CE 2303, p. 27; 13 H 333-335 (Armstrong); 13 H 208-209 (K. Carlin).
CE 2068.
15 H 579 (Saunders); 15 H 419 (Nancy M. Powell).
See pp. 340-342, infra.
15 H 81-82 (Kantor).
15 H 79, 81-82, 87-88 (Kantor);. pp. 342-343, infra; see CE 2441, 2442.
5 H 185 (Ruby); 13 H 333-335 (Armstrong); see 14 H 85 (Crafard); see also 15 H 195 (Marjorie R. Richey).
13 H 452-453 (Crafard); 14 H 42 (Crafard); 13 H 331-335 (Armstrong); see CE 2414.
14 H 151 (Paul); 5 H 185 (J. Ruby); CE 2303, p. 27; 13 H 331-332 (Armstrong).
CE 2303, p. 27; 15 H 282-283 (Eileen Kaminsky); 14 H 123 (Alice R. Nichols).
Ibid.; see also 13 H 331 (Armstrong).
14 H 123-124 (A. Nichols); 15 H 283 (Kaminsky).
14 H 113-115, 123-124 (A. Nichols).
CE 2243; 2303, p. 27; CE 2284.
CE 2284; 5 H 185 (J. Ruby); see also 13 H 423-424 (Crafard).
5 H 185 (J. Ruby); CE 2284.
CE 2303, p. 27; 14 H 151-152 (Paul).
15 H 325 (Grant); CE 2296; 13 H 333 (Armstrong); see also 13 H 454 (Crafard) cf. 14 H 318-319 (Senator).
12 H 455 457 (Crafard); see also CE 2427, 2273; 14 H 433 (Grant); 13 H 336 (Armstrong); but see 14 H 86-87 (Crafard).
15 H 325 (Grant); 13 H 456 (Crafard).
5 H 186 (J. Ruby); CE 22.60, 2296.
15 H 325-331 (Grant); 5 H 186 (J. Ruby).
Ibid.
15 H 327 (Grant); CE 2262.
CE 2261, 15 H 330 (Grant).
5 H 186-187 (J. Ruby); 15 H 330 (Grant); see also CE 2242, 2275.
14 H 124 125 (Nichols); Nichols DE 5356; 15 H 330 (Grant).
13 H 457 (Crafard); but see 14 H 86 (Crafard).
15 H 332 (Grant).
5 H 186-187 (J. Ruby).
13 H 187 (Augustus M. Eberhardt); 15 H 612 (Roy G. Standifer); 15 H 601-602 (Ronald L. Jenkins); CE 2254, pp. 424-425; compare with CE 2249, p. 13; compare 15 H 351-352 (Victor F. Robertson, Jr.); CE 2439 with 15 H 599 (Clyde F. Goodson); CE 2439; see CE 2423; pp. 342-343, 347; KRLD TV reel 23, 45; 16-23; see also CE 2289; 15 H 375-376 (John G. McCullough); 15 H 455 (Dave L. Miller); 13 H 335-336 (Armstrong).
Compare 15 H 601-603 (Jenkins); 15 H 375-376, 380-381 (McCullough); with CE 2790, 2415, 2423, 2424, 2439.
15 H 351-352 (Robertson).
15 H 588-599 (Goodson); CE 2289; see also CE 2440; but cf. CE 2423, 2439.
13 H 187 (Eberhardt); CE 2410. pp. 106-108; 15 H 617 (Standifer); but see 5 H 188 (J. Ruby); see also, pp. 342-343, infra.
5 H 188 (J. Ruby); see also 15 H 327 (Grant).
14 H 152 (Paul); CE 2302. p. 14.
CE 2302, p. 14; CE 2300.
15 H 31-32 (Hyman Rubenstein).
5 H 187 (J. Ruby); CE 2281.
CE 2281; see also CE 2282.
CE 2281.
CE 2282, 2283.
5 H 187 (J. Ruby).
Ibid.
CE 2252.
5 H 187 (J. Ruby); CE 2248.
5 H 187-188 (J. Ruby); see also 14 H 434 (Grant).
CE 2247, 2277, 2278, 2279, 2280.
CE 2252.
5 H 188 (J. Ruby).
KRLD-TV reel 23 0.00-0.19; CE 2423, 2439; see 5 H 188 (J. Ruby); C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 5.
CE 2410, pp. 104-105; see CE 2424; 5 H 188 (J. Ruby).
13 H 187-189 (Augustus M. Eberhardt); see CE 2424.
KRLD TV reel 23, 0.00 3.00; CE 2423, 2439; 5 H 188 (J. Ruby).
Ibid.; KRLD-TV; reel 23; WFAA-TV, PKT 11 6.50-6.55; see C. Ray Hall DE 2 p. 13-14.
CE 2424; 13 H 189-190 (Eberhardt); 5 H 223 (Wade); 15 H 616-617 (Standifer); CE 2244, 2249, 2256, 2257, 2272, 2276, see also McMillon DE 5017, p. 3; CE 2258.
CE 2424, 5 H 188-195 (J. Ruby) 13 H 189-190 (Eberhardt).
KRLD-TV reel 23, CE 2169; NBC-TV reel 43.
KRLD-TV reel 23; NBC-TV reel 43; 5 H 189 (J. Ruby); 5 H 223-224 (Wade); CE 2295.
5 H 223-224 (Wade); KRLD-TV reel 23, 45.16-23 CE 2439, 2441, 2442, 5 H 189 (J. Ruby).
15 H 505-506, 508-509 (Johnston); CE 2272

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Notes to Pages 343-350
15 H 346 (Icarus M. Pappas); see also CE 2257; 15 H 588-589 (Thayer Waldo).
CE 2257; see also CE 2256.
15 H 531-532 (Danny Patrick McCurdy); 15 H 485 (William G. Duncan, Jr.); see also CE 2295.
15 H 364-365 (Pappas); 5 H 224 (Wade).
15 H 485-486 (Duncan); 15 H 254 (Russell Lee Moore, also known as Russell Knight).
Id. at 254-255, 267.
15 H 483 (Duncan); see also 15 H 256-259 (Knight); 15 H 532 (McCurdy).
15 H 257 (Knight); CE 2294; see also 14 H 318 (Senator).
15 H 530-531 (McCurdy); 15 H 259 (Knight).
15 H 530-531 (McCurdy).
15 H 487-488 (Duncan).
15 H 259-260 (Knight); 15 H 224-225, 228 (Edward J. Pullman); 2285; see also 15 H 339 (Grant).
CE 2285.
15 H 260, 264-265 (Knight).
Ibid.
5 H 191 (J. Ruby); see also CE 2318; 14 H 631 (Harry N. Olsen); 14 H 647 (Kay Helen Olsen).
C. Ray Hall DE 1, 2, 3.
5 H 191 (J. Ruby).
14 H 632 (H. Olsen); 14 H 648 (K. Olsen).
14 H 632 (H. Olsen); 14 H 647 (K. Olsen).
Ibid.
15 H 555-559 (Roy A. Pryor); see also 5 H 194 (J. Ruby).
15 H 558-562 (Pryor); CE 2297; see also 5 H 206-207 (J. Ruby).
15 H 566-568 (Arthur W. Watherwax); see CE 2297; CE 2816, pp 1508-1509.
CE 2816. p. 1509.
CE 2816, p. 1506; 5 H 194 (J. Ruby); 15 H 569-570 (Watherwax); CE 2791.
App. XVI, at p. 800, infra; 13 H 437-448 (Crafard); CE 2791.
15 H 570 (Watherwax).
5 H 193-194 (J. Ruby).
CE 2816, p. 1510.
5 H 203 (J. Ruby); 15 H 569 (Watherwax); see also 14 H 218 (Senator); 14 H 87 (Crafard).
15 H 568 (Watherwax); CE 2816, pp. 1507-1508; CE 2297.
14 H 219-220 (Senator).
Id. at 218-219; 13 H 463 (Crafard).
5 H 203 (J. Ruby); 13 H 463 (Crafard).
5 H 203 (J. Ruby); CE 2286; see also 14 H 90 (Crafard); 13 H 464-466 (Crafard); 14 H 219 (Senator).
14 H 222 (Senator); see also 13 H 503-504 (Crafard); but see 14 H 567-568 (J. Ruby).
5 H 203 (J. Ruby); 14 H 220 (Senator); 15 H 336 (Grant).
14 H 220-224 (Senator).
C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 9; 14 H 224 (Senator); see also 13 H 466 (Crafard).
C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 9; 13 H 466-468 (Crafard).
Ibid.; C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 9.
13 H 337-339 (Armstrong); 13 H 468-469 (Crafard).
5 H 198 (J. Ruby); C. Ray Hall DE 2, p. 14, DE 3, p. 12.
5 H 198 (J. Ruby).
15 H 196 (Marjorie R. Richey).
C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 9; CE 2324, 2413, p. 83; see also CE 2330, 2340.
C. Ray Mall DE 3, p. 9; CE 2324.
CE 2413, pp. 82-83, 89, 92; CE 3039, see CE 2324; C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 9.
C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 9.
CE 2341; see 15 H 490 (Garnett Gland Hallmark).
15 H 489-490 (Hallmark); G. C. Hallmark DE 1, p. 1.
15 H 491 (Hallmark).
Ibid.
15 H 434 (Kenneth L. Dowe); Dowe DE 2, p. 2; see 15 H 491 (Hallmark).
Id. at 492-493.
15 H 587-588 (Thayer Waldo); 15 H 355-357 (Frederic Rheinstein); CE 2276, 2326, 2327.
CE 2327; see also 15 H 82-83 (Seth Kantor).
15 H 587-589 (Waldo); see also CE 2276.
15 H 357 (Rheinstein).
CE 2276; 2326.
15 H 386-387 (Abraham Kleinman); see also C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 9.
15 H 468-469 (Frank Bellochio); 15 H 383-386 (Kleinman); CE 3043, 3044, 3045, 3046; see also 15 H 610-613 (Speedy Johnson).
15 H 470 (Bellochio); 5 H 203-204 (J. Ruby); 15 H 336 (Grant).
15 H 470 (Bellochio).
Id. at 470-471.
Id. at 471.
Ibid.
Id. at 470-472; CE 3043, 3044.
Id. at 472.
C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 9; 15 H 519 (Stanley M. Kaufman); see also 15 H 337-338 (Grant).
15 H 520 (Kaufman).
15 H 519-520 (Kaufman); see also 15 H 337-338 (Grant).
15 H 337 (Grant).
C. Ray Hall DE 3, pp. 9-10.
CE 2329.
13 H 339 340 (Armstrong); see 15 H 454 (Dave L. Miller).
15 H 338-339 (Grant).
15 H 262 (Knight); cf. 14 H 222 (Senator); but see 15 H 337 (Grant).
15 H 339, 341 (Grant).
CE 2325, 2407.
13 H 209-210 (Karen B. Carlin); 15 H 421-423 (Nancy M. Powell); see 15 H 342 (Grant); compare 15 H 474 (John Henry Branch) with Branch DE 1; 15 H 334 (Grant); CE 2336.
15 H 421-423 (Powell); 15 H 647, 652 (Bruce R, Carlin); 13 H 209 (K. Carlin).
13 H 209-210 (K. Carlin); see C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 10; 15 H 69-70 (C. Ray Hall); 13 H 204-205 (B. Carlin).
13 H 210 (K. Carlin).
15 H 342 (Grant).
15 H 626-635 (Meyers); see p. 334, supra.
15 H 631-634 (Meyers).
Id. at 633-635; see 14 H 265 (Senator).
15 H 632 (Meyers).
13 H 210 (K. Carlin); 13 H 203-204 (B. Carlin).
Id. at 204; see also 13 H 210 (K. Carlin).
13 H 204 (B. Carlin).
15 H 422 (Powell).
13 H 211 (K. Carlin); see 13 H 205 (B. Carlin); 15 H 423-424 (N. Powell).
13 H 246-247 (Huey Reeves); CE 1476, 2334; 13 H 210-211 (K. Carlin).
15 H 336, 339, 342 343 (Grant).
CE 2300, 2306; see also CE 2310.
CE 2300.
15 H 339 (Grant).
14 H 153 (Paul); 15 H 671, 673 (Paul)
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Notes to Pages 350-360
15 H 397, 399 (Wanda Y. Helmick); CE 2834.
15 H 399 (Helmick).
Id. at 400, but see 15 H 672, 678-679 (Paul); CE 2339.
15 H 671-672, 675, 678-679 (Paul).
15 H 399 (Helmick); 14 H 153 (Paul); 15 H 671-672 (Paul).
13 H 247 (Reeves); see C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 10; see CE 1476.
14 H 635 (H. Olsen); 14 H 649 (K. Olsen).
CE 2307.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.; 14 H 605 (Breck Wall).
CE 2307.
14 H 532-533, 543, 559, 564 (J. Ruby); 5 H 197 (J. Ruby); see also C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 12.
Paul DE 5319, p. 7.
14 H 153 (Paul); 15 H 671-673 796-797, 805 (Paul).
14 H 605-607 (Wall).
See app. XVI, pp. 796-797, 805; CE 2344.
CE 2302, p. 14; CE 2303. p. 26; 2328, 2331, 2333.
14 H 605-606 (Wall).
CE 2068.
CE 2337.
C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 10; 15 H 552 (Robert L. Norton); 5 H 198 (J. Ruby).
15 H 552-553 (Norton).
Id. at 553; see 5 H 198 (J. Ruby); see CE 2836.
5 H 198 (J. Ruby); see 15 H 551 (Norton); CE 2836.
14 H 529 (J. Ruby); 5 H 198 (J. Ruby).
14 H 236 (Senator).
15 H 343 (Grant).
14 H 236 (Senator).
5 H 199 (J. Ruby); 14 H 236-240 (Senator).
13 H 256-261 (Warren E. Richey); 13 H 279-283 (John A. Smith); 13 H 292-294 (Ira N. Walker).
13 H 256-258 (W. Richey); 13 H 279-282 (J. A. Smith); 13 H 291-294 (I. Walker).
13 H 256-258 (W. Richey); 13 H 278-282 (J. A. Smith); 13 H 292 (I. Walker).
13 H 283 (J. A. Smith).
13 H 257 (W. Richey).
13 H 283 (J. A. Smith); see also 13 H 257 (W. Richey).
App. XVI, pp. 787, 792; CE 2424, 1478; see 15 H 523 (Kaufman); see also 15 H 332 (E. Grant).
14 H 236, 238-239 (Senator); Pappas DE 1.
13 H 257 (W. Richey).
CE 2790, 2415; Pappas DE 1; but see 15 H 508 (Johnston); 15 H 603 (Ronald L. Jenkins).
Compare 13 H 292-293 (I. Walker) with 13 H 278-280 (J. A. Smith).
13 H 292 (Walker); 13 H 278-281, 283 (J. A. Smith).
KRLD-TV reel 13; CE 3072.
14 H 236 (Senator); Senator DE 5402, p. 4.
13 H 232-233 (Elnora Pitts); see 14 H 289-240 (Senator).
13 H 231-232 (Pitts).
Id. at 230-232.
13 H 197-198, 200 (Sidney Evans, Jr.); see also 13 H 263-264 (Malcolm R. Slaughter).
14 H 232-233 (Senator); see also Senator DE 5402.
14 H 236-239 (Senator); CE 2298.
13 H 210- 211 (K. Carlin).
Id. at 210-212.
14 H 239 (Senator).
14 H 236 (Senator); see also 14 H 532 (J. Ruby).
5 H 198-199 (J. Ruby);.see 14 H 532 (J. Ruby); see also 13 H 502 (Crafard); 14 H 207 (Senator).
14 H 210, 211, 240 (Senator); C. Ray Hall DE 2, p. 15; 5 H 198-199 (J. Ruby).
C. Ray Hall DE 2, p. 15; 5 H 199 (J. Ruby); 14 H 83-85 (Crafard); 13 H 311-312 (Armstrong); 14 H 147 (Paul); 14 H 211, 312 (Senator).
C. Ray Hall DE 3, pp. 10-11; 5 H 199 (Paul).
CE 2068; KRLD TV reel 12, 20. WBAP-TV reel FW No. 2.
13 H 272-274 (Smart); Smart DE 5021; CE 1322, pp. 732, 747-751; see H 501 (Crafard); 14 H 329-330 (Senator).
C. Ray Hall DE 2, p. 15; CE 1322, pp. 726-731; 15 H 199 (J. Ruby); see also 14 H 327 (Senator).
13 H 226 (Doyle E. Lane).
Id. at 224; D. Lane DE 5118, 5119; CE 2420, 2421, 1322, p. 726.
Id. at 225.
Ch. V at pp. 216-225; KRLD-TV reel No. 13; KRLD-TV reel No. 59; WBAP-TV reel FW No. 1.
See 15 H 369-371 (Pappas); Pappas DE 1,2; C.D. 1314-A (tape recording in Commission files); J. R. Leavelle DE 5088, 5089; 13 H 8-9 (L. C. Graves); 12 H 308, 313-314 (Louis D. Miller); L. D. Miller DE 5013, 5014; 13 H 29 (L. D. Montgomery); McMillon DE 5016; 12 H 179 (B. H. Combest); Combest DE 5101, p. 3; Kantor DE 3, pp. 3S, 3T; W. J. Harrison DE 5029, pp. 2-3; CE 2002. p. 45; NBC-TV reel No. 66, Nov. 24, 1963. But see CE 2409, p. 300;5 H 199 (J. Ruby); 14 H 562 (J. Ruby).
KRLD-TV reel 13; CE 3072.
See app. XVI at 787, 788-789, 793-795, 798-799; see 15 H 258 (Knight); 15 H 636; (Meyers).
13 H 469 (Crafard).
14 H 39-40 (Crafard); see Crafard DE 5226, p. 147.
CE 2429.
Crafard DE. 5226, p. 152; see also 13 H 469 (Crafard).
CE 2793; Crafard DE 5227.
14 H 92-93 (Crafard).
Crafard DE 5226, pp. 148-149; 13 H 420-422 (Crafard); see 14 H 23-25 (Crafard).
13 H 466-468 (Crafard); C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 9.
CE 2429; see 13 H 471-472 (Crafard); see also CE 2792.
13 H 404-408 (Crafard).
Id. at 407-410, 413-416.
Id. at 470 (Crafard); see 14 H 38-39 (Crafard).
CE 2302, 2303, 2307; 14 H 152 153 (Paul); 15 H 665, 670-673 (Paul); app. XVI at 795.
14 H 153-154 (Paul); 15 H 672-673 (Paul).
CE 2311, 2316.
CE 3026, 2980, 3034; 15 H 677 (Paul); CE 2817.
CE 2823; 15 H 401-402 (Helmick).
Id. at 401; CE 2338.
CE 2338, 2339.
CE 2431; 15 H 399 (Helmick).
14 H 605-606 (Wall); see 15 H 671-672, 675, 678-679 (Paul); 14 H 532-533, 543, 559, 564 (J. Ruby); 5 H 197 (J. Ruby).
CE 2300
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CE 2314.
CE 2317.
CE 2306, 2433.
7 H 286 (W. E. Barnes); see ch. V, pp. 216, 224, 230.
See. e.g. CE 2794, 2795, 2797, 2798, 2799, 2804, 2806, 2808, 2809, 2810, 2822, 1481, 2824, 2826, 2875, 2814; 15 H 48-51 (William S. Biggio).
See, e.g., CE 2796. 2800, 2801, 2802, 2803, 2813, 2818, 2819, 2821, 2825, 2829, 2878, 1818, 2383.
See, e.g. CE 2805, 2812, 2827, 2828, 2874, 2877, 2879.
CE 2830, 2884.
CE 2830.
CE 2884, 2885, 2886.
Crafard DE 5226, p. 149,
3 H 595 (Paine); see also CE 1949, p. 5; app. I at notes 1253-1255.
Crowe DE 2; 15 H 97 100 (William D. Crowe. Jr.); see also CE 2372.
15 H 104-105 (Crowe).
Id. at 106.
Id. at 105; CE 2983.
15 H 106 (Crowe); see KRLD-TV reel 43-a.
15 H 106 (Crowe).
Crafard DE 5205, 5206; CE 2991
15 H 113 (Crowe).
Id. at 107-109; CE 2995. pp. 207-209.
15 H 107-109 (Crowe).
CE 2995, p. 212.
CE 2367.
CE 2370, 2432.
2 H 515 (R. Paine); 3 H 41 (R. Paine).
CE 2414.
CE 2998; 15 H 658 (K. Carlin).
See, e.g. CE 1479, 1623, 1652, 2362, 2380, 2401, 2403; Armstrong 5310 A; Crafard DE 5226, p. 152.
14 H 102, 104-106 (Wilbryn Waldon Litchfield II).
Compare CE 3149, 2991, 2243, 2284.
CE 3149, p. 270.
Pizzo DE 453-C; Shaneyfelt DE 24; see also CE 3002.
CE 3149, p. 271.
14 H 96-97 (Litchfield).
Id. at 102-104.
Id. at 102.
CE 2889; see also CE 3194, p. 267.
CE 2999, 369.
CE 3004, 3005; see also CE 3003.
CE 2807, 2820, 3010, 3027; see also CE 2876, 2877, 2880.
3 H 214 (R. Truly); see also CE 1949.
CE 2302; 13 H 421 (Crafard); 14 H 192, 216 (Senator).
CE 371, 3150.
See p. 321 supra; app. XIII, footnote 1224 infra.
See CE 371,376, 1979.
6 H 437 (E. Roberts); see 6 H 404-406 (Bledsoe); see also CE 2833.
See app. XIII at pp. 737-740; CE 2833.
CE 2303; see Crafard DE 5226. pp. 148. 150; CE 2319.
CE 3000, 3001, 3006, 3009.
CE 3001, 3006, 3009.
4 H 240 (Fritz); CE 1410, 1491, 3020, 3021, 3022.
Holmes DE 1; see pp. 312-314, supra; app XIII, p. 739, infra.
CE 1322, p. 727; CE 3146. 2791, 1567; 14 H 560 (Ruby).
CE 2882.
CE 2883.
13 H 383, 385-389, 400-401 (Bertha Cheek); Cheek DE 5353.
CE 2386, 3011
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Notes to Pages 350 368
CE 1509; 14 H 91-92 (Crafard) 15 H 237-238 (Joseph Rossi).
Cheek DE 5353; CE 2996, 2997.
CE 2831.
CE 2832, 2862, 2881.
14 H 203, 312-313 (Senator); CE 3012;14 H 158 (Paul); 13 H 322 (Armstrong); app. XVI at pp. 803-804; 8 H 265 (Delgado); 8 H 300 (Donovan); see, also 13 H 438-440 (Crafard); 8 H 270-271 (Powers); 8 H 319 (Murray); CE 1339.
See CE 3013; 15 H 246 (Wright).
1 H 152-154, 237-238 (Marguerite Oswald).
Id. at 237-238; CE 3028, 237.
11 H 468 (Bardwell D. Odum); 11 H 469 (Richard Helms); Odum DE 1.
CE 237; Compare Odum DE 1; see 11 H 469 (Malley); 11 H 468(Odum) 11 H 469 (Helms).
Compare CE 237; Odum DE 1; with CE 2422, 2425.
11 H 470 (Helms); 5 H 208 (J. Ruby); see p. 373, infra.
CE 2243; CE 1237, p. 5; 15 H 10 (Rubenstein); cf. app. XVI, p. 783-784.
App. XVI, pp. 792, 794-795, 802-803.
Id. at pp. 784-785, 786 790, 791-792, 794-795, 799-800.
Id. at pp. 794 795, 802-803; 14 H 143 (Paul); 14 H 383 (E. Ruby).
App. XVI at 797-799.
14 H 396-407 (Earl Ruby); 14 H 473-476, 483 (Grant); 15 H 35-36 (Hyman Rubenstein); see CE 3070.
15 H 11-14, 43-44 (Rubenstein); Rossi DE 1; CE 3052.
CE 1322. p. 763.
See 15 H 229 (Pullman); 14 H 209 (Senator).
E.g., 14 H 206-210 (Senator); 15 H 241 (Rossi); 15 H 492 (Hallmark); CE 1512, 1515, p. 554; CE 1500, 1621, 1748, 2414.
App. XVI, at 791.
CE 1485.
5 H 206, 209 (J. Ruby); 14 H 567 568 (J. Ruby); 14 H 468. 484 (Grant); 15 H 624 (L. Meyers); C. Ray Hall DE 2, p. 14; CE 3053; CE 1515, p. 554; CE 2161, 1508, 1540, 1542, 1711, 2392, 3052, 3142, 3143, 3144.
14 H 437-439 (Grant); 15 H 16-17 (Rubenstein).
CE 3033; see also CE 2980, 2863, 2864, 2866, 2867, 2868, 2869, 2870, 2871, 2872, 2873; cf. Cumulative Index, 1938-1954, Committee on Un-American Activities, U.S. House of Representatives, p. 730.
CE 3034.
15 H 306-308 (George W. Fehrenbach); CE 2837, 2838, 2843.
CE 2848, 2849; see CE 2850, 2851, 285l.
CE 2853, 2854; see CE 2855.
Compare 15 H 308 (Fehrenbach) and CE 2838, with CE 1189.
Compare 15 H 307 (Fehrenbach) with app. XVI, pp. 787-790, 791-792.
15 H 301-303 (Fehrenbach); CE 2838, 2835.
CE 2835.
15 H 311, 316, 319 (Fehrenbach).
CE 2835, pp. 1-2; see also CE 2861, 3008.
CE 2839, 2840; see also CE 2844, 2845, 2846.
CE 3151, p. 10-14; CE 2847, 2852, 2841.
CE 2842, 2845, 2835, pp. 4-6; CE 2858, 2859, 2860.
15 H 303-304 (Fehrenbach).
15 H 225 (Pullman); CE 1822, p. 734; CE 2285
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Notes to Pages 368-377
15 H 259-261, 264-265 (Knight).
CE 2270, 2888.
CE 2890, 2981, pp. 1, 3, 8; CE 2982; see also CE 305.
2 H 57-58, 60 (M. Lane).
14 H 69 (Crafard); CE 2984, cf. 13 H 353 (Armstrong); 15 H 662 (Mrs. Carlin).
14 H 559-561 (Ruby); 5 H 515-516, 522-525 (Weissman); CE 2985, p. 7; CE 3115.
CE 1620; 14 H 559-560 (J. Ruby); see CE 2430; compare id. at 3.
CE 2430.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
See pp. 335, 347-348, supra.
See pp. 344-345, supra.
CE 2985, pp. 7, 9, 10, 12, 14; cf. CE 2986.
See CE 2985. pp. 6-7.
CE 2987.
CE 2985, p. 10.
Id. at 6-7.
CE 2985, pp. 15-17.
See ch. IV at 163-164.
Sawyer DE A; 4 H 179, 184 (Jesse E. Curry); 7 H 75-76 (James Putnam); see ch. IV at 163-164.
Compare ch. IV at 143-144 with CE 3002.
CE 3054, 3055, 3056, 3057; 14 H 330-364 (Nancy Perrin Rich); Nancy Perrin Rich DE 1-4; CE 3058, 3059, 3060, 3061, 3062, 3063, 3064, 3065, 1688, 1689, 3067, 3068.
5 H 202 (J. Ruby); C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 15; CE 1688, 1689, 3069; see also 14 H 506 (J. Ruby); CE 2414.
CE 2988, 3069; see CE 1748, 1752.
CE 2303, p. 19.
See CE 2988, 3069.
CE 2989.
See 5 H 200-201 (J. Ruby); CE 1697, 1545, 1690, 1691.
CE 2993, 2994, 1697, 1546.
CE 2978, pp. 4-5.
14 H 384-385 (Earl Ruby).
See app. XVI at 803.
CE 2980, 2979, pp. 13-14.
CE 2428.
CE 2980.
See app. XVI at p. 801; CE 2988.
See app. XVI at pp. 785, 790, 801.
14 H 565-566 (J. Ruby); 5 H 103 (J. Edgar Hoover); CE 1353, 1628, 1760; cf. CE 2332, 2333, 3012, 2328, 2331, 1697, 1221, 1500.
14 H 165-168
14 H 168-172, 181-182, (Senator).
14 H 175-178, 181-184, 304-305, 309-310 (Senator).
Senator DE 5400, p. 297; CE 3027; 14 H 165-210, 310-311 (Senator); CE 3014, 3026, 3028.
14 H 249-250 (Senator).
See 14 H 244-245, 302-303 (Senator); Senator DE 5400, 5401, 5402, 5403.
Ibid.
CE 2419.
See 14 H 217-218, 230-235, 261-262, 299-300, 314-315 (Senator).
CE 3015.
14 H 216, 314-315 (Senator).
14 H 532 (J. Ruby).
Ibid.
CE 2419; Senator DE 5401; see 14 H 245-246, 302-304, 316-317 (Senator).
CE 3023, pp. 17-18; 14 H 245 (Senator); see Senator DE 5401.
CE 3023; Senator DE 5401; but compare CE 2419; 14 H 245-246, 252-253, 303-304 (Senator).
CE 3024; see also CE 3013 p. 196.
14 H 246-251, 253 (Senator); CE 3024.
CE 2344, 2302, 2303, 2345.
Ibid.
See, e.g., CE 3036, see also 5 H 208 (J. Ruby).
14 H 150 (Paul); C. Ray Hall DE 3. pp. 15-16.
CE 2344, 3018, 1695, 3019, 1567.
CE 1561, p. 302; 15 H 248 249 (Wright).
14 H 216-217 (Senator); 13 H 447 (Crafard).
See CE 1322, pp. 733-751.
See app. XVI at pp. 794, 796-797, 804-806.
5 H 272 (Dean Rusk); CE 3025 (Robert F. Kennedy); 5 H 585-586 (C. Douglas Dillon); CE 3138 (Robert S. McNamara); 5 H 103 (J. Edgar Hoover); CE 2980 (John A. McCone); 5 H 485 (James J. Rowley)
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Chapter VII
5 H 394 (Marina Oswald); 2 H 400 (Michael Paine); 10 H 56 (Francis L. Martello); see discussion of Fair Play for Cuba Committee activities, infra.
1 H 91 (Marina Oswald); 5 H 394, 408 (Marina Oswald); 9 H 145 (Paul R. Gregory); 10 H 56 (Martello).
1 H 10-12, 21-22, 66 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 22; see authority at notes 125 and 314. infra.
8 H 150 (Lillian Murret); see authority at notes 125 and 314, infra.
1 H 22 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 22-23; see 11 H 100 (Kerry Thornley); 11 H 402 (Michael Paine).
See 8 H 272 (Daniel P. Powers); 11 H 96-97 (Thornley) and discussion, infra.
11 H 96, 99; authority at note 151, infra.
11 H 170 (William Kirk Stuckey); Stuckey DE 2, p. 2; CE 1385, p. 7.
1 H 96, 123 (Marina Oswald); 10 H 97 (Arnold Johnson); CE 100; CE 2564.
1 H 225 (Marguerite Oswald); see 8 H 104-105 (L. Murret).
11 H 4, 10, 20 (John Edward Pic); 1 H 253 (Marguerite Oswald).
Id. at 253-254; 1 H 94 (Marina Oswald); 11 H 12, 74 (J. Pic); 8 H 48 (Myrtle Evans); 1 H 271 (Robert Oswald).
11 H 12 (J. Pic); J. Pic DE 3, 5.
1 H 254 (Marguerite Oswald); 8 H 47-48, 63-64 (M. Evans); 8 H 36, 37 (Anne Boudreaux); 8 H 112 (L. Murret).
J. Pic DE 2-A; 1 H 255 (Marguerite Oswald).
J. Pic DE 2, p. 4; H 272 (R. Oswald); 11 H 15, 22 (J. Pic).
11 H 23 (J. Pic); 8 H 53 (M. Evans); 1 H 255 (Marguerite Oswald); see CE 1960 A, p. 1.
1 H 275-277 (R. Oswald); 11 H 23-25, 28-30 (J. Pic); 11 H 472 (Mrs. J. U. Allen).
8 H 51 (M. Evans); 8 H 68-69 (Julian Evans); 8 H 117 (L. Murret); see 1 H 277-278 (R. Oswald)
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11 H 27 (J. Pic).
1 H 250-252 (Marguerite Oswald); 11 H 27-29 (J. Pic); CE 1960-C.
11 H 75 (J. Pic).
Id. at 30-32.
Id. at 32.
Id. at 32-34.
Id. at 33.
Id. at 73-74.
1 H 298 (R. Oswald); 11 H 31-32 (J. Pic); see 1 H 253-254 (Marguerite Oswald).
1 H 298 (R. Oswald); Evelyn Stickman Siegel DE 1, p. 1.
8 H 119, 121 (L. Murret); 11 H 31 (J. Pic); 8 H 87 (Hiram Conway).
8 H 121-122 (L. Murret); J. Pic DE 9.
11 H 17, 28, 31 (J. Pic); J. Pic DE 23; Siegel DE 2, p. 1.
1 H 225-226 (Marguerite Oswald); 11 H 37 (J. Pic).
1 H 226, 229 (Marguerite Oswald); 11 H 37-41 (J. Pic).
1 H 227 (Marguerite Oswald); 11 H 37 (J. Pic).
Id. at 38, 39, 42; CE 1382, p. 1; see John Carro DE 1, p. 1; Siegel DE 2, p. 2.
11 H 38-39 (J. Pic); see CE 1382.
1 H 227 (Marguerite Oswald); see CE 1384.
See H 208 (Carro); Carro DE 1. p. 3.
Carro DE 1, p. 2; Siegel DE 1, p. 1.
1 H 227 (Marguerite Oswald); see Siegel DE 1, p. 2.
Carro DE 1. p. 1.
Ibid.; see 8 H 218 (Renatus Hartogs).
Carro DE 1, pp. 1, 5.
Hartogs DE 1; Carro DE 1; Siegel DE 1.
1 H 228 (Marguerite Oswald).
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Carro DE 1, p. 3.
Siegel DE 2, p. 3.
"Oswald: Evolution of an Assassin," Life, Feb. 21, 1964, p. 72.
Hartogs DE 1, p. 1.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 2.
Ibid.
Siegel DE 1, p. 1.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Siegel DE 1, p. 2.
Siegel DE 2, p. 2.
Siegel DE 1, pp. 2, 3.
CE 1339.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Carro DE 1, p. 2.
See Carro DE 1, pp. 3, 6; Siegel DE I. p. 3.
Siegel DE 1, pp. 2, 3.
Id. at 3, 6.
Hartogs DE 1, pp. 1-2.
Carro DE 1, p. 2.
11 H 75 (PIC).
Compare Carro DE 1 Hartogs DE 1, and Siegel DE 1.
Carro DE 1, p. 4; see 8 H 206, 210 (Carro).
Id. at 212.
Siegel DE 1. p. 6.
See Carro DE 1, pp. 6-8.
CE 1413, pp. 14-15; 1 H 196-197, 198-199 (Marguerite Oswald).
Allison G. Folsom DE 1, pp. 2, 3.
8 H 124 (L. Murret); see 8 H 159 (Marilyn Murret).
Id. at 124, 128
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Notes to Pages 378-388
Ibid.; see 1 H 196-197 (Marguerite Oswald)
See e.g., 8 H 55, 56, 65 (M. Evans); 8 H 159 70, 71 (J. Evans); 8 H 159 (M. Murret).
8 H 125, 131 (L. Murret).
Id. at 131; see 1 H 199 (Marguerite Oswald); 8 H 15 (Edward Voebel).
Ibid.
Id. at 5; see 8 H 159 (M. Murret); 8 H 124 (L. Murret).
Ibid.
8 H 2-3 (Voebel).
Id. at 5, 9-10.
CE 1352; CE 1387; CE 1413, p. 10.
CE 3134.
1 H 198, (Marguerite, Oswald); CE 1386; CE 1385, pp. 5-6; CE 93. p. 3.
CE 1386.
Ibid.
8 H 18 (William E. Wulf).
1 H 196-198 (Marguerite Oswald).
CE 199; see, 1 H 196-197 (Marguerite Oswald).
Id. at 197-198.
1 H 375-376 (R. Oswald).
1 H 198, 200 (Marguerite Oswald).
Id. at 198.
11 H 4 (J. Pic).
See 8 H 22-23 (Bennierita Smith); 8 H 6-7 (Voebel).
See note 97, supra.
11 H 95, 106 (Thornley).
8 H 270 (Powers).
8 H 258 (Nelson Delgado); 8 H 315 (James A. Botelho); 8 H 316 (Donald P. Camarata).
CE 1383; Folsom DE 1, p. 1.
11 H 89, 101 (Thornley); 8 H 318 (Allen D. Graf); 8 H 318 (John Rene Heindell); 8H 321 (Mack Osborne).
Folsom DE 1, p. 5.
See 8 H 292-293 (John E. Donovan).
Id. at 295.
Id. at 292-293, 297; see 11 H 105-106 (Thornley).
8 H 293 (Donovan).
8 H 265 (Delgado).
11 H 89 (Thornley).
Id. at 90.
Id. at 100.
Ibid.
8 H 270 (Powers).
Id. at 272.
Id. at 287.
Id. at 270.
Id. at 277.
Id. at 278.
Id. at 283.
Id. at 285-286.
Id. at 275.
Id. at 283.
See Folsom DE 1, pp. 9, 31-34.
Ibid.; 8 H 308 (Folsom).
See Folsom DE 1, pp. 4, 10, 17, 23, and 30.
See id. at pp. 77-104.
See id. at pp. 10, 14-16, 18-22, 38-43, 48, 50-55, 61, 67-79.
Id. at 65.
Id. at 63.
See 1 H 22, 31, 70-72, 123 (Marina Oswald); 1 H 450 (R. Oswald); 8 H 374 (George Bouhe); 9 H 148-149, 158 (Paul Gregory).
1 H 71 (Marina Oswald); but see 5 H 605 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 72.
1 H 385-386, 450 (R. Oswald); 11 H 79 (J. Pic).
See 1 H 220-222 (Marguerite Oswald); Folsom DE 1, pp. 19, 21.
Id. at pp. 38-39, 45-47.
5 H 605 (Marina Oswald).
See discussion in ch. III, supra
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Notes to Pages 388-404
Ibid.
1 H 198 (Marguerite Oswald); CE 1385, pp. 5-6; CE 1386; see 8 H 18 (Wulf).
CE 1385, p. 5.
8 H 321 (Henry J. Roussel, Jr.).
8 H 323 (Richard Dennis Call); 8 H 315 (Botelho).
8 H 323 (Call).
8 H 319 (David Christie Murray); 8 H 315 (Botelho); 8 H 321 (Osborne); 8 H 323 (Erwin Donald Lewis)
8 H 315 (Botelho); 8 H 321 (Osborne).
11 H 93-94 (Thornley).
Id. at 99.
Id. at 95.
Ibid.
8 H 292-293 (Donovan).
8 H 233, 240 (Delgado).
11 H 97-98 (Thornley).
Id. at 98.
See 8 H 18 (Wulf); 8 H 81 (Philip E. Vinson); 1 H 94 (Marina Oswald).
11 H 172-173 (Stuckey).
2 H 308 (Mrs. Katherine Ford).
CE 295, pp. 4, 7, 8.
CE 294, p. 1.
See discussion supra pp. 256-257.
CE 295, p. 1.
Id. at 2-3, 4.
Id. at 6-7.
See CE 24, pp. 1-2; note 178, infra.
Ibid.
Id. at 2.
CE 985, doc. 1 C 3; CE 24, pp. 1-2.
5 H 263 (Richard E. Snyder).
CE 913.
CE 908, p. 2.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
CE 24, p. 4.
See id. at pp. 4, 5.
See id. at 5-6; CE 985, doc. 9A.
CE 72; 5 H 589 (Marina Oswald); see 9 H 147 (Paul Gregory).
CE 24, p. 6; see CE 25, p. 1B.
See CE 24, p. 6; 5 H 497-408 (Marina Oswald).
See CE 24. p. 6; 1 H 93 (Marina Oswald).
Ibid; see discussion at pp. 269, supra.
1 H 93 (Marina Oswald).
10 H 56 (Martello); 9 H 145 (Paul Gregory); see 5 H 408 (Marina Oswald).
1 H 95, 100 (Marina Oswald).
2 H 302 (Mrs. Ford).
9 H 312 (Jeanne De Mohrenschildt).
9 H 234 (George De Mohrenschildt).
CE 24, p. 7.
Ibid.
Id. at 9.
See ibid.; CE 245.
1 H 10 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 10-11.
CE 994, p. 25.
CE 92; see also CE 94 (earlier manuscript); 8 H 333 (Pauline V. Bates).
CE 94, p. 1.
Compare CE 92 and CE 94 with CE 25, CE 97, CE 98.
CE 25, p. 3.
Ibid.
CE 97, p. 8.
See CE 98.
CE 25, p. 3A.
Id. at 1A.
Id. at 2A.
Id. at 2A-3A.
Id. at 3A.
CE 97, p. 3.
Ibid.
Id. at 5.
Ibid
Id. at 6.
Arnold Johnson DE 4, p. 3.
CE 97, p. 1.
Id. at 1-2.
CE 25, p. 1.
CE 100, p. 1.
Id. at 3.
Id. at 1.
Id. at 4.
Id. at 2.
See id. at 4.
CE 986, p. 6.
10 H 209-210 (Deals H. Ofstein); CE 1147.
See CE 7, 9; CE 986. pp. 1-2, 6; 1 H 35 (Marina Oswald).
See CE 12; CE 13.
10 H 56 (Martello).
See CE 2464, pp. 4-6.
CE 15.
1 H 11 (Marina Oswald); see 8 H 377 (Bouhe).
9 H (Paul M. Raigorodsky); see 9 H 166-284 passim (G. De Mohrenschildt).
CE 1389, p. 3; but see 2 H 338 (Peter P. Gregory).
8 H 383-385 (Anna Meller); see id. at 372-373, 376 (Bouhe); 9 H 309 (J. De Mohrenschildt).
1 H 10-11 (Marina Oswald).
See 8 H 376 (Bouhe); 8 H 384 (Meller); 1 H 11 (Marina Oswald).
9 H 309 (J. De Mohrenschildt).
Ibid.
9 H 240 (G. De Mohrenschildt).
Id. at 232.
Ibid.
Id. at 233.
See 1 H 11 (Marina Oswald); 2 H 305 (Mrs. Ford).
9 H 252-253 (G. De Mohrenschildt); 2 H 307, 309 (Mrs. Ford).
1 H 133, 141 (Marguerite Oswald) 1 H 312, 387 (R. Oswald).
CE 295, p. 7; CE 908, p. 2; CE 909, p. 2.
1 H 94-95 (Marina Oswald).
1 H 312, 314 (R. Oswald).
1 H 134 136 (Marguerite Oswald).
Id. at 136.
1 H 6 (Marina Oswald); 2 H 300 (Mrs. Ford).
1 H 140-141 (Marguerite Oswald); see 8 H 394-395 (Elena Hall); discussion in appendix XIII.
8 H 135-136 (L. Murret).
8 H 165-l66 (M. Murret)
Priscilla Johnson DE 6.
See 9 H 47 (Samuel B. Ballen).
CE 1861, p. 3.
See, e.g. Helen P. Cunningham DE l-A; John Rachal DE 1, 2; CE 1398.
10 H 163, 165 (Tommy Bargas).
See 1 H 5-7 (Marina Oswald); 10 H 166 (Bargas); CE 1405.
10 H 144 (Donald Brooks).
10 H 121 (Cunningham); Cunningham DE 1-A.
10 H 121-124, 127 (Cunningham).
Cunningham DE 1-A. p. 3; see 10 H 126 (Cunningham).
11 H 478 (Cunningham).
Ibid.; see 10 H. 177 (John G Graef).
10 H 176 (Graef); CE 427.
1 H 68 (Marina Oswald).
10 H 172 (Robert Stovall); 10 H 186-187 (Graef).
See id. at 187-189.
See id. 188.
See id. at 187, 189.
Id. at 189; see 10 H 170-171 (Stovall).
2 H 457-459, 468-469, 271 (R. Paine).
11 H 474 (Emmett C. Barbe, Jr.); CE 1398
Page 849
2 H 468-469 (R. Paine).
Id. at 517.
11 H 474 (Barbe).
Ibid.; 10 H 220, 225-226 (Adrian Alba)
3 H 6 (R. Paine).
See 10 H 53 (Martello; 10 H 37-38 (Carlos Bringuier); discussion FPCC activities, infra.
11 H 476 (Rachal).
10 H 170-171 (Stovall).
11 H 479 (Theodore R. Gangl).
See 3 H 216, 218 (Roy S. Truly).
See CE 1351, pp. 7-8.
1 H 16 (Marina Oswald).
See id. at 17; 11 H 292 (Marina Oswald).
1 H 17 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 15-16, 117-118; 11 H 296 (Marina Oswald).
See CE 133; CE 134; CE 1406.
1 H 15-16 (Marina Oswald); 11 H 296 (Marina Oswald).
See discussion in ch. IV. supra.
1 H 16 (Marina Oswald); see CE 1.
Id. at 17-18.
Id. at 18.
11 H 294 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 292-294, 295-296.
See 1 H 37-39 (Marina Oswald); 11 H 294-295 (Marina Oswald).
11 H 293 (Marina Oswald).
See. e.g. Life, Feb. 21, 1964.
See 1 H 22-23 (Marina Oswald); 8 H 354 (Max E. Clark); 9 H 150, 155 (Paul Gregory); 11 H 97-98 (Thornley).
See e.g. 8 H 376-377 (Bouhe); 8 H 390 (Mrs. Meller); 8 H 405 (Elena Hall); 8 H 411 (John R. Hall).
1 H 16 (Marina Oswald); see 2 H 315 (Mrs. Ford).
See CE 1409; Vincent T. Lee DE 1.
See. CE 1410; CE 1411.
CE 1412.
See 10 H 37-39 (Bringuier).
CE 1413; 10 H 53 (Martello); see discussion in ch. VIII, infra.
11 H 165-166 (Stuckey).
Ibid.
10 H 35-36 (Bringuier).
1 H 24 (Marina Oswald); see 10 H 57 (Martello); 10 H 90, 94 (Lee).
Id. at 64-65; see CE 820.
See discussion in ch. IV, supra.
5 H 401 (Marina Oswald); see 1 H 64 (Marina Oswald).
5 H 401 (Marina Oswald).
10 H 90, 94 (Lee).
10 H 54 (Martello).
Lee DE 5.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
CE 1413, p. 19.
See 10 H 32-51 (Bringuier).
See CE 1412; CE 1413, pp. 19-35.
Lee DE 6.
CE 1414.
CE 1410; see Lee DE 4, p. 2; Lee DE 5, p. 2; 10 H 87-89 (Lee); Lee DE 5.
Lee DE 7.
11 H 471 (John Corporon).
11 H 162, 165 (Stuckey).
10 H 41 (Bringuier); see 1 H 25 (Marina Oswald); 11 H 268-270 (Mrs. Jesse J. Garner).
Stuckey DE 3, p. 2; see 11 H 167 (Stuckey).
See 11 H 168 (Stuckey).
Stuckey DE 3, p. 8.
11 H 171 (Stuckey).
Ibid.
Id. at 162.
Ibid.
Id. at 171.
Arnold Johnson DE 4
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Notes to Pages 404-417
See Louis Weinstock DE 1; Arnold Johnson DE 5-A.
Weinstock DE 1.
Arnold Johnson DE 5.
Arnold Johnson DE I and 3.
Arnold Johnson DE 2.
1 H 23 (Marina Oswald).
Ibid.
Arnold Johnson DE 4, p. 1.
Id. at 1-2.
Id. at 2-3.
Arnold Johnson DE 4-A.
1 H 20 (Marina Oswald); 11 H 474 (Barbe).
See CE 409; CE 415; 2 H 490, 493 (R. Paine).
11 H 24 (Marina Oswald).
10 H 91 (Lee); see Lee DE 3.
Lee DE 4-7.
Lee DE 8-A, 8-B, 8-C.
CE 781.
1 H 21, 68 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 21.
Ibid.; see CE 7, 12.
CE 12.
CE 18.
See 1 H 23 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 47.
Id. at 24.
Id. at 25.
Id. at 22, 23.
Id. at 21-22, 54; but see 5 H 605 (Marina Oswald).
1 H 49-50 (Marina Oswald) see CE 17.
3 H 5 (R. Paine).
See id. at 34.
2 H 507 (R. Paine); see 3 H 9 (R. Paine).
1 H 23 (Marina Oswald).
3 H 10, 27 (R. Paine); see id. at 29.
See CE 2444. p. 2; CE 2121, p. 39.
Ibid.
Id. at 40.
1 H 50 (Marina Oswald).
CE 2695.
See Farrell Dobbs DE 1, 2; 11 H 398 (R. Paine).
See CEs 1340-1347; discussion of Fair Play for Cuba Committee activities, supra; CE 25, p. 5; 9 H 249 (G. Deohrenschildt); Arnold Johnson DE 5-A.
CE 1343, p. 1.
CE 1350; CE 1172;11 H 398 (R. Paine).
2 H 418 (M. Paine); see 9 H 455 (M. Paine).
Stuckey DE 3, p. 9.
9 H 465 (Raymond F. Krystinik).
1 H 50 (Marina Oswald).
See app. XIV; 1 H 69 (Marina Oswald).
See e.g. CE 2647; CE 2696; CE 2697; CE 2698; CE 2699.
See CE 1031; CE 996; discussion in ch. VI, supra.
Arnold Johnson DE 7, pp. 2-3.
11 H 424 (Maj. Gen. Edwin A. Walker).
1 H 51-58, 63 (Marina Oswald); 3 H 138-139 (R. Paine).
Id. at 50.
Ibid.; see id. at 54.
Id. at 68.
CE 24, p. 10; see id. at 9; 2 H 302 (Mrs. Ford); 1 H 90-91 (Marina Oswald).
See e.g. 2 H 302 (Mrs. Ford); 8 H 362 (Bouhe); 8 H 386 (Mrs. Meller); 8 H 422 (Mrs. Frank Ray); but see 9 H 153 (Paul Gregory); see also CE 1401, p. 269.
1 H 10 (Marina Oswald).
2 H 413-414 (R. Paine); CE 410.
CE 415.
1 H 12 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 10, 12

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Page 849
2 H 468-469 (R. Paine).
Id. at 517.
11 H 474 (Barbe).
Ibid.; 10 H 220, 225-226 (Adrian Alba)
3 H 6 (R. Paine).
See 10 H 53 (Martello; 10 H 37-38 (Carlos Bringuier); discussion FPCC activities, infra.
11 H 476 (Rachal).
10 H 170-171 (Stovall).
11 H 479 (Theodore R. Gangl).
See 3 H 216, 218 (Roy S. Truly).
See CE 1351, pp. 7-8.
1 H 16 (Marina Oswald).
See id. at 17; 11 H 292 (Marina Oswald).
1 H 17 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 15-16, 117-118; 11 H 296 (Marina Oswald).
See CE 133; CE 134; CE 1406.
1 H 15-16 (Marina Oswald); 11 H 296 (Marina Oswald).
See discussion in ch. IV. supra.
1 H 16 (Marina Oswald); see CE 1.
Id. at 17-18.
Id. at 18.
11 H 294 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 292-294, 295-296.
See 1 H 37-39 (Marina Oswald); 11 H 294-295 (Marina Oswald).
11 H 293 (Marina Oswald).
See. e.g. Life, Feb. 21, 1964.
See 1 H 22-23 (Marina Oswald); 8 H 354 (Max E. Clark); 9 H 150, 155 (Paul Gregory); 11 H 97-98 (Thornley).
See e.g. 8 H 376-377 (Bouhe); 8 H 390 (Mrs. Meller); 8 H 405 (Elena Hall); 8 H 411 (John R. Hall).
1 H 16 (Marina Oswald); see 2 H 315 (Mrs. Ford).
See CE 1409; Vincent T. Lee DE 1.
See. CE 1410; CE 1411.
CE 1412.
See 10 H 37-39 (Bringuier).
CE 1413; 10 H 53 (Martello); see discussion in ch. VIII, infra.
11 H 165-166 (Stuckey).
Ibid.
10 H 35-36 (Bringuier).
1 H 24 (Marina Oswald); see 10 H 57 (Martello); 10 H 90, 94 (Lee).
Id. at 64-65; see CE 820.
See discussion in ch. IV, supra.
5 H 401 (Marina Oswald); see 1 H 64 (Marina Oswald).
5 H 401 (Marina Oswald).
10 H 90, 94 (Lee).
10 H 54 (Martello).
Lee DE 5.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
CE 1413, p. 19.
See 10 H 32-51 (Bringuier).
See CE 1412; CE 1413, pp. 19-35.
Lee DE 6.
CE 1414.
CE 1410; see Lee DE 4, p. 2; Lee DE 5, p. 2; 10 H 87-89 (Lee); Lee DE 5.
Lee DE 7.
11 H 471 (John Corporon).
11 H 162, 165 (Stuckey).
10 H 41 (Bringuier); see 1 H 25 (Marina Oswald); 11 H 268-270 (Mrs. Jesse J. Garner).
Stuckey DE 3, p. 2; see 11 H 167 (Stuckey).
See 11 H 168 (Stuckey).
Stuckey DE 3, p. 8.
11 H 171 (Stuckey).
Ibid.
Id. at 162.
Ibid.
Id. at 171.
Arnold Johnson DE 4
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Notes to Pages 404-417
See Louis Weinstock DE 1; Arnold Johnson DE 5-A.
Weinstock DE 1.
Arnold Johnson DE 5.
Arnold Johnson DE I and 3.
Arnold Johnson DE 2.
1 H 23 (Marina Oswald).
Ibid.
Arnold Johnson DE 4, p. 1.
Id. at 1-2.
Id. at 2-3.
Arnold Johnson DE 4-A.
1 H 20 (Marina Oswald); 11 H 474 (Barbe).
See CE 409; CE 415; 2 H 490, 493 (R. Paine).
11 H 24 (Marina Oswald).
10 H 91 (Lee); see Lee DE 3.
Lee DE 4-7.
Lee DE 8-A, 8-B, 8-C.
CE 781.
1 H 21, 68 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 21.
Ibid.; see CE 7, 12.
CE 12.
CE 18.
See 1 H 23 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 47.
Id. at 24.
Id. at 25.
Id. at 22, 23.
Id. at 21-22, 54; but see 5 H 605 (Marina Oswald).
1 H 49-50 (Marina Oswald) see CE 17.
3 H 5 (R. Paine).
See id. at 34.
2 H 507 (R. Paine); see 3 H 9 (R. Paine).
1 H 23 (Marina Oswald).
3 H 10, 27 (R. Paine); see id. at 29.
See CE 2444. p. 2; CE 2121, p. 39.
Ibid.
Id. at 40.
1 H 50 (Marina Oswald).
CE 2695.
See Farrell Dobbs DE 1, 2; 11 H 398 (R. Paine).
See CEs 1340-1347; discussion of Fair Play for Cuba Committee activities, supra; CE 25, p. 5; 9 H 249 (G. Deohrenschildt); Arnold Johnson DE 5-A.
CE 1343, p. 1.
CE 1350; CE 1172;11 H 398 (R. Paine).
2 H 418 (M. Paine); see 9 H 455 (M. Paine).
Stuckey DE 3, p. 9.
9 H 465 (Raymond F. Krystinik).
1 H 50 (Marina Oswald).
See app. XIV; 1 H 69 (Marina Oswald).
See e.g. CE 2647; CE 2696; CE 2697; CE 2698; CE 2699.
See CE 1031; CE 996; discussion in ch. VI, supra.
Arnold Johnson DE 7, pp. 2-3.
11 H 424 (Maj. Gen. Edwin A. Walker).
1 H 51-58, 63 (Marina Oswald); 3 H 138-139 (R. Paine).
Id. at 50.
Ibid.; see id. at 54.
Id. at 68.
CE 24, p. 10; see id. at 9; 2 H 302 (Mrs. Ford); 1 H 90-91 (Marina Oswald).
See e.g. 2 H 302 (Mrs. Ford); 8 H 362 (Bouhe); 8 H 386 (Mrs. Meller); 8 H 422 (Mrs. Frank Ray); but see 9 H 153 (Paul Gregory); see also CE 1401, p. 269.
1 H 10 (Marina Oswald).
2 H 413-414 (R. Paine); CE 410.
CE 415.
1 H 12 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 10, 12
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Notes to Pages 417-433
See CE 415; 1 H 66 (Marina Oswald).
Ibid.
See 8 H 150 (L. Murret); 9 H 313 (J. De Mohrenschildt).
1 H 25 (Marina Oswald).
2 H 342 (Peter Gregory).
10 H 59 (Martello).
1 H 33 (Marina Oswald); 5 H 596 (Marina Oswald); 2 H 303-304 (Mrs. Ford); 8 H 365 (Bouhe); 8 H 387 (Mrs. Meller).
See 1 H 35 (Marina Oswald); 9 H 259 (G. De Mohrenschildt); 9 H 311 (J. De Mohrenschildt).
See 2 H 422 (M. Paine).
2 H 300 (Mrs. Ford).
Ibid.; see also 5 H 597 (Marina Oswald).
1 H 33 (Marina Oswald).
See ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 12.
5 H 593-594 (Marina Oswald); 9 H 233 (G. De Mohrenschildt); see 9 H 309 (J. De Mohrenschildt); 1 H 66 (Marina Oswald).
9 H 233 (G. De Mohrenschildt).
Ibid.; see also 9 H 311, 313 (J. De Mohrenschildt).
See 8 H 396 (Mrs. Hall).
11 H 396 (R. Paine).
1 H 23 (Marina Oswald).
Ibid.
Id. at 22 (Marina Oswald).
9 H 314 (J. De Mohrenschildt).
Id. at 313.
Id. at 309.
Id. at 312.
Ibid.
Ibid.
See 2 H 422 (M. Paine).
1 H 54, 63 (Marina Oswald).
2 H 515-516 (R. Paine); 3 H 41 (R. Paine).
See ibid.; 3 H 43-44 (R. Paine).
10 H 294 (Mrs. A. C. Johnson).
See 1 H 65 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 63.
Id. at 46.
Ibid.
Stuckey DE 3, p. 2; see 11 H 167 (Stuckey).
See 1 H 20, 49 (Marina Oswald); 3 H 18, 102 (R. Paine); see discussion of employment relations, supra; ch. VIII, infra.
1 H 48 (Marina Oswald); see also discussion in ch. VIII, infra.
CE 15.
See discussion in ch. VIII, infra.
See CE 15; 1 H 48-49 (Marina Oswald); 3 H 15-16 (Ruth Paine).
See CE 15; 1 H 49 (Marina Oswald).
Ibid.
Id. at 48; discussion in ch. VIII, infra.
See discussion at footnote 347, supra.
1 H 63 (Marina Oswald).
Ibid.
Id. at 65.
Id. at 65-66.
Id. at 66.
Id. at 73.
See app. XIV.
2 H 226, 228 (Buell Wesley Frazier); 2 H 248 (Linnie Mae Randle).
2 H 222 (Frazier).
CE 2743.
CE 1361.
CE 1362; CE 1363; CE 1364; CE 1365; see discussion at footnote 52, ch. III. supra.
5 H 595 (Marina Oswald); see 1 H. 54 (Marina Oswald); 2 H 341 (Peter Gregory); 10 H 311 (J. De Mohrenschildt).
1 H 28 (Marina Oswald).
1 H 65 (Marina Oswald); 3 H 46, 66 (R. Paine); 11 H 392 (R. Paine).
3 H 300 (M. N. McDonald); 7 H 551 (Eddy Raymond Walthers).
4 H 217 (J. W. Fritz); 7 H 353, 357 (Forrest V. Sorrels).
See discussion in ch. IV, supra.
See 4 H 240 (Fritz); 7 H 321 (Manning C. Clements); 7 H 310 (James W. Bookhout).
See discussion in ch. IV, supra
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Chapter VIII
See app. VII for a fuller discussion of prior assassination attempts.
C. Rossiter, "The American Presidency" 18 (1960).
30 "Writings of George Washington" 496 (Fitzpatrick ed. 1939).
Rossiter at 17, 92-93.
M. Smith, "A President Is Many Men" 232 (1948).
7 H 442 (Kenneth O'Donnell); 7 H 460 (Lawrence F. O'Brien).
CE 866; see 5 H 106-07, 116-119 (J. Edgar Hoover).
See app. VII.
4 H 295-297 (Robert I. Bouck).
CE 761; 4 H 299 (Bouck).
Id. at 30l.
Statistical data set forth in CE 762, p. 1.
Ibid.
4 H 303 (Bouck).
CE 763.
See 4 H 302 (Bouck).
CE 1021. p. 1.
4 H 307 (Bouck).
Id. at 310-311.
Id. at 307-308.
CE 762.
Ibid.
4 H 306 (Bouck).
Id. at 309.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 310.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 309; see CE 765.
4 H 308-309 (Bouck); see 18 U.S.C. sec. 871. The Secret Service prepared for the Commission abstracts of several cases illustrating the achievement of the goal of eliminating risks by imprisonment or hospitalization, CE 766.
5 H 466 (James J. Rowley).
See p. 30 supra.
4 H 304 (Bouck).
Ibid.
Id. at 303-304.
CE 836, attachment 2.
See CE 1354, p. 1.
See CE 1355.
4 H 304 (Bouck).
Id. at 316.
CE 836, p. 2.
CE 1356
Page 851
4 H 403 (John W. Fain); 4 H 431 (John L. Quigley); 4 H 440 (James P. Hosty, Jr.); 5 H 97 (Hoover); 5 H 1 (Alan H. Belmont).
5 H 120 (John A. McCone); 5 H 121 (Richard M. Helms).
CE 834 is a list of each item in the FBI's file on Oswald from the opening of the file until the assassination.
CE 833, p. 1.
Ibid.
Id. at pp. 1-2 of attachment; see also CE 821; 4 H 405-409 (Fain).
CE 822, 834.
CE 833, p. 1, p. 2 of attachment.
4 H 428 (Fain); id. at 441-442 of the text of Oswald's letter appears at p. 463 infra.
4 H 415 (Fain).
Id. at 417.
CE 823, p. 13; 4 H 416-417 (Fain).
Id. at 419.
CE 824; 4 H 418-424 (Fain).
1 H 20 (Marina Oswald).
4 H 422 (Fain); CE 824, p. 6.
4 H 423-426 (Fain).
Id. at 424; relevant administrative procedures are described at 5 H 2-6 (Belmont).
4 H 428 (Fain); Id. at 441-442 (Hosty).
Ibid.
CE 829, pp. 1-2; 4 H 441-442 (Hosty).
Id. at 442.
Id. at 441-442.
See id. at 444.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 444-445; see pp. 406-407 supra, where the possibility that Oswald had been distributing pamphlets in Dallas for the Fair Play for Cuba Committee is discussed.
4 H 442 (Hosty).
Id. at 443.
CE 833, p. 6.
Id. at 9.
Details regarding the issuance of the passport are set forth in app. XV.
CE 833, p. 13.
Ibid.
4 H 432 (Quigley).
Ibid.
Ibid. at 435.
Ibid.
Id. at 438; Agent Quigley's memorandum of his interview with Oswald appears at pp. 6-10 of the report on Oswald of Agent Milton R. Kaack, CE 826.
See CE 833, p. 8.
4 H 434 (Quigley).
Id. at 437.
CE 833, p. 8.
Ibid; CE 826, p. 11.
See 4 H 435-438 (Quigley); see also 5 H 9-10 (Belmont).
Id. at 9.
CE 834, p. 7.
CE 826. p. 12.
CE 834, p. 7; 4 H 445-446 (Hosty).
CE 833, p. 12.
Ibid; 4 H 446-447 (Hosty).
Ibid.
Ibid.
CE 834. p. 8.
4 H 447 (Hosty); CE 833, pp. 12-13.
Id. at 13.
CE 952, 2075; 11 H 203 (Carroll H. Seeley, Jr.).
Id. at 203-204; 11 H 192-193 (James L. Ritchie); CE 948, "Question 16." See app. XV at p. 777.
CE 826, p. 2.
4 H 448 (Hosty)
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Notes to Pages 433-448
Id. at 448, 449.
Id. at 450.
Ibid; see also CE 830.
4 H 450 (Hosty).
Ibid.
Id. at 451.
Id. at 450.
Id. at 452.
Ibid.
Id. at 453-454 (Hosty).
Id. at 453.
3 H 95-109 (Ruth Paine).
CE 826.
4 H 459 (Hosty).
Ibid.
Ibid.
See CE 834, pp. 9-10.
4 H 459 (Hosty).
4 H 311-314 (Bouck).
Id. at 312-313.
Ibid.
4 H 460 (Hosty).
Id. at 459-461.
Id. at 460.
Id. at 473-474.
Id. at 473.
Id. at 472-473.
Id. at 461-462.
Id. at 462.
Agent Hosty's testimony appears at 4 H 463-465; Lieutenant Revill's at 5 H 34-39.
Id. at 34-35.
Id. at 35.
CE 709.
7 H 405 (Mary Jane Robertson).
4 H 194 (Jesse E. Curry); 5 H 216 (Henry Wade).
CE 831; 4 H 463-464 (Hosty).
5 H 58 (V. J. Brian).
5 H 112 (Hoover).
Id. at 104.
Id. at 111; 5 H 10 (Belmont).
Id. at 28-29.
See pp. 747 749, 778 infra (regarding his dealings with officials at the Embassy in Moscow); pp. 710-711 infra supra (regarding protests of his discharge from the Marine Corps Reserve); pp. 434-435 supra (regarding his antipathy for the FBI).
CE 833.
CE 836, attachment 2.
See p. 441 supra.
See pp. 461-462 infra.
CE 836, pp. 3-4; CE 1021, p. 4.
CE 836, attachment 4.
See p. 30 supra.
See pp. 29, 31 supra.
4 H 329 (Winston G. Lawson).
Agent Lawson's reports on the Dallas trip are CE 767 and 768.
See 4 H 346-347 (Lawson).
CE 1021, p. 5; see also 4 H 348-349 (Lawson).
7 H 333-334 (Forrest V. Sorrels).
CE 768, p. 11.
Ibid.
For the Commission's recommendations on this point, see pp. 465-466 infra.
12 H 22-23 (Charles Batchelor); 6 H 250-251 (J. W. Foster); 4 H 327 (Lawson). See the discussion in ch. III at pp. 71-72.
12 H 22 (Batchelor).
4 H 329 (Lawson).
Id. at 333.
5 H 467 (Rowley).
See ch. II at p. 42, supra.
7 H 338 (Sorrels).
5 H 578 (C. Douglas Dillon).
4 H 329 (Lawson); 5 H 459 (Rowley).
4 H 328 (Lawson)
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Notes to Pages 448-467
WFAA-TV reel PKT 24.
CE 1358, p. 1.
Id, attachment 2.
Ibid.
7 H 580-581, 584 (P. W. Lawrence).
7 H 532-535 (J. M. Smith); 540-541 (W. E. Barnett); 566-567 (E. L. Smith, Jr.).
7 H 343 (Sorrels).
Id. at 342.
4 H 330 (Lawson).
Ibid.
2 H 110-111 (Kellerman).
5 H 451 (Rowley).
CE 1020. This exhibit covers the complete investigation by the Secret Service, and includes statements of each agent involved, statements by their supervisors, statements and voluntary reports by witnesses, and the final report of the investigation. In addition to furnishing the Commission the results of the investigation, the Secret Service responded to the Commission's request for information about this occurrence in its letter of May 5, 1964. CE 1019. Chief James J. Rowley, the head of the Secret Service, gave testimony before the Commission concerning this incident, 5 H. 451-462 (Rowley).
CE 1020, tab E.
CE 1020, tab F (statement of Richard J. Mackie).
CE 1020, tabs B and E; see CE 1020, tab G, which explains liquor practices at the Cellar Coffee House.
CE 1020, tab E.
See 5 H 460-461 (Rowley).
Ibid.
CE 1020, tab E (statement of Paul A. Burns).
5 H 460 (Rowley).
CE 1020, tab D.
5 H 452-453, 459-460 (Rowley).
CE 1020, tab D.
5 H 452-453 (Rowley).
CE 1018.
Ibid.
5 H 453-454 (Rowley)
Testimony and other evidence regarding Love Field arrangements appear at 4 H 339-341 (Lawson); CE 768, pp. 4-5; CE 769.
Television tapes of the arrival at Love Field furnished to the Commission by Dallas television stations provide a good record of the security measures at Love Field. See KRLD-TV reels 1 and 8; WFAA-TV reel PKT 4.
See p. 46 supra.
See p. 43 supra.
CE 1021, p. 5.
CE 2067; 5 H 579 (Dillon). J. Edgar Hoover, Director of the FBI, has recommended that the President never ride in an open car, 5 H 107, 117 (Hoover); CE 866.
CE 1021, p. 6.
See pp. 51-52 supra.
15 H 699 (Lyndal L. Shaneyfelt).
Ibid.
CE 1021, p. 7.
18 U.S.C. sec. 372.
18 U.S.C. sec. 871.
18 U.S.C. sec. 2385.
18 U.S.C. sec. 1114.
18 U.S.C. sec. 3056; United States v. Sheba Bracelets, Inc., 248 F. 2d 134 (2d Cir. 1957), cert. denied, 355 U.S. 904.
CE 1030, pp. 4-5.
18 U.S.C. secs. 3052, 3053.
S. 3653. 57th Cong., 1st sess. (1902); H.R. 10386, 57th Cong., 1st sess. (1901); H.R. 3896, 73d Cong., 1st sess. (1933).
36 Cong. Rec. 2961-2964 (1902).
E.g., S. 2330, 88th Cong., 1st sess. (1963). (Introduced by all members of the Senate Committee on the Judiciary).
Even in the failure of the House and the Senate to agree, in 1902, as to whether this "line of duty" element was a constitutional requisite to covering officers in the line of succession, there was agreement in conference that this test need not be applied in the case of the President or Vice President, 36 Cong. Rec. 2407 (1902).
See "Report on Bills To Make Assassination of the President a Federal Crime," The Association of the Bar of the City of New York, Reports of Committees Concerned With Federal Legislation, vol. 3, Bulletin No. 2, pp. 54-55 (July 1964).
35 Cong. Rec. 2431 (1902).
See CE 1030.
5 H 115 (Hoover).
See id. at 115-116.
50 U.S.C. sec. 402.
See 5 H 583 (Dillon).
See generally the discussion in app. VII.
Id. at 514.
CE 1021, pp. 9-11.
Id. at p. 10.
5 H 481 (Rowley).
See pp. 429-433 supra.
5 H 464-469, 478 (Rowley).
See id. at 466; see also 5 H 580 (Dillon).
The planning document is CE 1053A and the transmittal letter to the Director of the Bureau of the Budget is 1053B.
CE 836, attachment 5, p. 2.
5 H 18 (Belmont).
Ibid.
5 H 465 (Rowley).
5 H 12, 21 (Belmont).
5 H 113-114 (Hoover); 5 H 18-21 (Belmont).
5 H 465 (Rowley).
CE 1023.
Ibid.
5 H 465-469 (Rowley).
Id. at 469 (Rowley).
Folsom DE 1, p. 65.
See 5 H 467-469 (Rowley).
See app. VII.
5 H 464-466 (Rowley); 5 H 585 (Dillon).
Id. at 581.
Id. at 577.
Ibid; CE 1053A, pp. 6-7.
CE 1053C.
CE 1053A, p. 5; see 5 H 576-577 (Dillon).
CE 1053A, pp. 7-8.
CE 1027, p. 4.
CE 1053A, pp. 3-4.
5 H 480-481 (Rowley).
Ibid.
See p. 447 supra.
CE 1027, p. 5.
5 H 578 (Dillon).
Ibid; CE 1027, p. 1.
5 H 482 (Rowley).
5 H 24-25 (Belmont).
5 H 483 (Rowley).
CE 1027, p. 5; 5 H 478 (Rowley).
CE 2765.
5 H 475-478 (Rowley).
CE 1053A, 1053B.
E.g., hearings before Subcommittee, House Committee on Appropriations, Treasury Department Appropriations for 1963, 87th Cong., 2d sess., p. 448 (1962).
CE 1027, p. 1; 5 H 473 (Rowley).
CE 1027, p. 1.
CE 836. p. 5.
5 H 24-25 (Belmont)
Page 853
5 H 579 (Dillon).
5 H 24-25 (Belmont); CE 1027, pp. 1-2.
See 5 H 474-475 (Rowley)
See id. at 475-476.
CE 1053D
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Notes to Pages 467-515

Appendix VII
N. Schachner, "Thomas Jefferson" 661 (1957); CE 2549, p. 22.
S. F. Bemis, "John Quincy Adams and the Union" 120-121 (1956); CE 2549, p. 23.
M. James, "Andrew Jackson" 636-637 (1938); CE 2549, p. 23.
James at 684-688.
M. Smith. "A President Is Many Men" 225 (1948); C. M. Green, "Washington; Village and Capitol, 1800-1878" 160 (1962); CE 2549, p. 25.
B. P. Thomas, "Abraham Lincoln" 242-244 (1952); G. S. Bryan, "The Great American Myth" 13-18, 20-48 (1940).
Thomas at 245; Bryan at 54.
Bryan at 55-73.
Id. at 60-69.
Thomas at 454-455, 474-475; L. Lewis, "Myths After Lincoln" 167-173, 293-294 (1941).
Thomas at 519; Bryan at 114-125, 138-144; Lewis at 167-173.
Thomas at 519; Bryan at 149-155, 165-166, 221.
Thomas at 520-521; Bryan at 173-184, 188-189.
Bryan at 262-266, 268; B. Pitman, "The Assassination of President Lincoln and the Trial of the Conspirators" 242-249 (facsimile ed. 1954).
H.R. Rept. No. 104, 39th Cong., 1st sess. (1865); R. G. Tugwell "The Enlargement of the Presidency" 265 footnote 5 (1960).
W. B. Hesseltine, "Ulysses S. Grant" 301 (1935); CE 2550, p. 37.
0gilvie, "Life and Death of James A. Garfield," 100-131 (1881); R. J. Donovan, "The Assassins," 17, 35-42 (1952).
Ogilvie at 30-31, 45, 47; R. G. Caldwell, "James A. Garfield" 350-351 (1931); Donovan at 42-44, 58-61.
New York Tribune, July 3, 1881.
M. Smith at 229 (1948).
CE 2550, pp, 36- 37.
13 Stat. 351; Holverstott. "Preliminary Inventory of the Records of the United States Secret Service in the National Archives" 4-19 (1949); Bowen, "United States Secret Service, a Chronicle" 4, unpublished manuscript in the files of the Secret Service.
E.g., 20 Stat. 384; 22 Stat. 313.
CE 2550, pp. 36-37.
New York Evening Post, Sept. 7, 1901.
M. Leech, "In the Days of McKinley" 231-232, 559-562 (1959).
Id. at 559-561; C. Dawes, "A Journal of the McKinley Years" 239-240 (1950).
Leech at 594-596.
Id. at 592-594; Donovan at 88-89.
Donovan at 85, 107.
Id. at 85-88.
See supra, p. 455 for a discussion of such legislation.
"Hearings Before the Subcommittee of House Committee on Appropriations in Charge of Sundry Civil Appropriations Bill for 1911," 61st Cong. 2d sess. at 176 (1910); Records of U.S. Secret Service, Record Group 87, Daily Reports of Agents on White House detail, 1902-36, National Archives; W. S. Bowen and H. E. Neal, "The United States Secret Service" 11, 126 (1960).
2 "Selections From the Correspondence of Theodore Roosevelt and Henry Cabot Lodge, 1884-1918" 224 (1925).
Donovan at 142-147.
Id. at 128-129, 146-147.
34 Stat. 708 (1906); "Hearings Before Subcommittee of House Committee on Appropriations in Charge of Sundry Civil Appropriations Bill for 1910," 61st Cong., 1st sess. at 225-226 (1909).
38 Stat. 23 (1913).
39 Stat. 919, now 18 U.S.C. 871.
40 Stat. 120.
2 J. B. Bishop, "Theodore Roosevelt and His Times" 451-453 (1920).
E. W. Starling, "Starling of the White House" 117 (1946).
Donovan at 153-157.
Id. at 158-163.
Id. at 164-168.
S. Rept. No. 760, 67th Cong., 2d sess. (1922); CE 2550, p. 37.
42 Stat. 841.
46 Stat. 328.
76 Stat. 95.
CE 2553.
Starling at 42; CE 1029.
Baughman, "Secret Service Chief" 54-69 (1961); Bowen and Neal at 132-133. The functions of Protective Research Section are discussed supra at pp. 429-433.
CE 2549, pp. 113, 115; Donovan at 201.
Donovan at 202-207; CE 2551, p. 116.
65 Stat. 122, 18 U.S.C. 3056.
76 Stat. 956, 18 U.S.C. 3056 (Cum. Supp. 1962); S. Rept. No. 836, 87th Cong. 1st sess. (1961).
18 U.S.C. 871.
35 Stat. 328; 42 Cong., Rec. 5553-5560, 60th Cong., 2d sess. (1908); 35 Stat. 986; 41 Stat. 174 (1919).
CE 2551.
36 Stat. 748 (1910); CE 867.
5 H 102, 119 (J. Edgar Hoover); CE 2552.
Commission on Organization of the Executive Branch of the Government [hereafter cited as Hoover Commission] "Task Force Report on Fiscal, Budgeting, and Accounting Activities" [app. F] 2, 17 (January 1949).
Hoover Commission "Treasury Department" (1949).
Hoover Commission transcript of meeting at 39 (Dee. 20, 1948) in Record Group 264, Box 29, National Archives.
18 U.S.C. 3056.
"Hearings on Treasury-Post Office Departments and Executive Office Appropriations Before the Subcommittee of the House Committee on Appropriations" 88th Cong., 2d sess. 434, 449 (1964)
Page 854

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Notes to Pages 547-566

Appendix X
3 H 390-391 (Robert A. Frazier); 3 H 452 (Cortlandt Cunningham); 3 H 496 (Joseph D. Nicol).
3 H 390-441 (Frazier); 3 H 451-496 (Cunningham); 3 H 496-515 (Nicol). Frazier and Ronald Simmons of the U.S. Army Infantry Weapons Evaluation Branch also testified on rifle capability. This subject is discussed on pp. 188-194.
3 H 390-5,15, passim; Hatcher, Jury & Weller, "Firearms Identification, Investigation, and Evidence," chs. 13-14 (1957).
3 H 415-419 (Frazier).
Id. at 429-430.
Id. at 421-422, 424.
CE 139; 3 H 289 (Joseph A. Mooney); 3 H 292-293 (Eugene Boone); 3 H 392, 395 (Frazier).
CE 139, 541; 3 H 393-394 (Frazier).
CE 139; 3 H 395-396 (Frazier).
CE 139, 541; 3 H 397 (Frazier).
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 392, 396.
Id. at 392.
Ibid.; CE 540.
3 H 392 (Frazier).
CE 1977; 3 H 393-394 (Frazier).
Id. at 392-393; W. H. B. Smith, "Small Arms of the World" (6th ed. 1960).
3 H 416 (Frazier).
Id. at 397-398 (Frazier); W. H. B. Smith, "The Book of Rifles," 296-307 (3d ed. 1963); W. H. B. Smith, "Mannlicher Rifles and Pistols" (1947), pp. 84-87.
3 H 397-398 (Frazier).
Ibid.
4 H 205 (John Will Fritz); 4 H 258 (J. C. Day).
CE 575; 3 H 398 (Frazier).
Ibid.
CE 141; 4 H 205-206 (Fritz); 4 H 258 (Day).
3 H 399 (Frazier).
Id. at 400.
Id. at 437-438; 3 H 443, 449 (Ronald Simmons).
3 H 400, 416 (Frazier).
Id. at 400-401.
CE 512; 3 H 284 (Mooney).
CE 510.
3 H 414-428 (Frazier); 3 H 505-507 (Nicol).
3 H 401-402 (Frazier); CE 2724.
CE 546, 547; 3 H 401-402 (Frazier).
CE 547;3 H 401-402 (Frazier).
Id. at 402.
Ibid.
CE 399, 567, 569, 2011, pp. 2-4; 6 H 129-130 (Darrell C. Tomlinson).
3 H 430 (Frazier).
Ibid.
Id. at 432, 435.
Id. at 432.
Id. at 435.
Id. at 435, 437; 3 H 497 (Nicol).
3 H 430, 432, 434, 436-437 (Frazier).
Id. at 428-437; 3 H 497-502 (Nicol).
CE 143; 3 H 300-301 (M. N. McDonald); 7 H 45-55 (Gerald Hill); 7 H 24-25 (Bob K. Carroll),; 3 H 453 (Cunningham).
Id. at 458.
Id. at 453.
Id. at 456.
Id. at 455.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 455-456.
Id. at 456.
Id. at 457.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 458.
Id. at 459.
CE 145, 518; 3 H 301 (McDonald); 7 H 26 (Carroll); 7 H 55 (Hill).
3 H 459 (Cunningham).
CE 592; 7 H 126 (Elmer L. Boyd).
3 H 459 (Cunningham).
Id. at 453-454.
CE 594; 3 H 345 (Barbara Jeannette Davis); 6 H 463-464 (Virginia Davis); 6 H 449-451 (Domingo Benavides).
3 H 465-466 (Cunningham).
Id. at 466-473 (Cunningham); 3 H 511 (Nicol).
CE 602-605, 2011, p. 9.
3 H 511-513 (Nicol).
3 H 474-475, 482-483 (Cunningham).
Ibid.
Id. at 475, 482.
Id. at 475-476, 482.
Id. at 475-476, 489-491.
Id. at 476-478.
Id. at 479, 481.
CE 2003, pp. 92-93. This was an affidavit, the substance of which was repeated in the testimony of Officer McDonald, id. at 306-301.
3 H 461, 463 (Cunningham).
Id. at 463-464.
Ibid.
Id. at 464.
Id. at 463.
Id. at 465.
4 H 275-276 (Day).
3 H 486 (Cunningham).
Id. at 486, 495; 3 H 514 (Nicol).
3 H 486-487, 494-495 (Cunningham); 3 H 514 (Nicol).
3 H 492-493 (Cunningham).
Id. at 492.
Id. at 487.
Id. at 487-489.
Id. at 494; 15 H 747-748 (Gallagher).
CE 2455.
Gallagher DE 1; 15 H 748-751 (Gallagher).
CE 573; CE 2011, p. 6.
3 H 452 (Cunningham).
3 H 439-440 (Frazier).
3 H 502-503 (Nicol).
4 H 1-48 (Sebastian F. Latona).
4 H 48-56; 15 H 745-746 (Arthur Mandella).
4 H 1-2 (Latona); 4 H 48-49 (Mandella).
4 H 1-56, passim; see generally Bridges, Burtis C.; "Practical Fingerprinting, revised by Charles F. O'Hara (1963); Cummins and Midlow "Fingerprints, Palms, and Soles," 2d. ed. (1961).
4 H 2-14 (Latona).
Id. at 13-14; 4 H 53 (Mandella).
4 H 2-3, 44-45 (Latona).
Id. at 3-5.
Id. at 22, 39-40.
4 H 251, 269, 272 (Day); CE 733, 734, 1301, 2011, p. 16 (see ch. IV, pp. 122-123, 134-135, 137, 146).
4 H 269 (Day); 7 H 145 (Studebaker); CE 733, 734, 1302.
4 H 3-20 (Latona); 4 H 50-51 (Mandella).
4 H 22, 29 (Latona).
4 H 259-261 (Day); 4 H 20-21, 23-24 (Latona).
Ibid.
4 H 23-27 (Latona). 4 H 50 (Mandella).
Id. at 31

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Page 855
4 H 30-37 (Latona); 4 H 51-52 (Mandella).
Ibid.
Ibid.
4 H 41-43 (Latona).
CE 3131, pp. 17-18.
4 H 41-42 (Latona); CE 3131, p. 18.
4 H 37-38 (Latona); 4 H 267-268 (Day).
4 H 37-41 (Latona); 4 H 52 (Mandella).
4 H 30 (Latona).
Id. at 38; 4 H 55 (Mandella).
4 H 39 (Latona).
Id. at 39.
4 H 55 (Mandella).
4 H 23 (Latona); 4 H 253-258 (Day); CE 2011, pp. 1, 5.
4 H 358-403; 15 H 703-709.
7 H 418-438 (James C. Cadigan).
4 H 359 (Alwyn Cole); 7 H 419 (Cadigan).
7 H 364-366 (Waldman); CE 733; Cadigan DE 1; CE 788.
7 H 375-378 (Heinz Michaelis); CE 135.
CE 791, 793, 817, 2342, 2727.
7 H 187-188 (Stovall); 7 H 228 (Guy F. Rose); CE 795, 806, 1986, 1989, 1990, 2011, pp. 22, 23.
7 H 197-199 (Walter Ports); 7 H 222 (F. M. Turner); 213-215 (Henry Moore); Moore DE 1; CE 813, 2003, p. 281; CE 2011, p. 25.
CE 819, 820, 2011, p. 24.
1 H 16 (Marina Oswald).
4 H 266-267 (Day); CE 142.
4 H 358-403, 7 H 418-438, passim; see also Osborne, Questioned Documents (2d ed., 1940).
4 H 364 (Cole).
Ibid.
4 H 366 (Cole).
Id. at 368-370.
Id. at 364-372.
Id. at 372; 7 H 436-437 (Cadigan).
4 H 363 (Cole).
CE 774-783 Cadigan DE 2-3; 4 H 360-361 (Cole); 7 H 419-420 (Cadigan).
CE 3137.
4 H 373 (Cole); 7 H 420 (Cadigan).
4 H 361-370 (Cole); 7 H 420-422 (Cadigan).
7 H 293-295 (Harry D. Holmes).
4 H 373-375 (Cole); 7 H 423-424 (Cadigan).
4 H 366-370 (Cole); 7 H 420-422 (Cadigan).
4 H 366-368 (Cole); 7 H 421-422 (Cadigan).
4 H 369-370 (Cole); 7 H 422 (Cadigan).
Ibid.
4 H 371 (Cole).
Ibid.
CE 135.
4 H 375-377 (Cole); 7 H 424 (Cadigan).
7 H 527 (Holmes).
Ibid.
4 H 377-378 (Cole); 7 H 424-425 (Cadigan).
4 H 377 (Cole); 7 H 527 (Holmes).
7 H 527 (Holmes); CE 2342, 2727.
CE 793; 4 H 379-380 (Cole); 7 H 425-426 (Cadigan); CE 2342, 2727.
CE 817.
4 H 397-398 (Cole); 7 H 431-432 (Cadigan).
CE 795, 866, 801, 802; Cole DE 1; CE 1986, 1989, 1990, 2079, 2483, 2011, pp. 20-24; 7 H 187-188 (Richard S. Stovall); 7 H 228 (Rose).
4 H 380-381, 389 (Cole); 7 H 427-429 (Cadigan)
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Notes to Pages 566-579
CE 2077, 2011, p. 26; 7 H 195 (Stovall).
7 H 195 (Stovall).
CE 795.
CE 801.
CE 803.
CE 805.
4 H 387 (Cole).
CE 804; 4 H 385-387 (Cole); 7 H 427-429 (Cadigan).
4 H 381 (Cole); 7 H 427-428 (Cadigan).
Id. at 381-382.
Ibid.
Id. at 382.
Ibid; 7 H 427-428 (Cadigan).
4 H 382 (Cole).
4 H 383, 390-391 (Cole).
CE 798; 4 H 382-383 (Cadigan).
Ibid.
Ibid.
4 H 391-392 (Cole); 15 H 707 (Cole).
15 H 707 (Cole).
15 H 707-708 (Cole).
4 H 392-393 (Cole); CE 3105.
4 H 392-393 (Cole).
CE 795.
7 H 427-428 (Cadigan); 15 H 703-705; CE 803, 804; Cole DE 5, 6.
7 H 428-429 (Cadigan); 15 H 703-705 (Cole); CE 801, 795, 803, 804, 805.
CE 795, 802, 811; 7 H 427 (Cadigan); 4 H 384 (Cole).
Ibid.
CE 802, 795; 15 H 708 (Cole).
Ibid.
CE 799; 4 H 382 (Cole).
Cole DE 1.
CE 812.
7 H 430 (Cadigan); 15 H 706-707 (Cole).
CE 809; 4 H 390 (Cole).
15 H 707 (Cole).
Ibid.
Ibid.
CE 808; 4 H 389-390 (Cole).
CE 810; 4 H 390 (Cole).
Id. at 387.
Id. at 387-388.
Id. at 388.
CE 813.
CE 3097, 2003, p. 281; CE 2011, p. 25.
CE 813, 814, 815.
4 H 395-396 (Cole).
7 H 432-433 (Cadigan).
CE 115; 1 H 113 (Marina Oswald).
CE 816; 4 H 396 (Cole).
4 H 396 (Cole).
CE 3105, 3136.
4 H 397 (Cole).
Ibid.
Id. at 399; 7 H 436 (Cadigan).
Ibid.; 4 H 399 (Cole).
7 H 436 (Cadigan).
4 H 399 (Cole).
Id. at 399-400.
Ibid.
5 H 401 (Marina Oswald).
CE 2726.
7 H 437-438 (Cadigan).
Ibid.
CE 2723.
Ibid.
CE 677; 4 H 89-90 (Cadigan).
Id. at 90, 92-93.
Id. at 90.
Id. at 93.
Ibid.
Id. at 95-97.
Id. at 97.
Id. at 93, 97, 100-101.
Id. at 98.
CE 364; 4 H 93-94 (Cadigan)
Page 856
CE 677; 4 H 75-76 (Paul Morgan Stombaugh).
Ibid
4 H 90-92 (Cadigan).
5 H 74 (Dr. Alfred G. Oliver); 5 H 91 (Dr. Arthur J. Dziemian).
5 H 74 (Dr. Olivier); 5 H 91 (Dr. Dziemian); 5 H 94 (Dr. Frederick W. Light, Jr.).
5 H 75 (Dr. Olivier); 5 H 94 (Dr. Light).
5 H 91 (Dr. Dziemian).
Ibid
5 H 94 (Dr. Light).
Ibid
5 H 76, 78-79, 81 (Dr. Olivier).
Id. at 78; 5 H 96 (Dr. Light).
Ibid
5 H 75 (Dr. Olivier).
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 75, 78.
Id. at 75.
Id. at 78.
Id. at 76.
Ibid
Ibid
Id. at 78
Id. at 76
Id. at 76-77
Id. at 77
Ibid; 5 H 164 (Lyndal L. Shaneyfelt); CE 893, 895.
5 H 75, 77 (Dr. Olivier).
Id. at 77.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 78
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 79-80
5 H 164 (Shaneyfelt); CE 893, 895.
5 H 80 (Dr. Olivier).
Id. at 79.
Id. at 78-79.
Id. at 79.
Ibid.
Ibid.
5 H 80 (Dr. Olivier).
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 86.
Id. at 81.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 82.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 82-83.
Id. at 82.
Id. at 83-87; 5 H 92-93 (Dr. Dziemian).
5 H 86 (Dr. Olivier).
6 H 90-91 (Dr. Robert R. Shaw; 6 H 101-102 (Dr. Charles F. Gregory); 6 H 109-110 (Dr. George T. Shires).
5 H 83-87 (Dr. Olivier); 5 H 92-93 (Dr. Dziemian).
5 H 86 (Dr. Olivier).
Id. at 83
Id. at 86
Ibid.
Id. at 84; 5 H 93 (Dr. Dziemian).
5 H 95 (Dr. Light).
Ibid.
5 H 87 (Dr. Olivier).
Id. at 89
Id. at 87-88
5 H 160 (Shaneyfelt); CE 902.
5 H 89 (Dr. Olivier)
Ibid. 2 H 351 (Comdr. James J. Humes).
5 H 89 (Dr. Olivier).
Ibid.
Ibid.
5 H 67 (Frazier).
5 H 88 (Dr. Olivier).
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 89
Ibid.
Id. at 87
Ibid.
Ibid.
2 H 356 (Comdr. Humes); 2 H 380-381 (Lt. Col. Pierre A. Finck).
5 H 89 (Dr. Olivier).
Id. at 90; 5 H 93 (Dr. Dziemian).
4 H 56-88 (Stombaugh).
Id. at 56.
Id. at 61-64, 69-70.
Id. at 60-61, 78-80, 87; 15 H 702 (Stombaugh).
4 H 57 (Stombaugh).
Id. at 60.
Id. at 78, 15 H 702 (Stombaugh).
4 H 79-80 (Stombaugh)
CE 663; 4 H 57-58 (Stombaugh).
Ibid.
4 H 58 (Stombaugh).
Id. at 57-58.
Id. at 58.
Ibid.
Id. at 84.
Id. at 59.
Ibid.
Id. at 61.
Id. at 61, 68, 72.
Id. at 61, 64, 67, 68; CE 2011, p. 14; CE 2404.
4 H 64-67 (Stombaugh).
Id. at 67-68.
Id. at 68.
Id. at 75.
Id. at 76-77.
Ibid.
Id. at 77-78.
Id. at 78-80
4 H 74 (Stombaugh).
Ibid.
Id. at 85-87; 15 H 702 (Stombaugh).
Ibid.
4 H 81 (Stombaugh).
Ibid.
Id. at 82.
Id. at 82-83, 85
Id. at 82.
Id. at 83.
Id. at 83-84.
Id. at 85-87; 15 H 702 (Stombaugh).
4 H 87-88 (Stombaugh).
CE 135-A, 135-B; CE 2011, p. 27; 7 H 231 (Rose).
CE 3, 5, 749, 2011, p. 26; 7 H 194 (Stovall); 7 H 231 (Rose)
CE 750.
1 H 117-118 (Marina Oswald); 5 H 406 (Marina Oswald); CE 2083.
4 H 279-294 (Shaneyfelt); 7H 410-418 (Shaneyfelt); 15 H 686-702 (Shaneyfelt).
4 H 279 (Shaneyfelt).
CE 133-A, 133-B; 4 H 289 (Shaneyfelt).
CE 746 A-E; 4 H 279-280 (Shaneyfelt).
CE 747, 748; 4 H 280-281 (Shaneyfelt).
Id. at 281.
Id. at 289.
Ibid
Page 857
Id. at 283.
Ibid.
Id. at 284.
Ibid.
Id. at 285-286, 289
Id. at 285.
Id. at 286.
Id. at 284-288.
Id. at 289; 15 h 692-693 (Shaneyfelt)
4 H 226 (Fritz).
4 H 28 (Shaneyfelt).
Id. 293.
Id. at 288-289.
Id. at 293.
Shaneyfelt DE 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7; 15 H 689-690 (Shaneyfelt).
4 H 290-293 (Shaneyfelt); 7 H 410-418 (Shaneyfelt).
Ibid.
15 H 687-689 (Shaneyfelt).
Id. at 687, 689-690
Return to Top

Appendix XII
See supra, pp. 61-71.
See supra, pp. 71-72.
See supra, pp. 72-73.
See supra, p. 79.
CE 2582, p. 2; 6 H 210-216 (Jean L. Hill); CE 2594.
See supra, p. 76.
See supra, pp. 110-117.
See supra, pp. 76-77, 79-80.
See supra, pp. 79-80.
7 H 550 (Eddy R. Walthers); CE 2580, p. 2.
See supra, p. 50.
See supra, p. 77.
See supra, p. 87-91.
See supra, pp. 55-56.
See supra, pp. 96-109.
See supra, p. 140.
Ibid.
See supra, pp. 32, 40.
See supra, pp. 32, 39.
See supra, p. 130.
See supra, pp. 141-142.
See supra, p. 250.
Ibid.
CE 2585, p. 3; 2591, p. 6.
See supra, p. 147
See supra, pp. 312-315.
See supra, pp. 49, 189-190, 194
See supra, p. 117.
See supra, pp. 188-195
See supra, pp. 79, 553-554; CE 2585, p. 4.
See supra, pp. 79, 81
See supra, pp. 71-72, 76, 79, 248-251.
See supra, pp. 315-318.
See supra, p. 555.
See supra, pp. 123-124; CE 2584.
See supra, p. 123.
CE 2584, 3087.
See supra, pp. 15, 128; 3 H 79, 81-82 (Ruth Paine); CE 2580, p. 3; CE 2003, p. 137a.
See supra, pp. 125-128; Lyndal Shaneyfelt DE 10, 11, 12, 16, 17.
See supra, p. 127.
See supra, pp. 151-153.
See supra, p. 151; CE 3035, 3076.
See supra, pp. 155-156.
See supra, pp. 143-144; CE 2580 p. 3.
See supra, pp. 156-163.
See supra, pp. 155-156.
See supra, pp. 161-163.
See supra, pp. 162-163; CE 2592.
See supra, pp. 359-365.
See supra, p. 163.
See supra, pp. 163-164.
CE 1974, pp. 8, 20, 21.
CE 2583.
See supra, pp. 144, 165.
See supra, p. 369.
See supra, pp. 166-167.
See supra, pp. 165-168.
See supra, p. 167.
See supra, pp. 166-167; Helen Markham DE 1, pp 295-299.
See supra, pp 166-168; CE 2593.
See supra, pp. 168-169, 174.
See supra, pp. 174-175.
Ibid; WFAA-TV reels PKT 5-56:05 and PKF 10-8:43, 9:47.
10 H 297 (Mrs. A. C. Johnson).
See supra, p. 128.
See supra, p. 174; 10 H 297 (Johnson).
See supra, p. 174.
See supra, p. 176.
See supra, pp. 178-179.
See supra, p. 179.
See supra, pp. 178-179, 200.
See supra, p. 198.
See supra, p. 182; see app. XI.
See supra, pp. 200-201.
See infra, pp. 685-687.
See infra, pp. 257, 685.
See supra, pp. 256-257.
See supra, pp. 257-258.
See supra, pp. 267, 269, 272, 274.
See supra, pp. 272, 274.
See supra, pp. 703, 708.
See supra, pp. 274, 280.
See supra, pp. 272-280.
See supra, pp. 278-279.
See supra, p. 278.
See infra, pp. 773-774; CE 952, 2754.
CE 2785
See supra, p. 331; app. XIV
See supra, p. 305; see infra, 731-733, 736.
See supra, p. 305.
See supra, pp. 307-309.
See supra, p. 307; CE 2952, 2953, 2954.
1 H 191 (Marguerite Oswald).
See supra, pp. 325-327.
CE 2580, p. 3; CE 2581.
See supra, pp. 327, 437-440.
See supra, pp. 438-439; CE 2582, p. 5.
CE 2583.
See supra, pp. 438-439; CE 2582, p. 5.
See supra, pp. 118-122.
See supra, pp. 436-440.
CE 2585, p. 6.
See supra, pp. 328-333; see app. XIV.
See supra, p. 359.
CE 2585, p. 10.
See supra, pp. 359-362.
CE 2585, p. 10; 11 H 416 (E. Walker).
See supra, pp. 297-298.
See supra, p. 369; CE 2585, p. 6.
See supra, pp. 370-371; see infra, p. 801.
11 H 434-442 (Warren A. Reynolds); 8 H 2579, 2587, 2588
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Notes to Pages 664-671
8 H 316 (Donald P. Camarata); 8 H 281 (Daniel P. Powers); CE 2586, pp. 2-12.
See supra, pp. 246-247; CE 2585, p. 8.
See supra, pp. 447-449; CE 2583.
CE 705, p. 27.
CE 2583, pp. 2-3.
See supra, pp. 192, 318-320.
See supra, pp. 320-321.
10 H 424 (Laurance R. Wilcox).
See supra, pp. 332-333.
See infra, pp. 736-737; Dallas Morning News, Nov. 28, 1963, p. 20, cols. 1-2.
See supra, p. 254.
See supra, p. 328.
7 H 549-559 (Walthers); CE 2003, pp. 295-299.
1 H 45, 109-110 (Marina Oswald); 1 H 247-249 (Marguerite Oswald); 3 H 13-17, 51-52 (Ruth Paine); 4 H 365, 369, 402 (Alwyn Cole).
CE 2578; CE 2579, pp. 171-180.
1 H 59-60; 125-126 (Marina Oswald).
See supra, pp. 364-365.
CE 3122.
Revilo P. Oliver DE 8; 15 H 738-740 (Oliver).
CE 2711
Return to Top

Appendix XIII
Allison G. Folsom, Jr., DE 1, p. 98; see CE 2205, p. 569.
1 H 252 (Marguerite Oswald); 8 H 92 (Lillian Murret).
1 H 252-253 (Marguerite Oswald); 8 H 95-96 (L. Murret).
1 H 252 (Marguerite Oswald).
8 H 98 (L. Murret).
CE 2207, p. 50.
8 H 97 (L. Murret).
1 H 252 (Marguerite Oswald).
Id. at 252-253; see 8 H 93 (L. Murret).
John Pic DE 1.
8 H 197-198 (Edward John Pic Jr.); see 8 H 92-93 (L. Murret). Mrs. Murret described Pic at that time as "a person who did not talk unless you spoke to him"; id. at 93.
1 H 253 (Marguerite Oswald); see 8 H 95, 99 (L. Murret).
8 H 95, 99 (L. Murret), 162-163 (Marilyn Dorothea Murret); 11 H 5 (J. Pic) cf. 8 H 46 (Myrtle Evans). For Mrs. Oswald's testimony to the same effect before the Commission, see 1 H 253.
8 H 198; 11 H 82 (E. Pic).
11 H 2 (J. Pic); CE 2208; see 8 H 198 (E. Pic).
8 H 201 (E. Pic); see 8 H 47 (M. Evans), 101 (L. Murret); 11 H 5 (J. Pic).
Compare 8 H 199 (E. Pic) with 1 H 253 (Marguerite Oswald); cf. 8 H 47 (M. Evans).
8 H 104 (L. Murret); 11 H 5 (J. Pic); see 1 H 253 (Marguerite Oswald).
Ibid.
CE 1958.
CE 1959.
CE 2000; 1 H 253 (Marguerite Oswald); 8 H 104 (L. Murret).
1 H 253 (Marguerite Oswald).
CE 2208; 1 H 267 (Robert Edward Lee Oswald).
1 H 253 (Marguerite Oswald); 8 H 105 (L. Murret).
CE 2197, p. 79.
11 H 12 (J. Pic); see 8 H 105 (L. Murret); see generally CE 2198, pp. 65-67, 69.
1 H 269 (R. Oswald); 8 H 105 (L. Murret).
CE 2199; 8 H 269-270 (R. Oswald); 11 H 7 (J. Pic).
CE 2211, p. 618-1; see 1 H 225 (Marguerite Oswald), 268 (R. Oswald); 8 H 47 (M. Evans).
1 H 225 (Marguerite Oswald); Folsom DE 1, p. 123.
1 H 225 (Marguerite Oswald).
See 8 H 47 (M. Evans), 106 (L. Murret).
CE 2200.
Ibid.
CE 2197, p. 79; see CE 2207, p. 51.
CE 2197, p. 79.
See CE 2201, p. 63; CE 2202.
1 H 270 (R. Oswald); 11 H 7, 8-9, 11 (J. Pic); cf. 8 H 107 (L. Murret).
Ibid.; 11 H 7 (J. Pic); but see id., at 17.
Id. at 9; cf. 8 H 107 (L. Murret).
See CE 2199, 2203.
8 H 40 (Viola Peterman).
CE 2197.
11 H 12 (J. Pic).
8 H 43 (Peterman).
Ibid.; 11 H 11, 12 (J. Pic); see 8 H 48 (M. Evans).
11 H 11 (J. Pic).
Id. at 12.
CE 2197, p. 80.
Pic DE 5. The record contains also a separate application for the admission of Robert, dated Jan. 3, 1942; J. Pic DE 3.
J. Pic DE 2, p. 3; see 1 H 272 (R. Oswald).
J. Pic DE 2, p. 4.
CE 2201, p. 63; see 8 H 35-36 (Anne Boudreaux).
J. Pic DE 2, p. 1.
8 H 46, 51 (M. Evans); 11 H 18 (J. Pic).
8 H 106-107 (L. Murret).
8 H 36-37 (Boudreaux); see CE 2204.
8 H 37 (Boudreaux).
1 H 254 (Marguerite Oswald); cf. 8 H 47, 63 (M. Evans).
8 H 36 (Boudreaux).
J. Pic DE 2, p. 1; 11 H 13, 14 (J. Pic).
See J. Pic DE 2, p. 2.
See 8 H 112-113 (L. Murret).
J. Pic DE 2, p. 4.
Id. at l.
11 H 15 (J. Pic).
11 H 17, 20 (J. Pic); see 1 H 271 (R. Oswald) cf. id. at 273.
11 H 20 (J. Pic); see 1 H 271 (R. Oswald); 8 H 108-109 (L. Murret).
1 H 271 (R. Oswald).
1 H 254 (Marguerite Oswald), 272, 273 (R. Oswald); 11 H 20-21 (J. Pic).
1 H 272, 273 (R. Oswald); 11 H 18, 20 (J. Pic).
CE 2213, p. 27.
1 H 255 (Marguerite Oswald); see also 11 H 18 (J. Pic) ("Princess Hosiery"); 8 H 48, 51 (M. Evans) ("Jean's Hosiery Shop"), 109 (L. Murret) ("Jean's
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Notes to Pages 671-675
Hosiery Shop"). It is unclear whether all these references are to the same job or to different jobs.
CE 2213, p. 27.
Ibid.
For descriptions of Ekdahl, see 1 H 250 (Marguerite Oswald), 274 (R. Oswald); 8 H 66-67 (Julian Evans), 110-111 (L. Murret); 11 H 21-22 (J. Pic). Marguerite testified that she was working at a hosiery shop when she met Ekdahl; 1 H 255; cf. CE 2213, p. 27; but cf. 11 H 18 (J. Pic).
See 11 H 21 (J. Pic); but see 1 H 274 (R. Oswald).
11 H 21 (J. Pic); see 8 H 66 (J. Evans).
1 H 2,55 (Marguerite Oswald); see 11 H 21 (J. Pic).
Pic DE 2-A.
1 H 255 (Marguerite Oswald).
Ibid. The home's rules did not permit children with two living parents to remain there; see 11 H 21 (J. Pic); cf. 8 H 107 (L. Murret).
1 H 255 (Marguerite Oswald).
Ibid.; 8 H 50 (M. Evans), 110 (L. Murret).
1 H 255 (Marguerite Oswald).
See p. 670, supra.
CE 1963, p. 543; 1 H 255 (Marguerite Oswald); see J. Pic DE 4, p. 1.
1 H 269 (R. Oswald); 8 H 49-50 (M. Evans); 11 H 22, 23 (J. Pic).
J. Pic DE 2, p. 4; 1 H 272, 273 (R. Oswald); 11 H 21, 22 (J. Pic).
1 H 274 (R. Oswald); 11 H 23 (J. Pic).
1 H 255 (Marguerite Oswald); see 1 H 275 (R. Oswald); 11 H 22 (J. Pic). Robert believed, apparently incorrectly, that Ekdahl was already living in Dallas when the family moved there; 1 H 274 (R. Oswald).
See 1 H 250, 251 (Marguerite Oswald); 8 H 113 (L. Murret).
8 H 53 (M. Evans), 110 (L. Murret).
J. Pic DE 4.
CE 2211, p. 618-1; 11 H 23 (J. Pic).
Ibid.
1 H 281 (R. Oswald); 11 H 27 (J. Pic); see id. at 21, 24.
Id. at 27.
1 H 275 (R. Oswald); 11 H 23-24 (J. Pic); see 1 H 255 (Marguerite Oswald).
Ibid.; 1 H 276 (R. Oswald); see 8 H 50-51 (M. Evans), 111 (L. Murret); see p. 670, supra.
1 H 277 (R. Oswald); 11 H 23-30 (J. Pic).
1 H 277-278 (R. Oswald); 8 H 50-51 (M. Evans), 68-69 (J. Evans), 111 (L. Murret).
8 H 45, 49 (M. Evans).
Id. at 50-51.
CE 2218; 11 H 25 (J. Pic). Robert testified that his recollection is that the family did not move to Benbrook until after Christmas 1945, which he and John spent with school friends because the Ekdahls (and Lee) were in Boston. 1 H 278.
Ibid. 11 H 25 (J. Pic).
CE 1874, pp. 5-6.
CE 2218.
Ibid.
CE 1413, p. 10.
Folsom DE 1, p. 1.
See 11 H 24-25 (J. Pic).
1 H 251 (Marguerite Oswald); 8 H 111 (L. Murret); cf. 8 H 50-51 (M. Evans).
1 H 251 (Marguerite Oswald); see 11 H 73 (J. Pic).
1 H 251 (Marguerite Oswald); 11 H 25-26 (J. Pic).
CE 1963, pp. 543-544; CE 1413, p. 18; CE 2217.
8 H 52 (M. Evans).
CE 1413, p. 18.
CE 1874, p. 6.
CE 1413, p. 18.
Ibid.
11 H 26 (J. Pic); CE 2206; see 1 H 251 (Marguerite Oswald); CE 2211, p. 618-6.
Ibid.
Id. at 618-5.
11 H 27 (J. Pic); compare 1 H 251 (Marguerite Oswald).
Ibid.
Id. at 250.
Id. at 250-251; 11 H 27-28 (J. Pic); see 8 H 112 (L. Murret).
See CE 1960-A, p. 1; 11 H 28 (J. Pic); cf. 1 H 251 (Marguerite Oswald); for one explanation of Mrs. Oswald's conduct, see 8 H 112 (L. Murret).
CE 1960-A, p. 3.
CE 1960-A.
Id. at 1-4.
CE 1960-B; see 1 H 251-252 (Marguerite Oswald).
11 H 29 (J. Pic); see 1 H 252 (Marguerite Oswald).
CE 1960-C, p. 2.
Id. at 3-5.
CE 1963, p. 544; CE 2212; 11 H 28 (J. Pic).
Ibid.
CE 2211, p. 618-6.
Id. at 618-5.
8 H 78 (Philip Eugene Vinson).
Id. at 77.
Id. at 77-78, 79.
CE 1874, p. 6; CE 2219; see 1 H 279 (R. Oswald); 11 H 29 (J. Pic).
Ibid.
Id. at 30-31.
CE 2219.
CE 1874, p. 7.
Id. at 6-7.
11 H 30 (J. Pic).
CE 1873-D; 1 H 292 (R. Oswald); 8 H 85 (Hiram Conway); 11 H 30 (J. Pic).
Ibid.
Ibid.
1 H 296 (R. Oswald).
CE 1873-D.
Ibid.
CE 1873-E, -F, -G; Robert Oswald testified that Ridglea West was newly built, which probably explains the transfer; 1 H 297.
CE 1873-D; see CE 1873-E, -F, -G.
CE 1873-D.
See p. 687, infra, but see p. 733 infra.
CE 1873-D.
1 H 297, 298 (R. Oswald) (insurance agent); 11 H 31, 32 (J. Pic) (department stores); CE 2213, pp. 25-26 (assistant store manager, Lerner Shops; department store sales representative, Literary Guild).
1 H 225 (Marguerite Oswald).
8 H 119 (L. Murret); 11 H 31 (J. Pic); see 8 H 163 (M. Murret).
CE 2220, p. 241.
CE 2221.
CE 2220, p. 241.
1 H 281 (R. Oswald); 11 H 31, 34, 40, 80 (J. Pic).
8 H 87 (Conway); 11 H 30-31 (J. Pic).
See id. at 31.
Ibid.; see 1 H 225 (Marguerite Oswald); 8 H 163 (M. Murret)

[Steve Kerr]

:lmao what the fuck has this thread turned into?

[monosylab1k]

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Notes to Pages 675-681
1 H 225 (Marguerite Oswald); 11 H 81 (J. Pic). Hiram Conway testified that he taught the game of chess to John and another boy, from whom Lee learned it. 8 H 90.
8 H 122 (L. Murret).
Ibid.
8 H 86 (Conway); see id. at 89-90.
11 H 80 (J. Pic).
Id. at 32-33.
Id. at 34.
1 H 297-298 (R. Oswald).
Id. at 298-299.
1 H 225-226 (Marguerite Oswald); 11 H 36-37 (J. Pic).
1 H 225-226 (Marguerite Oswald).
11 H 37 (J. Pic).
Ibid.
1 H 226 (Marguerite Oswald); 11 H 37-39 (J. Pic).
Id. at 38.
Id. at 38-39.
Marguerite and John gave different accounts of the origins of the quarrel. Compare 1 H 226-227 (Marguerite Oswald) with 11 H 38-39 (J. Pic).
Id. at 39.
Id. at 38, 39.
Id. at 39-40.
1 H 227 (Marguerite Oswald).
CE 1384; CE 2205, p. 570; CE 2222.
CE 1384.
Ibid.
CE 2213, p. 25.
CE 1384, 2224, p. 4.
CE 2213, p. 25.
John Carro DE 1, p. 1.
CE 2213, p. 28.
CE 1384.
See CE 2224, p. 4.
CE 1384.
Ibid.
Ibid.; cf. CE 2224, p. 4.
CE 2225.
CE 1384, 2226.
Id. at 7.
CE 2224, p. 4.
Ibid.
Id. at 5.
11 H 42, 43-44, (J. Pic).
Carro DE 1, p. 1. Concerning this and subsequent truancy proceedings, see generally 8 H 202-214 (Carro).
Carro DE 1, p. 1.
CE 1384.
Carro DE 1, p. 1; see 1 H 227 (Marguerite Oswald).
Youth House is described by members of its staff at the time Lee was sent there at 8 H 215-218 (Dr. Renatus Hartogs), 225-226 (Evelyn Grace Strickman Siegel).
Carro DE 1, pp. 1-4; Siegel DE 1. p. 2; see generally ch. VII, pp. 379-382, supra.
1 H 228 (Marguerite Oswald).
Hartogs DE 1, p. 2. Dr. Hartogs' recommendations are discussed more fully in ch. VII, pp. 379-380.
Carro DE 1 P. 5.
Ibid.
CE 2224, p. 7.
Ibid.
Carro DE 1, p. 5; see CE 2213, p. 18.
CE 1384.
Ibid.
Ibid.
1 H 301-302 (R. Oswald). John places this visit much earlier, probably in October or November of 1952; 11 H 40 (J. Pic).
1 H 308-309 (R. Oswald).
Id. at 309-310.
CE 1384.
Carro DE 1, p. 5.
Id. at 6.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
CE 1384.
Carro DE 1, pp. 6-7.
CE 2223, p. 4.
Ibid.
Carro DE l, p. 7; CE 2223, p. 5.
Ibid.
See ibid.
Ibid; see Carro DE 1, p. 7.
Id. at 8.
1 H 231 (Marguerite Oswald); 8 H 122-123 (L. Murret). The address was later changed to 809 French Street; id. at 122.
CE 1413, pp. 12, 14.
Id. at 3-5, p. 14.
Id. at 6-8, 13, 14.
Id. at 17.
Id. at 9-10; see ch. VII, p. 383.
See 8 H 6-7, 12-13 (Edward Voebel), 63, 65 (M. Evans), 71 (J. Evans), 131 (L. Murret), 159-160 (M. Murret); CE 2233, 2235, 2236.
1 H 199-200 (Marguerite Oswald); 8 H 14 (Voebel), 28-29 (Frederick S. O'Sullivan), 151 (L. Murret). Lillian Murret testified that Lee belonged to the Sea Scouts also, probably a confusion with the Civil Air Patrol; Cf 8 H 131, 151 (L. Murret).
8 H 16-19 (William E. Wulf).
8 H 3-4, 6, 8 (Voebel).
1 H 198 (Marguerite Oswald); 8 H 70-71 (J. Evans); cf. 8 H 18 (Wulf). Edward Voebel, who thought Lee was not a "great reader," didn't see him read any thing except "comic books and the normal things that kids read"; 8 H 12 (Voebel).
8 H 125, 131 (L. Murret).
8 H 2-3, 5 (Voebel), 22-25 (Bennierita Smith), 124 (L. Murret), 159-160 (M. Murret); cf. CE 2232, 2234.
8 H 2-3 (Voebel).
8 H 55-57 (M. Evans), 70 (J. Evans); cf. 8 H 10-11 (Voebel).
CE 2201, p. 63.
CE 2238, p. 2.
Ibid.
Ibid.; see 1 H 198 (Marguerite Oswald); CE 1413, p. 9.
Ibid.
CE 2238, p. 2.
8 H 53-54, 56-57 (M. Evans); see 8 H 123 (L. Murret).
See 8 H 56-57 (M. Evans).
1 H 197 (Marguerite Oswald); see 8 H 57 (M. Evans), 123 (L. Murret), 158-159 (M. Murret); CE 2231.
CE 1413, p. 9.
8 H 56 (M. Evans); 8 H 151 (L. Murret).
1 H 310-311 (R. Oswald).
CE 1413, p. 15; see CE 1873-I, -J.
CE 1413, p. 11; see generally 1 H 196-197 (Marguerite Oswald).
CE 1413, p. 15; see CE 1873-H.
1 H 196-198 (Marguerite Oswald); 8 H 130-131 (L. Murret).
11 H 32 (J. Pic).
1 H 200 (Marguerite Oswald); see 8 H 64-65 (M. Evans).
CE 2227, 2237; see 1 H 198-199 (Marguerite Oswald).
CE 2227.
CE 2228; see 1 H 224 (Marguerite Oswald).
CE 1386, p. 251; CE 2229, 2230; see 1 H 198-199 (Marguerite Oswald).
Folsom DE 1, p. 7.
1 H 199 (Marguerite Oswald).
CE 2205, p. 571; CE 2239; CE 1873-I, -K
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Notes to Pages 681-687
CE 1873-J, -K.
Ibid.
CE 2240, p. 2.
Id. at 2-3.
Folsom DE 1, p. 123.
Id. at 3,. The abbreviations used on the official record to designate Lee's units and duty stations are explained in CE 1961, pp. 3-5.
Folsom DE 1, p. 1; see 8 H 304 (Folsom).
Folsom DE 1, p. 7; see 8 H 307-308 (Folsom).
Folsom DE 1, p. 7.
See CE 239; 8 H 310-311 (Folsom).
CE 239; see 8 H 311 (Folsom).
Folsom DE 1, p. 6; see 8 H 311 (Folsom); see generally 11 H 104 (Kerry Wendell Thornley).
Folsom DE 1, p. 6; see generally 8 H 233, 234-236 (Nelson Delgado).
Folsom DE 1, p. 6.
Id. at 3; see 8 H 305 (Folsom).
Folsom DE 1, p. 3.
Ibid.
CE 1962, p. 3.
Id. at 4.
Folsom DE 1, p. 36.
See CE 1963, p. 546.
Folsom DE 1, p. 3.
CE 1961, pp. 1-2.
See id., at 2-3.
Folsom DE 1, p. 10.
Id. at 120.
Id. at 118.
Id. at 3.
Ibid.; see 8 H 305 (Folsom); cf. 8 H 268 (Daniel Patrick Powers).
Folsom DE 1, p. 119; 8 H 267-268 (Powers).
CE 1961, p. 2; see 8 H 269 (Powers).
Id. at 267.
Id. at 268.
Ibid.
Id. at 270.
Id. at 277-278, 279; see generally id., at 269-271.
Id. at 272-273.
Folsom DE 1, p. 116.
Id. at 7.
Id. at 3, 36.
See 8 H 274 (Powers); CE 1963, p. 546; see note 308, supra.
Folsom DE 1, p. 3.
8 H 274 (Powers).
Folsom DE 1, p. 3.
Ibid.
Id. at 13.
8 H 277 (Powers).
Ibid.
Folsom DE 1, p. 13.
Id. at 3; CE 1961, p. 4.
8 H 278-279 (Powers).
Id. at 279.
Ibid.
Folsom DE 1, p. 111.
8 H 320 (Paul Edward Murphy).
Folsom DE 1, p. 3; CE 1961, p. 4.
Folsom DE 1, pp. 111-112.
Id. at 8.
Ibid.
CE 1961, p. 4.
8 H 279-280 (Powers).
Folsom DE 1, p. 5.
Id. at 3.
CE 1961, p. 4.
Ibid.
Folsom DE 1, p. 9.
Id. at 32; see 8 H 322 (Mack Osborne); 11 H 84, 85 (Thornley).
Folsom DE 1, p. 32.
Id. at 9.
Id. at 8; see 8 H 308 (Folsom).
Folsom DE 1, p. 3.
Id. at 10.
Id. at 3.
CE 1961, p. 5.
Folsom DE 1, p. 3.
CE 1961, p. 5; see generally 8 H 313-314 (George Donabedian).
Folsom DE 1, p. 3.
8 H 317 (Peter Francis Connor), 318 (John Rene Heindel), 320 (Murphy).
See authorities cited in note 365 supra.
8 H 320 (Murphy); cf. 8 H 285 (Powers).
Id. at 275, 283.
Folsom DE 1, p. 13; CE 1961, p. 5.
Folsom DE 1, p. 36.
Id. at 3; CE 1961, p. 5.
8 H 290 (John E. Donovan); see generally 8 H 231-232 (Delgado).
8 H 297-298 (Donovan); but see CE 1961, p. 3.
8 H 316 (James Anthony Botelho); 11 H 84 (Thornley).
8 H 316 (Botelho); 11 H 84-85 (Thornley).
See CE 1961. p. 3; Folsom DE 1, p. 10.
11 H 84 (Thornley).
8 H 291, 292 (Donovan).
Id. at 298-299.
See 8 H 233-234, 258, 262 (Delgado), 316 (Botelho), 318 (Allen D. Graf), 319 (David Christie Murray, Jr,), 320 (Murphy), 321-322 (Osborne), 323 (Richard Dennis Call); 11 H 85, 89-91, 100-101 (Thornley).
8 H 233 (Delgado); see 8 H 291 (Donovan).
See 8 H 245 (Delgado), 297 (Donovan), 316 (Botelho), 319 (Murray), 321 (Henry J. Roussel, Jr.); 11 H 92 (Thornley); but see 8 H 320 (Murphy).
8 H 317 (Donald Camarata), 322 (Osborne), 323 (Call).
8 H 265 (Delgado), 292-293, 297 (Donovan); 11 H 106-107 (Thornley); but see 8 H 322 (Call).
Folsom DE 1, p. 7; see 8 H 307.
8 H 244 (Delgado), 292 (Donovan), 315 (Botelho), 316 (Camarata), 319 (Murray), 320 (Murphy), 321 (Roussel), 321 (Osborne), 322 (Call), 323 (Erwin Lewis); 11 H 87 (Thornley).
8 H 321 (Roussel).
CE 2015.
8 H 293 (Donovan).
8 H 242 (Delgado). 292 (Donovan), 315 (Botelho), 317 (Camarata), 11 H 87-88 (Thornley); cf. id. at 320 (Murphy).
8 H 315 (Botelho), 323 (Call); but see 8 H 257-258 (Delgado).
8 H 316 (Camarata).
Ibid.; see 8 H 321 (Roussel).
8 H 319 (Murray).
8 H 315 (Botelho).
8 H 257-258 (Delgado), 321 (Roussel).
8 H 323 (Call).
8 H 317 (Camarata), 317 (Connor), 318 (Graf), 321 (Roussel), 322 (Osborne), 322-323 (Call).
8 H 290 (Donovan).
Id. at 297.
Id. at 292.
Id. at 295.
Id. at 293.
Ibid.
Id. at 292.
Id. at 293.
11 H 85 (Thornley).
Id. at 97.
Id. at 87.
Ibid.
Id. at 93.
Id. at 94-95.
Id. at 98.
Id. at 94, 98
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Notes to Pages 687-694
8 H 232 (Delgado).
Id. at 233, 241, 246-248.
Id. at 233.
See id. at 240-241, 243-244, 255.
Id. at 240.
Id. at 241.
Id. at 241-243.
See 8 H 233, 240-241, 243-244, 246, 254-255 (Delgado), 292-295, 297, 300 (Donovan), 315 (Botelho), 320 (Murphy), 322-323 (Call); 11 H 86-87, 96-95, 105-108 (Thornley).
11 H 108 (Thornley); see 8 H 320 (Murphy) ("Harvey" after "Harvey the Rabbit").
8 H 234, 264 (Delgado), 300 (Donovan), 317 (Camarata), 318 (Graf), 319 (Murray).
8 H 244, 254 (Delgado); 11 H 90 ,(Thornley); see id. at 105 ("something *** by Dostoievsky").
8 H 300 (Donovan), 316 (Botelho), 319 (Murray), 320 (Murphy), 322 (Osborne), 322-323 (Call).
Id. at 323.
8 H 251 (Delgado), 315-316 (Botelho).
8 H 251 (Delgado), 295 (Donovan).
Id. at 295-296.
8 H 252 (Delgado).
8 H 295 (Donovan); cf. 8 H 251 (Delgado).
See id. at 241, 251 (Delgado), 316 (Camarata), 320 (Murphy), 322 (Osborne), 323 (Call).
8 H 241 (Delgado).
Id. at 253-254; cf. 8 H 301 (Donovan).
Folsom DE 1, p. 3.
Ibid.
Id. at 105.
Id. at 106; see 8 H 309 (Folsom).
CE 228, p. 1.
Ibid.; see id. at 3.
Id. at 2.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 3.
See CE 229, 232.
CE 234.
8 H 243 (Delgado).
8 H 323 (Call).
Folsom DE 1, pp. 27, 79; see 8 H 304 (Folsom).
Folsom DE 1, p. 84.
Id. at 86-91; cf. CE 2241.
Id. at 6, 75, 76, 83.
Id. at 79-80.
Id. at 10, 78.
Id. at 4.
Ibid.; id. at 28.
Ibid.
Id. at 10.
CE 2016, p. 11-13.
CE 1114.
CE 946.
1 H 201-202 (Marguerite Oswald); CE 1135, p. 172.
1 H 201-202, 212 (Marguerite Oswald); CE 1396, p. 6.
Ibid.
1 H 201-202, 212 (Marguerite Oswald).
CE 1135, p. 172.
1 H 329 (R. Oswald); 1 H 212 (Marguerite Oswald).
1 H 203 (Marguerite Oswald).
CE 2673, 2665, p. 305.
CE 2712.
CE 2665, p. 305.
CE 200.
CE 2665, p. 305; see CE 2674.
CE 2675, p. 2.
Id. at 2-3; 11 H 116 (George B. Church, Jr.), 117 (Mrs. George B. Church, Jr.).
CE 2711, p. 39; CE 946, p. 7; CE 2676, p. 1.
Id. at 1, 3.
CE 2677. Oswald could have arrived at 5:05 p.m., flying via Copenhagen, or at 5:35 p.m., via Stockholm. See Official Airline Guide, North American Edition, October 1959, p. C-721. But he would have been too late to visit the Russian consulate that day. See CE 2714.
CE 946, p. 9.
Priscilla Johnson DE 1, p. 8; P. Johnson DE 5, p. 8.
CE 946, p. 8; CE 24, entry of Oct. 16, 1959; CE 985, document No. 1A.
CE 24, entry of Oct. 16, 1959.
CE 3124.
CE 24, entry of Oct. 16, 1959.
CE 24.
CE 18; see, e.g., pp. 3, 7, 22, 23, 27, 29, 31, 35, 61, 81; see also CE 827; 1 H 30, 104 (Marina Oswald).
CE 24, entry of Oct. 16, 1959.
CE 24, entry of Oct. 17, 1959.
CE 24, entries of Oct. 17-21, 1959.
CE 24, entry of Oct. 17, 1959.
CE 24, entry of Oct. 18, 1959.
CE 1399.
5 H 617 (Marina Oswald); CE 935, 827, 1438 (name misspelled by Oswald).
CE 2760; cf. CE 25, pp. 1B-2B.
5 H 274 (Richard Edward Snyder).
CE 24, entry of Oct. 20, 1959.
CE 24, entry of Oct. 21, 1959.
Ibid.
Ibid, see ch. VII, p. 392.
CE 985, documents 1C-1-1C-4.
CE 985, document 1C-3, p. 10.
Id. at 11.
Id. at 10.
CE 24, entry of Oct. 23, 1959.
CE 24, entry of Oct. 21, 1959.
CE 24, entry of Oct. 23, 1959.
CE 24, entry of Oct. 23-26, 1959.
CE 985, document 1C-2, pp. 1, 8-9.
CE 24, entry of Oct. 28, 1959.
CE 3123.
CE 24, entry of Oct. 28, 1959.
Ibid.
Ibid.
CE 24, entries of Oct. 29-31, 1959.
CE 24, entry of Oct. 31, 1959.
See CE 908, p. 1; CE 909, p. 1; 5 H 260-261 (Snyder).
See generally 5 H 262-265, 269-270, 287-291 (Snyder); 300-304, 322-324 (John A. McVickar); CE 908, 909, 910.
CE 913.
8 USC sec. 1481 (1958); CE 101, 941, 958.
5 H 269 (Snyder); see CE 101, 941.
CE 24, entry of Oct. 31, 1959.
Ibid.; CE 2719.
CE 24, entry of Oct. 31, 1959; CE 3098.
CE 24, entry of Oct. 31, 1959; CE 3098.
1 H 201, 203 (Marguerite Oswald); CE 1396, pp. 8-9.
CE 24, entry of Nov. 1, 1959.
CE 2672; P. Johnson DE 5, P. 15.
1 H 323 (R. Oswald); see 11 H 458 (P. Johnson).
CE 2715, p. 61; CE 2684; 1 H 322 (R. Oswald).
CE 2683, p. 29 CE 2672; CE 24, entry of Nov. 1, 1959; see 1 H 323 (R. Oswald).
CE 2715; 1 H 323 (R. Oswald).
CE 2715, p. 61.
CE 912; see CE 919, 920; 5 H 267-269 (Snyder).
CE 912
Page 863
CE 919.
CE 24, entry of Nov. 2-15, 1959.
CE 294.
CE 24, entry of Nov. 16, 1959.
CE 24, entry of Jan. 4, 1960; CE 985, documents 1A, 2A.
CE 942, 943, 2683, p. 29; 5 H 302 (McVickar).
See Fort Worth Star Telegram, Nov. 15, 1959, "Fort Worth Defector Confirms Red Beliefs"; CE 24, entry of Nov. 15, 1959; CE 1385; see also CE 1438.
CE 1385, p. 2.
Id. at 1-12.
CE 2717; CE 24, entry for Nov. 15, 1959.
CE 1385, p. 16.
CE 24, entry of Nov. 16, 1959.
Ibid.
11 H 446-447 (P. Johnson).
The interview is described in P. Johnson DE 1, 5, 6; 11 H 444-460. Oswald told Aline Mosby that he had read the Communist Manifesto. CE 1385, p. 6.
P. Johnson DE 1, p. 6.
11 H 447, 459 (P. Johnson); CE 911.
CE 24, entries of Nov. 17-Dec. 30, Dec. 31, 1959; 5 H 616 (Marina Oswald).
CE 295.
CE 297.
CE 202, 206; 1 H 204 (Marguerite Oswald).
CE 24, entry of Jan. 4, 1960; cf. CE 985, documents 1A, 2A, 3A (1); CE 935.
CE 24, entry of Jan. 4, 1960.
In 1963, the population of Minsk was about 650,000.
CE 24, entry of Jan. 4, 1960.
CE 24, entry of Jan. 4-5, 1960; 5 H 292-293 (Snyder).
CE 24, entries of Jan. 5 and 7, 1960.
CE 24, entry of Jan. 7, 1960.
CE 24, entry of Oct. 18, 1960.
CE 24, entry of Jan. 8, 1960.
CE 1108.
CE 24, entries of Jan. 11 and 13, 1960; CE 33.
CE 92, p. 3; see CE 2669.
CE 1128, p. 1; CE 1109, p. 2.
5 H 616 (Marina Oswald); see 8 H 360 (George A. Bouhe); 9 H 145 (Paul Roderick Gregory); 9 H 79-80 (Gary E. Taylor); 2 H 339 (Peter Paul Gregory); CE 2669.
CE 1108.
CE 92, pp. 8-9.
5 H 590 (Marina Oswald); 8 H 347, 350 (Max Clark); 9 H 81 (Taylor), 147 (Paul Gregory); see P. Johnson DE 1, pp. 1, 6; P. Johnson DE 5, p. 7; CE 1385, p. 16.
8 H 360 (Bouhe) (900 rubles), 385 (Anna N. Meller) (800 rubles); 5 H 407-408 (Marina Oswald) (800 rubles); CE 1401, p. 271 (800-900 rubles); CE 1110 (700-850 rubles); CE 1128; CE 24, entry of Jan. 13, 1960 (700 rubles); 2 H 339 (Peter Gregory)(800 rubles); 8 H 348 (Clark) (800-900 rubles).
CE 2720; see CE 1401, p. 271.
1 H 95 (Marina Oswald); CE 1401, p. 275.
CE 24, entry of Jan. 13, 1960.
CE 1109.
CE 1110, 1128.
1 H 92-93 (Marina Oswald); CE 1401, p. 275.
CE 24, entry of Mar. 16, 1960; cf. 1 H 92 (Marina Oswald).
CE 24, entry of Mar. 16, 1960; see also 1 H 92 (Marina Oswald).
See id. at 93.
CE 2721; CE 25, pp. 1B-2B.
CE 24, entries Jan. 7 to Mar. 17, 1960; see CE 93 p. 4,(erroneously referring to "Roza Agafonava")
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Notes to Pages 694-702
CE 24, entry of Jan. 13, 1960.
CE 24, entry of Mar. 17, 1960); CE 2693.
CE 1403, p. 729; CE 42, 79.
Ibid.
CE 24, entry of June-July 1960.
1 H 91 (Marina Oswald); CE 993, p. 5.
1 H 96 (Marina Oswald); 2 H 396-397 (M. Paine); 5 H 405-406 (Marina Oswald); 8 H 362 (Bouhe); CE 2678, pp. 13-14; CE 2679.
CE 2759; CE 24, entry of Jan. 1, 1961.
CE 24, entry of May 1, 1960.
CE 24, entry of June-July 1960.
CE 24 entry of Aug.-Sept. 1960.
CE 24, entries of Jan. 1, Jan. 2, 1961.
CE 24, entry of Jan. 3, 1961.
CE 24, entry of May 1, 1961.
CE 2759.
11 H 142 (Mrs. Donald Gibson); 9 H 79 (Taylor).
Ibid.
11 H 142 (Gibson).
9 H 79 (Taylor).
10 H 203 (Dennis Hyman Ofstein).
8 H 348 (Clark).
9 H 80 (Taylor); 5 H 590 (Marina Oswald).
Ibid.; see 8 H 348 (Clark).
11 H 142 (Gibson); 8 H 60 (M. Evans); 5 H 590 (Marina Oswald).
9 H 145, 151 (Paul Gregory).
Id. at 145, 154, 156.
1 H 30 (Marina Oswald); CE 92, 94.
8 H 330-332 (Pauline Virginia Bates).
CE 92, p. 1.
Id. at 5.
Ibid.
Id. at 6-7.
5 H 40,7 (Marina Oswald), but see CE 25, p. 3.
CE 92, pp. 7-8.
Id. at 12.
Id., passim.
CE 985, documents 3A (1)-(2); cf. CE 24, entry of Jan. 4, 1961.
Ibid.
5 H 277 (Snyder).
Id. at 276-277; CE 931.
5 H 277 (Snyder); CE 24, entries of Feb. 1-Mar. 6, 1961.
CE 933, 1084.
CE 930, 2681.
CE 2666.
CE 940.
CE 24, entry of Mar. 1-16, 1961.
5 H 278 (Snyder); CE 1403, p. 727.
CE 25, pp. 1B-2B; see 5 H 407-408 (Marina Oswald).
CE 940.
Ibid.; CE 1085.
CE 970, 971; 5 H 352-354 (Bernice Waterman).
11 H 210-212 (Katherine Mallory).
CE 24, entry of Mar. 17, 1961. Marina thought that the date was Mar. 4. 1 H 90 (Marina Oswald); CE 994, p. 1.
CE 1401, p. 260.
Ibid.
CE 24, entry of Mar. 17, 1961.
1 H 90-91 (Marina Oswald); CE 1401, p. 267; CE 994, p. 7.
CE 24, entries of Mar. 17, 18-31, Apr. 1-30, 1961.
This and the succeeding paragraphs about Marina's life before she met Oswald are based primarily on CE 1401, pp. 256-261. Additional sources are indicated where appropriate.
See also 1 H 84 (Marina Oswald)
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Notes to Pages 702-711
See id. at 84-85.
Marina is unclear about her age at the time of this move; cf. 1 H 84 (Marina Oswald) ("approximately five"), with CE 1401, p. 256 ("about seven").
CE 49.
1 H 84 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 85.
Id. at 87; CE 49.
CE 21; see 1 H 89 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 85.
Ibid.
Id. at 87.
See CE 51, 57.
1 H 89 (Marina Oswald).
Ibid.
Id. at 87-89.
Id. at 89; 5 H 608-609 (Marina Oswald); 5 H 305 (McVickar).
1 H 88, 89 (Marina Oswald).
CE 1401, p. 261; CE 994, p. 5.
1 H 91 (Marina Oswald); CE 1401, pp. 267-268; CE 993, p. 7.
Cf. ibid, with CE 1401.
1 H 91 (Marina Oswald); CE 1401, p. 268.
CE 985, document 1C-l, p. 1.
1 H 91 (Marina Oswald); CE 1401, p. 269.
Ibid.
CE 994, pp. 8-9; 2 H 302 (Katherine Ford).
CE 1401, p. 270; cf. CE 994, p. 9.
CE 985, document 1C-l, pp. 19-20.
CE 1401, p. 269.
Id. at 269-270.
CE 24, entry of Apr. 1-30, 1961.
CE 1401, p. 269; but see 2 H 302 (K. Ford).
CE 1111; CE 24, entry of Apr. 31 [sic], 1961.
Ibid.
CE 1401, p. 274.
CE 24, entry of May 1, 1961.
CE 24, entry of May 1961.
CE 24, entry of June 1961.
Ibid.
CE 252.
CE 1401, p. 277; CE 1403, p. 725.
CE 1401, pp. 274-276.
Id. at 274.
Id. at 276; CE 993, p. 12.
CE 1401, p. 277.
1 H 101 (Marina Oswald).
CE 72.
5 H 590 (Marina Oswald).
CE 298.
CE 299.
CE 180.
CE 252.
CE 936.
CE 1403, p. 727.
CE 24, entry of July 8, 1961; CE 24, entry of July 1961.
See app. w, p. 754, infra.
CE 24, entry of July 9, 1961; see 1 H 99-97 (Marina Oswald); CE 1401, p. 280.
Id. at 290; CE 1403, p. 726.
CE 1401, p. 278.
CE 935.
CE 24, entries of Oct. 16, 1959, through Jan. 4, 1960; CE 908.
CE 1385, p. 4; P. Johnson DE 1, pp. 3, 6, 14; P. Johnson DE 2, pp. 1-2; 11 H 456 (P. Johnson); CE 985, document 1C-2, p. 6.
CE 1109, 1110, 1128.
CE 909, 935, p. 2.
Id. at 3.
CE 946, p. 2-3; 5 H 284 (Snyder).
CE 935, p. 2.
CE 938.
5 H 284 (Snyder); CE 946, p. 6.
5 H 319 (McVickar); CE 1401, pp. 278-279.
5 H 319 (McVickar).
CE 944; 5 H 304-306, 318-319 (McVickar); CE 959.
CE 24, entry of July 14, 1961; CE 301.
Ibid.
CE 935, p. 1; CE 985, documents 1B, 2B, 3B, 4B; see CE 1401, pp. 277- 278, 280.
CE 24, entry of July 19-Aug. 20, 1961.
CE 1122, p. 1.
CE 24, entry of Aug. 21-Sept. 1, 1961.
CE 24, entry of Sept.-Oct. 18, 1961.
1 H 90, 97 (Marina Oswald); but see CE 1401, p. 276.
1 H 97 (Marina Oswald).
Ibid.; 5 H 591-592 (Marina Oswald).
9 H 147 (Paul Gregory); see also CE 301; CE 24, entry of July 15-Aug. 20, 1961.
CE 1122, pp. 2-3.
Ibid.
1 H 97 (Marina Oswald).
CE 1087.
1 H 98 (Marina Oswald); CE 1403, p. 740.
CE 306.
CE 55; but see 1 H 98 (Marina Oswald).
CE 24, entry of Nov.-Dec. 1961; see also CE 1401, p. 269.
CE 24, entry of Sept.-Oct. 18, 1961; see CE 66(I).
CE 24, entry of Sept.-Oct. 18, 1961.
CE 56, 306, CE 1315, pp. 1-2.
CE 24, entry of Nov. 12, 1961.
5 H 591, 618 (Marina Oswald).
CE 1403, p. 745; 5 H 592 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 591-592, 604-605, 617-619 (Marina Oswald).
CE 181, 182, 183, 184, 185 (letters to Marguerite Oswald); CE 303, 305, 306, 307, 308, 309 (letters to R. Oswald).
CE 253.
CE 1076.
CE 1058.
CE 24, entry of Dec. 25, 1961; 5 H 592, 598, 604-605 (Marina Oswald); see also CE 1403, p. 725.
CE 1401, p. 267.
CE 24, entry for "New Years" 1962; CE 313.
CE 189.
CE 2731; cf. CE 2660.
CE 2680, pp. 7-8.
Id., at 3-4.
CE 246.
CE 1078.
CE 256.
CE 1079.
CE 2692.
CE 247.
Ibid.
CE 190.
CE 1080, p. 2; CE 1101.
CE 314.
Folsom DE 1, p. 10; see p. 689, supra.
CE 314.
Folsom DE 1, p. 65.
Id. at 63.
Id. at 61.
Id. at 45-46.
CE 2658.
CE 2661.
CE 222.
CE 192.
CE 1082, 1102.
CE 193
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Notes to Pages 711-717
CE 24, entry of Feb. 15, 1962; CE 993, pp. 15-16; CE 1112.
CE 994, p. 16.
Ibid.; but see CE 60, 61, 64.
CE 24, entry of Feb. 23, 1962.
CE 40, 52, 58, 59, 60, 61, 63, 194.
CE 24, entries of Feb. 28-29, 1962; 1 H 95, (Marina Oswald); CE 316.
CE 59, 61.
CE 24, entry of Feb. 23, 1961.
CE 316.
CE 195.
CE 316.
CE 1093, 2682.
CE 1086.
CE 1095.
CE 249, 1103.
CE 196, 2683.
CE 2656; see app. w, p. 762, infra.
CE 24, entry of Mar. 24, 1962; CE 22.
CE 249, 1083, 1088, 2687, 2688.
CE 317.
CE 1313.
CE 985, document 9A; CE 1108, 1314.
CE 1108, 1109, 1128, p. 3.
CE 1401, p. 275; 1 H 93 (Marina Oswald); see also 5 H 590 (Marina Oswald).
CE 985, document 8A.
CE 946, p. 1
5 H 604, 617-618 (Marina Oswald); CE 2722.
CE 318.
CE 946, pp. 11, 15; see CE 1401, p. 280.
CE 2654, 2662, 2690, 2704.
CE 2656.
CE 34.
CE 1098. After his return to the United States, Oswald repaid the loan in full. See app. w, p. 773, infra.
CE 1099, 1401, p. 280.
CE 57.
CE 29, 946, 1099.
1 H 101 (Marina Oswald).
CE 25.
CE 100.
CE 946, p. 15.
CE 2655.
CE 1060, p. 10; CE 2656, 2718, pp. 2-3.
CE 2655; CE 2657.
CE 2213, pp. 19-20; CE 2657.
CE 2655, 2657.
CE 2213, pp. 19-24.
Ibid.; CE 2657.
CE 2213, p. 24.
CE 2692.
1 H 372 (R. Oswald).
Martin Isaacs DE 1.
1 H 331 (R. Oswald); 1 H 4 (Marina Oswald).
1 H 330-331 (R. Oswald).
Id. at 331; see id. at 464.
Ibid.; 2 H 343 (Peter Gregory); 1 H 30 (Marina Oswald); 4 H 415 (John W. Fain).
CE 2189, p.1; 1 H 331 (R. Oswald).
Id. at 330.
1 H 4 (Marina Oswald); 312 (R. Oswald).
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 385-386.
Id. at 313-314.
1 H 4 (Marina Oswald).
Ibid.
8 H 331-332 (Bates).
Id. at 332-333; see pp. 700-701.
8 H 332-333 (Bates).
Id. at 334-336.
Id. at 336.
Ibid.
Ibid.
See 2 H 338 (Peter Gregory); CE 384.
2 H 337-338 (Peter Gregory).
Id. at 338; CE 384.
2 H 338-339 (Peter Gregory).
See id. at 342, 343.
Id. at 339-340; 9 H 143 (Paul Gregory).
CE 823, p. 11; 1H 315 (R. Oswald); 4 H 415 (Fain).
Id. at 418.
CE 823, p. 11.
Id. at 12; see CE 29.
Id. at 13.
1 H 315, 389 (R. Oswald).
See 1 H 133 (Marguerite Oswald), CE 1943, 2189, p. 2; 1 H 4 (Marina Oswald); 312 (R. Oswald).
1 H 132-133 (Marguerite Oswald).
CE 2189, p. 2; 1 H 133-135 (Marguerite Oswald).
1 H 131-132 (Marguerite Oswald).
Id. at 133.
Ibid.
1 H 5 (Marina Oswald).
CE 2189, pp. 2, 18.
See 4 H 419 (Fain); CE 2189, pp. 2, 18; see 1 H 4-5 (Marina Oswald); 1 H 135 (Marguerite Oswald).
CE 2189, pp. 2-3; 1 H 5 (Marina Oswald), 134-135 (Marguerite Oswald); 10 H 230 (Chester Allen Riggs, Jr.).
Graves DE 1; CE 2189, p. 12; 10 H 163 (Tommy Bargas).
10 H 161 (Bargas).
CE 1943; 10 H 162-163 (Bargas).
CE 1943.
Graves DE 1.
1 H 5 (Marina Oswald).
10 H 165 (Bargas); CE 2189, p. 13.
Ibid.; 10 H 165-166 (Bargas).
Id. at 165.
1 H 136 (Marguerite Oswald).
See 1 H 6 (Marina Oswald); 2 300 (K. Ford).
1 H 141 (Marguerite Oswald).
9 H 226 (George De Mohrenschildt); see 9 H 77 (Taylor), 308 (J. De Mohrenschildt).
10 H 230 (Riggs).
11 H 119 (Alexander Kleinlerer); 8 H 384 (Meller), 393 (Elena A. Hall); 2 341 (Peter Gregory); 9 H 225-226 (G. De Mohrenschildt); cf. 5 H. 419 (Marina Oswald).
CE 824, pp. 4-6; 4 H 419-424 (Fain).
1 H 20 (Marina Oswald).
8 H 357-358 (Bouhe), 452-455 (Igor Vladimir Voshinin); see generally 9 H 4-12 (Paul M. Raigorodsky); 8 H 354-355 (Clark); 9 H 305-306 (J. De Mohrenschildt).
9 H 143-144, 158 (Paul Gregory).
See id. at 144-151, 157.
See 8 H 358-359 (Bouhe), 2 H 341 (Peter Gregory).
Ibid; 8 H 358 (Bouhe), 379, 381-382 (Meller).
2 H 297 (K. Ford), 323 (Declan P. Ford); 8 H 392-393 (E. Hall); 1 H 7 (Marina Oswald).
11 H 119 (Kleinlerer).
8 H 344-346 (Clark).
9 H 168, 217, 281 (G. De Mohrenschildt).
Id. at 224-226; see 1 H 7 (Marina Oswald).
See 9 H 308 (J. De Mohrenschildt); 9 H 76-77 (Taylor); 11 H 125-127 (Gibson).
9 H 236 (G. De Mohrenschildt); see 8 H 359, 371-372 (Bouhe)
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Notes to Pages 717-721
Id. at 368-369 (Bouhe); 8 H 351-352, 354-355 (Clark); 11 H 122 (Kleinlerer); see 8 H 383 (Meller), 404 (E. Hall), 435-436 (Mrs. Voshinin).
8 H 371-373 (Bouhe), 383-385 (Meller), 393-395 (E. Hall), 422-423 (Valentina Ray); 11 H 119 (Kleinlerer); 9 H 307, 324-325 (J. De Mohrenschildt).
See 1 H 7 (Marina Oswald); 9 H 231 (G. De Mohrenschildt); 11 H 119 (Kleinlerer).
E.g., 9 H 309, 311 (J. De Mohrenschildt); 8 H 366, 372 (Bouhe), 382, 384 (Meller), 394 (E. Hall).
See 8 H 384 (Meller); see also 8 H 394 (E. Hall).
9 H 309 (J. De Mohrenschildt); 2 H 300 (K. Ford).
1 H 10-11 (Marina Oswald).
See, e.g., 8 H 445 (Mrs. Voshinin), 376 (Bouhe).
11 H 123 (Kleinlerer).
E.g., 2 H 308 (K. Ford); 8 H 374 (Bouhe), 381 (Meller).
11 H 123 (Kleinlerer).
E.g., 9 H 77 (Taylor); 8 H 366 (Bouhe), 407 (John Hall); 1 H 137-138 (Marguerite Oswald).
8 H 366 (Bouhe); see 8 H 407 (J. Hall).
Ibid, 9 H 230 (G. De Mohrenschildt); see 1 H 6 (Marina Oswald).
11 H 120 (Kleinlerer); 8 H 394 (E. Hall); see 8 H 366 (Bouhe).
Helen Cunningham DE I-A; 10 H 120 (Cunningham).
1 H 5 (Marina Oswald); see also 9 H 230 (G. De Mohrenschildt); 10 H 135 (Cunningham).
8 H 366 (Bouhe).
CE 820-A; see 10 H 166 (Bargas).
1 H 141 (Marguerite Oswald).
8 H 345-346 (Clark), 364-365 (Bouhe).
1 H 140 (Marguerite Oswald); 8 H 365 (Bouhe), 383 (Meller).
1 H 140 (Marguerite Oswald); 8 H 365 (Bouhe), 383 (Meller).
8 H 395-396 (E. Hall), 365 (Bouhe); see 2 H 300 (K. Ford).
E.g., 11 H 119-120 (Kleinlerer).
CE 994, p. 25.
1 H 10 (Marina Oswald); see id. at 32, 34.
1 H 32 (Marina Oswald); 11 H 296 (Marina Oswald).
1 H 7-8, 31 (Marina Oswald); 8 H 394-395 (E. Hall); 9 H 324 (J. De Mohrenschildt).
9 H 324, 327 (J. De Mohrenschildt); Albert Staples DE 1.
8 H 373 (Bouhe); 9 H 306, 324-325 (J. De Mohrenschildt).
See 8 H 407 (J. Hall).
9 H 46-47 (Samuel B. Ballen), 230 (G. De Mohrenschildt).
8 H 388 (Meller), 366 (Bouhe); 10 H 119 (Cunningham).
10 H 120-130 (Cunningham); Cunningham DE 1, I-A, 2, 2-A, 4; 11 H 477-478 (Cunningham); 10 H 144-146 (Donald E. Brooks); 150 (Irving Staman).
11 H 477 (Cunningham); Cunningham DE 4; 10 H 175-177 (John G. Graef).
10 H 181 (Graef), 172 (Robert Stovall); CE 1144, p. 13.
1 H 8 (Marina Oswald).
10 H 281-282 (Richard Leroy Hulen), 290 (Colin Barnhorst).
Cunningham DE 2, 4; 11 H 124, 149 (Gibson).
CE 792; 7 H 295 (Harry D. Holmes); CE 1152.
CE 1390, p. 177.
CE 994, p. 26.
11 H 143-144 (Gibson); 8 H 399 (E. Hall); 1 H 33 (Marina Oswald); CE 1957-A.
8 H 394-395 (E. Hall); 11 H 120-121 (Kleinlerer); 8 H 345-346 (Clark).
1 H 8, 32 (Marina Oswald); 9 H 88-89 (Taylor).
Ibid; 11 H 138-139 (Gibson).
1 H 8 (Marina Oswald); 11 H 120 (Kleinlerer), 137 (Gibson).
8 H 395 (E. Hall); 11 H 120-121 (Kleinlerer); 10 H 232, 234, 237-238 (Mrs. Mahlon F. Tobias); see also 1 H 8 (Marina Oswald).
10 H 237-238 (Mrs. Tobias); CE 1160, p. 2; see also 1 H 8 (Marina Oswald).
9 H 89-91 (Taylor); 11 H 470 (Taylor), 120-121 (Kleinlerer), 139-140 (Gibson); 1 H 8 (Marina Oswald).
11 H 120-121 (Kleinlerer).
Id. at 120.
9 H 244 (G. De Mohrenschildt), 313 (J. De Mohrenschildt); 1 H 35 (Marina Oswald).
5 H 415 (Marina Oswald); CE 994, p. 26; 10 H 242-243 (Mrs. Tobias), 258 (M. F. Tobias).
2 H 309-310 (K. Ford); 8 H 375-376 (Bouhe), 382 (Meller); see 9 H 226 (G. De Mohrenschildt); CE 994, p. 22.
2 H 309-310 (K. Ford); 9 H 240 (G. De Mohrenschildt); 11 H 128 (Gibson).
9 H 233, 252 (G. De Mohrenschildt), 311, 313 (J. De Mohrenschildt); 8 H 396 (E. Hall).
9 H 231-232 (G. De Mohrenschildt).
1 H 32 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 33.
Ibid.
11 H 298 (Marina Oswald); 9 H 240 (G. De Mohrenschildt).
Id. at 232-233 (G. De Mohrenschildt), 310 (J. De Mohrenschildt); 8 H 386 (Meller); 10 H 245-246 (Mrs. Tobias); 1 H 11 (Marina Oswald); 5 H 416 (Marina Oswald); 11 H 296 (Marina Oswald); CE 1817.
8 H 388-(Meller).
1 H 11 (Marina Oswald); 11 H 297 (Marina Oswald).
1 H 11-12 (Marina Oswald), cf. 11 H 297-298 (Marina Oswald).
1 H 11-12 (Marina Oswald); 2 H 299-300 (K. Ford); 8 H 388 (Meller), 365 (Bouhe); 11 H 296 (Marina Oswald).
2 H 299 (K. Ford); but see CE 994, p. 27.
2 H 299 (K. Ford).
8 H 416 (V. Ray); 2 H 304 (K. Ford), 325 (D. Ford); 1 H 11-12 (Marina Oswald).
CE 994, p. 27-28.
11 H 299 (Marina Oswald).
2 H 304 (K. Ford), 325 (D. Ford); 8 H 416 (V. Ray), see 1 H 11 (Marina Oswald).
11 H 298 (Marina Oswald); see also 2 H 307 (K. Ford); 9 H 252 (G. De Mohrenschildt).
9 H 238, 266 (G. De Mohrenschildt).
8 H 372 (Bouhe); 9 H 238, 266 (G. De Mohrenschildt); 1 H 35 (Marina Oswald).
5 H 419 (Marina Oswald); 9 H 266 (G. De Mohrenschildt); 1 H 34-35 (Marina Oswald).
9 H 65-69 (Lydia Dymitruk); 5 H 419 (Marina Oswald); 10 H 247-248 (Mrs. Tobias).
2 H 318 (K. Ford).
11 H 299 (Marina Oswald).
1 H 385-389 (R. Oswald); CE 320; 11 H 52-60 (J. Pic)
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Notes to Pages 721-728
Id. at 53-54, 81. Accord, 2 H 341 (Peter Gregory); 8 H 423 (V. Ray); 9 H 311 (J. De Mohrenschildt); 1 H 36 (Marina Oswald).
9 H 143-144 (Paul Gregory); 11 H 58-59 (J. Pic); 1 H 389 (R. Oswald).
Id. at 389-391; CE 322, 324.
CE 986, p. 2748-A.
See e.g., CE 93, p. 3; 1147; 8 H 370-371 (Bouhe).
CE 986, p. 2757-A.
E.g., CE 31, 32, 33, 57.
CE 1172.
Farrell Dobbs DE 1, 9, 10, 11; 3 H 118 (R. Paine).
James J. Tormey DE 1; Arnold Johnson DE 5; Dobbs DE 12.
1 H 5 (Marina Oswald); CE 2642.
8 H 371 (Bouhe); see id. at 382 (Meller); 9 H 150 (Paul Gregory).
1 H 5 (Marina Oswald); 5 H 392-393, 416 (Marina Oswald); CE 1404, p. 456; CE 2652.
9 H 243, 253 (G. De Mohrenschildt); 2 H 326 (D. Ford); 305-307 (K. Ford); 9 H 29-33 (Natalie Ray), 39-41 (Thomas Ray).
9 H 245-246 (G. De Mohrenschildt), 319-320 (J. De Mohrenschildt); 2 H 306, 308 (K. Ford), 329 (D. Ford); 8 H 369-370 (Bouhe), 389 (Meller).
CE 1866, p. 573.
2 H 307 (K. Ford); 8 H 389-390 (Meller), 370 (Bouhe); 9 H 33 (Natalie Ray).
See 9 H 256 (G. De Mohrenschildt).
10 H 19-20 (Everett D. Clover).
Id. at 21-25.
Id. at 24-29; 2 H 435-444 (R. Paine).
Ibid.; 2 H 385-386 (M. Paine); 1 H 35-36 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 36; 2 H 443-445 (R. Paine); CE 404.
11 H 155-156 (M. Waldo George); see CE 1133, 1134, 1167, pp. 465-467.
10 H 241 (Mrs. Tobias), 258-259 (M. F. Tobias).
1 H 10 (Marina Oswald); see 9 H 94 (Taylor).
8 H 370 (Bouhe).
CE 2699; 1130; 1 H 9 (Marina Oswald); 9 H 94 (Taylor).
2 H 445-457 (R. Paine).
CE 994, p. 32.
See ch. IV, pp. 118-120, 172-174, supra.
See ch. IV, p. 121, supra; app. X, pp. 571-577, supra; 10 H 198-199, 201 (Ofstein).
7 H 365 (William J. Waldman), 376-377 (Heinz W. Michaelis).
5 H 396 (Marina Oswald).
1 H 13 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 14-15, 93-94; 5 H 396-398 (Marina Oswald); CE 1156, p. 442; CE 2694.
1 H 15-16 (Marina Oswald).
See ch. IV, pp. 184-185, supra.
1 H 17-18, 38 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 16-17.
Ibid.; 11 H 404-405 (Edwin A. Walker).
1 H 16-18 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 18; 9 H 249-250 (G. De Mohrenschildt), 317 (J. De Mohrenschildt).
10 H 187-189 (Graef), 198-199, 204-205 (Ofstein), 172-173 (Stovall); 11 H 479 (Theodore F. Gangl).
10 H 189 (Graef); 11 H 479 (Gangl); Gangl DE 1.
8 H 409 (John Hall).
1 H 18 (Marina Oswald); 2 H 517 (R. Paine).
Cunningham DE l-A; 11 H 478 (Cunningham).
John W. Burcham DE 1.
Ibid.
1 H 10 (Marina Oswald).
11 H 155-156 (George); 2 H 470, 472 (R. Paine).
Id. at 447, 472.
11 H 155-156 (George).
1 H 10 (Marina Oswald).
CE 7, 9, 986.
1 H 35, 68 (Marina Oswald); 2 H 448 (R. Paine).
Id. at 457-458; 1 H 18 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 18-19.
2 H 459 (R. Paine); 1 H 19 (Marina Oswald).
8 H 133-134 (Lillian Murret), 164 (Marilyn Murret).
8 H 135-136 (L. Murret), 165-166 (M. Murret); CE 1919.
11 H 474-476 (John Rachal); Rachal DE 1.
Ibid.; Rachal DE 2; 8 H 135 (L. Murret); CE 1893, 1946, 1951; Bobb Hunley DE 3.
8 H 135 (L. Murret).
Burcham DE 1.
CE 1911.
CE 68-A.
CE 69-A.
CE 1398; 11 H 473-474 (Emmett Charles Barbe, Jr.).
10 H 214-219 (Charles Joseph LeBlanc); 11 H 473-474 (Barbe).
8 H 137 (L. Murret).
2 H 517 (R. Paine).
8 H 58 (M. Evans), 72-73 (J. Evans), 186 (Charles Murret); 10 H 265-266 (Mrs. Jesse Garner).
2 H 468-469, 475-477, 484-485 (R. Paine); 8 H 139-141 (L. Murret), 186 (C. Murret); 1 H 19 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 25.
8 H 172 (M. Murret).
1 H 25 (Marina Oswald).
2 H 499-500 (R. Paine); 3 H 5, 8-9 (R. Paine); CE 421, 1929.
11 H 473-474 (Barbe); 10 H 214-219 (LeBlanc), 220-229 (Adrian Alba).
Burcham DE 1; Rachal DE 1; Hunley DE 2, 5; CE 421, 1911.
CE 1781, p. 550.
Folsom DE 1, pp. 38-41.
CE 1969.
1 H 10, 68 (Marina Oswald); 2 H 448 (R. Paine); CE 408.
CE 12.
CE 13.
1 H 44 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 47.
CE 994, pp. 34-35; see also CE 415; but see CE 408.
1 H 68 (Marina Oswald).
CE 408.
2 H 470-472 (R. Paine).
2 H 449, 491-496 (R. Paine); CE 410, 411, 412.
CE 415.
CE 416.
CE 2649; 8 H 147-148 (L. Murret); 8 H 186-187 (C. Murret); CE 421, 2648.
CE 2649; 8 H 186, 187 (C. Murret); CE 2648.
Lee DE 2, 4; CE 1410, 1411, 1413, pp. 28 31; CE 2542, 2543, 2544, 2545.
10 H 34-37 (Bringuier).
Id. at 37-38; CE 1413, pp. 19-27. He had probably passed out such leaflets on another occasion in June, near a U.S. naval vessel. CE 1412.
CE 826, pp. 5-10; 10 H 53-57 (Francis L. Martello)
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Notes to Pages 729-736
10 H 90 (Vincent T. Lee); 1 H 64-65 (Marina Oswald); 5 H 402-403 (Marina Oswald).
CE 1413, pp. 19, 21, 34; Lee DE 6; 10 H 38-39 (Bringuier).
1 H 24 (Marina Oswald).
10 H 39-41 (Bringuier), 64-66 (Charles Hall Steele, Jr.); Garner DE 1; Frank Pizzo DE 453A, 453B; Bringuier DE 1, 2.
11 H 474-476 (Rachal).
10 H 41-42 (Bringuier); 1 H 25 (Marina Oswald).
11 H 158-165 (William Kirk Stuckey).
Id. at ,166-169; 10 H 42-43 (Bringuier).
11 H 169-171 (Stuckey); Stuckey DE 3; Bringuier DE 3, 4.
11 H 171 (Stuckey).
11 H 162, 168-171 (Stuckey).
Lee DE 1, 2, 4, 5., 6, 7.
Arnold Johnson DE 4.
Arnold Johnson DE 4-A.
Lee DE 4, 5, 6, 7.
3 H 4-7 (R. Paine); 1 H 26 (Marina Oswald); CE 1929, p. 193.
1 H 26 (Marina Oswald); 3 H 9 (R. Paine).
1 H 22-23, 37, 46-47 (Marina Oswald); CE 1404, pp. 451-453.
CE 2478; CE 1143, p. 1; CE 2119, pp. 20-21; CE 2120; CE 2563, p. 1.
See ch. VI, p. 314, supra.
See CE 2481, 2478; app. XIV, p. 745, infra.
CE 2124, p. 383; CE 2125, pp. 475, 477-478; CE 2479; cf. 10 H 276-277 (Jesse J. Garner).
1 H 37, 45 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 23. CE 1156, p. 444.
10 H 276 (Jesse J. Garner), 274 (Mrs. Jesse Garner).
11 H 460-464 (Eric Rogers).
CE 2126.
10 H 276 (Jesse J. Garner).
CE 116.
CE 18.
CE 1969; CE 946; 11 H 217 (Pamela Mumford); CE 2121, p. 39.
CE 93, 986, 2121, p. 39; CE 2564.
CE 2121, p. 39.
1 H 25 (Marina Oswald); CE 2121, p. 39; CE 93.
1 H 24-25 (Marina Oswald).
CE 2121, p. 39.
Ibid.
CE 93.
CE 126 .
Rogers DE 1.
11 H 214 (John Bryan and Meryl McFarland), 221-222 (Mumford); CE 2127, p. I; CE 2128, 2121, pp. 8, 9, 55, 119; CE 2129, pp. 18-19; CE 2532, pp. 12-13; 2460, p. 5; but see 11 H 462-463 (Rogers).
When he picked up the check, he apparently also filed a change of mailing address. CE 2131, 2476.
App. XIV, p. 745, infra; but cf. CE 2481.
1 H 27 (Marina Oswald).
CE 2533.
11 H 179-180 (Estelle Twiford), 179 (Horace E. Twiford); CE 2533; CE 2961, 2962.
11 H 179 (H. Twiford), 179-180 (E. Twiford).
Ibid.
CE 2134.
11 H 179-180 (E. Twiford), 179 (H. Twiford).
Ibid.; 11 H 179-180 (E. Twiford).
CE 2137, pp. 8-12; CE 2138, p. 15.
CE 2137, pp. 14-15, 17; CE 2138, p. 3.
Id. at 12-14.
11 H 214 (McFarland).
Ibid.; CE 1143, p. 4; CE 2191, pp. 5-7; CE 2534.
11 H 214-215 (McFarland); CE 2534.
CE 2193, pp. 1-2; CE 2123, 2566, pp. 2-3.
CE 2463, pp. 10-12; CE 2566, p. 2.
11 H 214-215 (McFarland), 215-224 (Mumford).
Id. at 220.
CE 2195.
11 H 217-218 (Mumford); CE 2121, pp. 114-115.
11 H 219 (Mumford); CE 116.
CE 2566, p. 2.
11 H 220 (Mumford), 214-215 (McFarland).
CE 2121, p. 54; CE 2120, 3073, p. 7.
CE 1400, 2121, pp. 46, 54, 59; CE 2488.
CE 2121, p. 59.
Id. at 47; CE 2444, p. 53; CE 2480.
CE 2121, pp. 47. 54.
CE 2568.
CE 1969, 2121, p. 1.
CE 18, p. 54 CE 2567.
CE 2121, p. 39; CE 3073, p. 7.
CE 2564; see CE 93.
CE 2445, p. 2.
CE 2121, p. 39.
CE 2764, 3073, p. 6; see 1 H 28 (Marina Oswald).
CE 2764.
CE 15. He appears to have attempted to record Kostikov's name in his guide book. CE 2486.
1 H 28 (Marina Oswald).
CE 2121, p. 39; CE 2449.
CE 2121, p. 39.
Id. at 39-40; CE 2120; cf. CE 2445.
CE 2121, p. 40; CE 2465; CE 18, p. 54; CE 2445, p. 2; CE 2120.
CE 2121, p. 39.
CE 2445, p. 3; CE 2121, p. 40.
Confidential information.
1 H 27-28, 50 (Marina Oswald); CE 1156, p. 445.
3 H 13-18, 51-52 (R. Paine); 9 H 395 (R. Paine).
CE 15.
CE 2121, pp. 55, 57.
Id. at 57.
Id. at 54-55, 57. One Juarez has said he saw Oswald talking to some Cubans, but an intensive investigation indicates that this is a case of mistaken identity. CE 2450, 2451, 2569, 2570, 2571, 2572, 2573, 2574, 2575, 2787, 3095.
CE 2450.
CE 1400. Oswald marked them on his map of Mexico City. CE 2488, p. 5.
See CE 1166, pp. 6-8; CE 2489; 1 H 27 (Marina Oswald); CE 3073, p. 8.
Ibid. Oswald marked several museums, art galleries, and parks on his guide map, CE 2488, pp. 1-2; see CE 1166, pp. 9-10; CE 2576, 3073, pp. 1, 6, 10.
1 H 27 (Marina Oswald); CE 3073, p. 10.
CE 2486, 3073, pp. 4-5.
CE 116, 2488, p. 2; CE 3073, pp. 1, 6.
CE 2121, pp. 116-118.
CE 2190; see CE 1166, p. 13.
CE 2484.
1 H 27 (Marina Oswald); CE 3042, p. 59; CE 2484, 2121, pp. 124-128
Page 869
Ibid.
CE 2467, pp. 152, 156-157; see also 1 H 27 (Marina Oswald).
Ibid; CE 116.
See CE 1400.
CE 2530, 2531, 2537, 2536, 2458, 2121, pp. 64-69; CE 1166, pp. 2-3; CE 2469, pp. 1-2; CE 2538, 2532, p. 5; CE 2638, 3073, pp. 2, 3.
CE 2639, 2539, p. 1.
CE 2452, 2121, pp. 99-103; CE 2470, 2471, pp. 1-2; CE 2527.
CE 2121, pp. 99-105; CE 2535, pp. 1-2; CE 1143, p. 3.
CE 2540, p. 9.
CE 2121, pp. 56, 119.
Id. at 72-78; CE 2459, 2460, 2535, pp. 10-11.
CE 2121, pp. 61, 76; CE 2456, p. 3; CE 2459, pp. 2-3; CE 2460, p. 6; CE 2532, p. 9.
CE 2121, p. 61; CE 2456, p. 4.
1 H 70 (Marina Oswald).
CE 2456, p. 5.
CE 2461.
CE 2129, p. 6; CE 2121, pp. 8, 60, 75-77.
CE 2577, 2121, pp. 61, 77-78; CE 2130, 2456, p. 6.
CE 2129, p. 2; CE 2130, 2577.
Burcham DE 1.
Cunningham DE I-A; 11 H 478 (Cunningham).
Hulen DE 7, 11; 10 H 281-283 (Hulen), 285-290 (Barnhorst); 1 H 27 (Marina Oswald).
11 H 479 (Gangl); Gangl DE 1.
3 H 26, 28-29 (R. Paine); 1 H 27 (Marina Oswald).
3 H 26-31, 33 (R. Paine); 1 H 27-28, 50 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 50.
Id. at 28.
3 H 30-31 (R. Paine).
Id. at 31.
10 H 293 (Gladys J. Johnson).
6 H 401-402 (Mary E. Bledsoe).
Id. at 404; 10 H 139-140 (R. L. Adams); 11 H 486-481 (R. L. Adams).
6 H 404-406 (Bledsoe).
Id. at 404; 3 H 45 (R. Paine); CE 1401 p. 262.
CE 994, p. 38.
6 H 405-406 (Bledsoe).
3 H 12, 32, 35 (R. Paine).
Id. at 5, 33-34.
3 H 32 (R. Paine); 9 H 428-429 (R. Paine).
6 H 407 (Bledsoe).
10 H 294 (G. Johnson); 6 H 436-437 (E. Roberts).
3 H 38-39 (R. Paine); 10 H 294 (G. Johnson).
6 H 437 (Roberts).
CE 2642.
2 H 418-419 (M. Paine); 3 H 117-119 (R. Paine); 9 H 455 (M. Paine); 7 H 293 (Holmes).
3 H 33-34 (R. Paine); 1 H 29 (Marina Oswald); CE 994, p. 38.
3 H 34 (R. Paine); CE 994, p. 38; 3 H 213 (Roy S. Truly)
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Notes to Pages 736-741
3 H 34-35 (R. Paine); CE 994, p. 38.
3 H 214, 216 (Truly); CE 1949.
3 H 37 (R. Paine); CE 994, p. 38.
3 H 214-216 (Truly).
1 H 68 (Marina Oswald).
3 H 214-216 (Truly); 6 H 328 (William H. Shelley).
3 H 217-218 (Truly); 6 H 375 (Jack E. Dougherty), 394 (Geneva L. Hine), 382-383 (Eddie Piper); 2 H 219 (Buell W. Frazier).
Id. at 216.
Id. at 217.
3 H 40 (R. Paine); 1 H 52 (Marina Oswald); CE 994, p. 40.
3 H 39 (R. Paine); 1 H 54 (Marina Oswald).
3 H 39-40 (R. Paine); CE 994, p. 40.
Ibid.
3 H 40 (R. Paine).
Arnold Johnson DE 7.
1 H 55 (Marina Oswald); 2 H 407-408 (M. Paine); 9 H 462-468 (Raymond F. Krystinik).
Ibid; 2 H 407-412 (M. Paine).
9 H 465 (Krystinik).
1 H 54-55 (Marina Oswald); 3 H 40-41 (R. Paine).
Holmes DE 1.
3 H 41 (R. Paine).
4 H 441-448 (James A. Hosty), 432-440 (John L. Quigley); see CE 834, p. 8; see generally ch. VIII, pp. 434-440. supra.
4 H 449-454 (Hosty); 1 H 48, 56-57 (Marina Oswald); 3 H 92, 96-104 (R. Paine).
1 H 48 (Marina Oswald).
3 H 101-102 (R. Paine); 1 H 57 (Marina Oswald).
3 H 102 (R. Paine).
CE 15.
1 H 48-49 (Marina Oswald).
2 H 217 (Frazier).
2 H 514 (R. Paine); 3 H 41 (R. Paine); 11 H 153-154 (R. Paine); 1 H 62 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 54, 63; 2 H 515-516 (R. Paine); 3 H 41 (R. Paine).
1 H 53, 54, 63, 65-66 (Marina Oswald); 3 H 43-46 (R. Paine). Mrs. Paine thought she had placed the call to Oswald on Monday, November 18. Id. at 43.
3 H 45-46 (R. Paine).
2 H 222-223 (Frazier).
2 H 508 (R. Paine); 3 H 46, 56-57 (R. Paine); 9 H 414 (R. Paine); 1 H 65 (Marina Oswald).
2 H 508 (R. Paine); 3 H 46 (R. Paine); 1 H 64-65 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 65.
3 H 46-47, 56-60 (R. Paine); 1 H 65 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 65-66; but see 3 H 47 (R. Paine).
1 H 66 (Marina Oswald); 3 H 60 (R. Paine); 9 H 418 (R. Paine).
3 H 47-49 (R. Paine); 1 H 66 (Marina Oswald)
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Appendix XIV
Martin Isaacs DE 1, but see footnote 9.
Ibid., 1 H 318 (Robert Oswald).
1 H 132 (Marguerite Oswald).
Isaacs DE 1; CE 1159.
Isaacs DE 1; CE 1159.
CE 1159; 1 H 3 (Marina Oswald).
Isaacs DE 1.
8 H 336 (Pauline Bates).
1 H 318 (R. Oswald). Robert Oswald testified that Lee paid him back a little less than $100 upon Lee's arrival

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Notes to Pages 741-745
If this is so, Lee Harvey Oswald had more money than he reported to the Welfare Department when he arrived in New York. The $30 figure is an estimate based upon reported funds available to Lee Harvey Oswald when he arrived in Fort Worth and upon Robert Oswald's statement as to later payments.
CE 1165, 1173.
1 H 318 (R. Oswald).
CE 1170, 1171, see footnote 56. There is no record of initial subscription. This represents an estimate of cost based on subscription rates in July 1962.
CE 1165, 1173.
CE 1120.
1 H 318 (R. Oswald).
10 H 230 (Chester Riggs).
CE 1172.
Estimate based on approximate time Oswalds resided on Mercedes Ave., Fort Worth in August. 4 H 419 (John W. Fain); 1 H 134 (Marguerite Oswald).
CE 1165, 1173.
9 H 144 (Paul R. Gregory); 2 H 340 (Peter P. Gregory); 5 H 419 (Marina Oswald).
10 H 230 (C. Riggs); CE 1160.
CE 1120.
1 H 318 (R. Oswald).
CE 1147.
CE 1165, 1167, 1173, 1174.
8 H 372 (George H. Bouhe).
CE 1120.
10 H 288 (Colin Barnhorst); 10 H 281 (Richard L. Hulen); CE 1160.
CE 1160.
1 H 318 (R. Oswald).
Marina Oswald lived at the Hall's for part of the month. 1 H 7, 31 (Marina Oswald). She also received assistance from other people. See e.g. 11 H 119-120 (A. Kleinlerer); 8 H 345-346 (Clark); 5 H 419 (Marina Oswald); 1 H 8 (Marina Oswald).
CE 1167, 1174.
10 H 238-240 (Mrs. Mahlon F. Tobias) (included $5 key deposit which was never returned).
11 H 470 (Taylor).
CE 1120.
9 H 143 (Paul R. Gregory); 1 H 387 (R. Oswald); CE 1168.
Marina Oswald lived with the Mellers, the Fords, and the Rays during part of this month. 2 H 299 (Ford); 8 H 386-387 (Meller); 8 H 416-417 (Ray); 1 H 11-12 (Marina Oswald).
CE 1167, 1174.
10 H 240 (Tobias).
CE 1160.
CE 1120.
Farrell Dobbs DE 1; 3 H 118 (Ruth Paine).
CE 1167, 1174.
10 H 240 (Tobias); CE 1160.
CE 1120.
7 H 376 (Heinz W. Michaelis); Michaelis DE 2; CE 1137.
CE 1130.
CE 1147.
CE 1167, 1174.
10 H 240 (Tobias); CE 1160.
2 H 418, 9 H 455 (Michael Paine); 3 H 118 (R. Paine); CE 1145, 1172.
CE 1167, 1174.
CE 1133, 1134, 1160; 11 H 155 (M. Waldo George).
CE 1160.
CE 1136; William J. Waldman DE 7.
CE 1152, 1170, 1171.
7 H 376-378 (Michaelis); Michaelis DE 5; CE 1137.
CE 1167, 1174.
CE 1165.
11 H 155 (George); CE 1134.
2 H 459 (R. Paine); CE 1168.
Although Oswald spent part of this month at the Murrets, 8 H 133, 139 (Lillian Murret), and Marina Oswald spent part of the time at Ruth Paine's, 2 H 457- 461 (R. Paine), he left money with his wife, 3 H 9 (R. Paine).
CE 1161, 1175.
CE 1157, 1161.
10 H 265, 274, 276 (Mrs. Jesse Garner); CE 1139.
Dobbs DE 2. Oswald received copies of the Militant after September 1963 but there is no record he paid for a subscription, 3 H 118, 119 (R. Paine).
10 H 93 (Vincent T. Lee); V. T. Lee DE 3-4; CE 1140, 1410.
Although Oswald spent part of the time at the Murrets, 8 H 139 (L. Murret), and his wife spent part of the time at Ruth Paine's, 2 H 468 (R. Paine), this would be offset by the fact that Ruth Paine and her children spent time at the Oswald apartment, and the expenses involved in moving into an apartment in another city, 9 H 343 (R. Paine).
CE 1161, 1175.
See footnote 65.
CE 1158.
CE 1410, 1411.
CE 1176.
CE 1161, 1175.
See footnote 65.
CE 1411.
CE 1157, 1161.
See footnote 65.
CE 1177; V. T. Lee DE 6.
10 H 64-66 (Charles H. Steele, Jr.) There is evidence that two people were handing out literature, but it is not known if both were paid $2.
CE 1157, 1161.
Although Oswald left for Mexico and his wife stayed with Ruth Paine during the latter part of the month, this is offset by additional expenses incurred in preparing for the Mexican trip.
Marina Oswald testified that just before she left New Orleans, her husband had told her that he had a little over $100 which would be sufficient for his Mexican trip, 1 H 27 (Marina Oswald). Later she stated he told her he had between $160-$180, CE 1156. Oswald received $33 in unemployment compensation after his wife left New Orleans. Oswald failed to pay his rent for September 9. 10 H 274-275 (Mrs. Jesse Garner).
CE 1146, 1166; 1 H 27 (Marina Oswald).
CE 1166.
CE 1156; 1 H 27 (Marina Oswald); CE 1166.
Marina Oswald testified that her husband returned from Mexico with about $50 or $70, 1 H 51 (Marina Oswald); CE 1156. She later said he had about $70.
CE 1157, 1165.
CE 1129.
10 H 283 (Hulen); 10 H 290 (Barnhorst); 6 H 401 (Mary L. Bledsoe); 10 H 294 (Mrs. A. C. Johnson).
Daring this time Marina Oswald was living with Ruth Paine. Oswald spent weekends there also, 9 H 344 (R. Paine); 1 H 69-70 (Marina Oswald); 2 H 216, 219 (Buell W. Frazier).
CE 1129.
10 H 294 (Mrs. Johnson).
CE 1152, 1178.
CE 1151.
2 H 256 (William W. Whaley); 2 H 268 (Cecil J. McWatters); CE 1168.
See footnote 91.
CE 1148, 1155
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Notes to Pages 746-758

Appendix XV
CE 1114.
He had made out his application for admission on Mar. 19, 1959. See CE 228, p. 1.
CE 1114.
CE 946.
5 H 262 (Richard E. Snyder).
5 H 295-296.
5 H 262, 288-289.
CE 101.
Oswald's appearance at the Embassy has been reconstructed from the testimony of Richard E. Snyder, 5 H 262-265, 269-270, and 287-291, and of John A. McVickar, 5 H 300-304 and 322-324, from memoranda and communications made at the time, CE 908, 909, 919, 941, and 958 and from Oswald's own notes, CE 24 and 101.
5 H 300 (McVickar); 5 H 289 (Snyder).
5 H 262 (Snyder).
5 H 263 (Snyder).
5 H 263 (Snyder).
5 H 289 (Snyder).
5 H 270 (Snyder); CE 101.
5 H 263; 289-290 (Snyder).
5 H 289 (Snyder); CE 908, p. 1; CE 101.
5 H 289 (Snyder); see passport, CE 946, p. 1.
5 H 263 (Snyder).
CE 913; 5 H 263, 289 (Snyder).
CE 908, p. 2.
CE 946, pp. 8-9; CE 908, p. 2.
CE 908, p. 2.
CE 908, p. 1.
CE 908, p. 2.
CE 908, p. 2.
Ibid.
Ibid.
5 H 290 (Snyder); see CE 908, p. 3.
5 H 264, 290-291 (Snyder).
CE 908, p. 2; CE 909, pp. 2-3; 5 H 264, 290-291 (Snyder).
5 H 291 (Snyder); see CE 910.
5 H 266-267 (Snyder); CE 910.
CE 908, p. 2.
CE 950, p. 3; 5 H 341 (Abram Chayes).
CE 910.
CE 2750 (see stamp); CE 834, p. 1.
CE 2752; and see CE 2750.
CE 908.
Id. at p. 3.
CE 2749 (see stamp); CE 834, p. 2 (FBI); CE 2752 and enclosure.
CE 910.
CE 916, 961.
Ibid.; 5 H 347-348 (Waterman).
CE 909, p. 3; CE 911, p. 2; CE 920.
CE 919, 920.
CE 912.
CE 920.
CE 919.
CE 942, 943, 2683, 2684, 2715.
Ibid.
11 H 444 (Johnson).
CE 911.
CE 911, p. 2; 11 H 446-447, 450-451 (Priscilla Johnson).
CE 921.
CE 24, entry of Jan. 4, 1960.
CE 985, Doc. Nos. 1(A), 2(A) and 3(A)(1).
CE 921; 5 H 274 (Snyder).
CE 923.
CE 927.
Ibid.
CE 928.
CE 925.
CE 926.
5 H 348-349 (Bernice Waterman).
5 H 349 (Waterman); CE 948, question No. 12, pp. 1-2, and regulations attached thereto.
CE 950, pt. 2, pp. 204; 5 H 317 (Chayes).
5 H 80 (Knight); CE 950, 2, pp. 3-4; and see CE 948, question No; 12 and all attachments thereto for a general description of the lookout card procedure.
CE 948, question No. 12, pp. 1-2 and regulations attached thereto.
CE 962; 5 H 348-349 (Waterman).
CE 963; 5 H 349 (Waterman).
CE 963, 929.
CE 948, question No. 13, pp. 2-3; 5 H 313 (Chayes).
CE 948, question No. 13, p. 1.
5 H 349-351.
Passport Office Instruction No. 2300.3 (reproduced in CE 948, question No. 12).
5 H 380 (Frances Knight); CE 948, Question 12, p. 3; CE 3111.
CE 2748.
CE 930.
See date stamped on CE 2681 and see CE 2757.
5 H 276 (Snyder).
CE 931; 5 H 276-277 (Snyder).
5 H 277 (Snyder).
CE 24, entry of Feb. 1, 1961.
CE 933.
CE 251, 940.
CE 932.
CE 940.
CE 1085.
5 H 352-354 (Waterman).
Ibid; CE 970. See CE 934.
CE 971, 5 H 353-354 (Waterman).
CE 1111; CE 24, entry of Apt. 31 [sic], 1961.
CE 936.
CE 252.
CE 937.
5 H 281 (Snyder); CE 24, entry of July 8, 1961.
CE 24, entry of July 8, 1961; and see 1 H 96-97 (Marina Oswald), and CE 1401.
CE 935, p. 3
CE 935, pp. 1-2.
5 H 281 (Snyder); CE 938.
CE 946; 5 H 284 (Snyder).
5 H 283 (Snyder).
5 H 283 (Snyder).
CE 947; 5 H 282-283, 286 (Snyder).
CE 938.
5 H 283 (Snyder).
5 H 359-360 (Waterman).
CE 938, pp. 3-4.
CE 946, p. 6; 5 H 284 (Snyder).
CE 935; 5 H 283-285 (Snyder).
CE 935, p. 3.
CE 935, p. 2.
5 H 318-319 (McVickar).
CE 1122 (letter of July 15, 1961).
CE 979; 5 H 357-358 (Waterman); 11 H 198 (Carroll Hamilton Seeley, Jr.).
CE 939.
CE 2747.
CE 981; 5 H 361-362 (Waterman).
CE 253-255, 246, 249, 256, 247, 1083, and 1093 (Oswald to Embassy, from Embassy files); CE 1076-1082, 1086, 1088 (Embassy to Oswald, from Embassy files); CE 1085, 1087, 1094, 1124; and 1100-1106 (Embassy to Oswald, found among his effects).
CE 946.
CE 1061, 1098.
5 H 283 (Snyder).
CE 979; 5 H 347, 357 (Waterman); CE 948, question No. 11, pp. 1-2
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Notes to Pages 758-770
5 H 362 (Waterman); 5 H 286 (Snyder).
CE 989; 5 H 372-376 (Knight); 5 H 308-312 (Chayes).
Fourteenth amendment; United States v. Wong Kim Ark 169 U.S. 649 (1898).
12 U.S.C. sec. 1481(a)(1).
See pp. 1, 2, 7, 9-12, supra.
12 U.S.C., sec. 1481(a)(6).
22 CFR, secs. 50.1-50.2; 8 Foreign Affairs Manual sec. 225.6.
CE 955; 5 H 263-265 (Snyder).
See pp. 2-4, supra.
12 U.S.C., sec. 1481 (a)(2).
CE 913.
CE 244, 913.
III Hackworth, "Digest of International Law," 219-220 (1942); see Jalbuena v. Dulles, 254 F. 2d 379, 381 footnote 2 (3d Cir. 1958).
In re Bautista, 183 f. Supp. 271, 274 (D.C. Guam, 1960); see also, Department of State to consul at Guadalajara, May 27, 1937, at 218; Department of State consular official in charge at Birmingham, May 10, 1938; Director of Consular Service to Counsel Glazbrooke, Oct. 30, 1914; Department of State to consul general in Berlin, Mar. 21, 1934; Roche, "The Loss of American Nationality-The Development of Statutory Expatriation," 99 U. Pa. L. Rev. 25, 33 (1950); III Hackworth, op. cit. supra, footnote 138, at 218-219.
III Hackworth, op. cit. supra, footnote at 138 at 218; In the Matter of L., 1 Dec. Imm. & Nat. Laws 317, 320, (B.I.A. 1942).
See e.g. CE 913.
12 U.S.C., 1481(a)(4).
5 H 310 (Chayes).
Cf Fletes-Mora v. Rogers, 160 F. Supp. 215 (S.D. Cal. 1958); Kenji Kamada v. Dulles, 145 F. Supp. 457, 459 (N.D. Cal. 1956) (both arising under sec. 401 of the Nationality Act of 1940); Roche, supra, footnote 138, at 51.
Insogna v. Dulles 116 F. Supp. 473 (D.D.C. 1953); Stipa v. Dulles, 233 F. 2d 551 (3d Cir. 1956).
5 H 304-306, 318-319 (McVickar).
CE 944, 959.
CE 944.
CE 945; 5 H 305 (McVickar).
CE 944; 5 H 305 (McVickar).
1 H 89-90, 97; 5 H 607-608 (Marina Oswald).
CE 944.
8 U.S.C., sec. 1155 (1953).
8 U.S.C., sec. 1182(a)(28)(C); 8 U.S.C., sec. 1182(a)(28)(I) (1953).
8 U.S.C. sec. 1182(a)(15) (1953).
8 U.S.C., sec. 1253(g).
CE 950, pt. IV, pp. 3-5; 5 H 339-340 (Chayes).
CE 944.
See CE 2746.
11 H 184-185 (Virginia James); CE 2745 (code phrase used).
CE 190, 193, 247, 256, 1081, 1093, 1100, 1101, 1102, 1104, 1124; CE 2692.
CE 2740, 2742, 2743, 2744.
CE 1095, pp. 1-2.
CE 2653 (taken from the Immigration and Naturalization Service file on Marina Oswald, p. 17 of CD 363); CE 196.
8 U.S.C., sec. 1155; 8 CFR, sec. 9.5 a, b.
CE 1073.
CE 1072.
CE 1073.
CE 1071.
CE 1069, 1070, 2751.
CE 1070, pp. 3-4.
CE 1070, p. 3.
CE 1070.
CE 1068.
Ibid.
Ibid.
CE 1067.
Ibid.
CE 1121.
CE 1066.
CE 1055, 1066, and see also 11 H 185-188 (James).
CE 1065.
Ibid.
CE 1064.
CE 249; see also CE 1103 (the notice itself).
CE 2735.
CE 1095.
CE 1096.
See CE 1095, p. 1, and CE 2734.
11 H 186 (James).
CE 1123, p. 1.
CE 2741.
CE 1123, p. 2.
James DE 6.
CE 1777; James DE 4.
James DE 5.
James DE 7.
CE 2653, 2654, 2689, 2690, 2702, 2704, 2705.
8 U.S.C., see. 1155.
CE 1070, pp. 3-4.
See CE 1073.
8 U.S.C., see. 1182(a) (15).
22 CFR, sec. 42.91(a)(15) (1963 Supp.).
8 U.S.C., sec. 1182(a)(28)(I) (1953).
CE 944; 5 H 607-608.
CE 950, pt. 4, pp. 203.
1 H 89-90, 97; 5 H 607-608 H (Marina Oswald).
5 H 321 (McVickar); Cf. Galvan v. Press, 347 U.S. 522, 527 (1954); Rowoldt v. Perfetto, 355 U.S. 115, 120 (1957) (cases arising tinder sec. 22 of The Internal Security Act of 1950 as amended in 1951).
Immigration and Nationality Act, sec. 212(a)(19); 8 U.S.C., sec. 1182(a) (19) (1953).
See generally, Gordon and Rosenfield, "Immigration Law and Procedure," 229, 424-427 (1959); Appleman, "Misrepresentation in Immigration Law; Materiality." 22 Fed. B.J. 267 (1962).
Langhammer v. Hamilton, 295 F. 2d 642, 648 (1st Cir. 1961); see also Chaunt v. United States, 364 U.S. 350, 355 (1960) (denaturalization proceeding).
E.g., Calvillo v. Robinson, 271 F. 2d 249 (7th Cir. 1959).
Visa Office Bulletin 90, Mar. 2, 1962.
CE 950, pt. 4, p. 4.
Ibid.
Operation Instructions of the Immigration and Naturalization Service 205.3. (This revised instruction was effective Feb. 15, 1962-June 30, 1962. Other versions which may have been considered during Oswald's case were different only in irrelevant respects.)
22 CFR, 42, 120 (1964. Supp.).
22 CFR., sec. 42.120 (1964 Supp.). Procedural note 2 (reproduced in CE 950, pt. 4, p. 5).
11 H 184, 186, 190-191 (James).
CE 950, pt. 4, p. 10; 11 H 190-191 (James).
CE 1058, pp. 1-2.
CE 1058, p. 11.
Id. at 4.
Id. at 5.
Id. at 6-11.
Id. at 2.
CE 246.
CE 1102.
CE 189, 2660, 2731.
CE 1138, 2660, 2680, 2760
Page 873
CE 223.
CE 197, 1086.
CE 2737, 2738, 2739.
CE 2736.
CE 1098.
CE 950, pt. 5, pp. 1-2. E.g., 60 Stat. 452, 79th Cong., 2d sess. (1946); 75 Stat. 546, 87th Cong., 1st sess. (1961).
CE 950, pt. 5, pp. 1-2. E.g., H. Rept. 442, 87th Cong., 1st sess. (1961) 4; H. Rept. 1996, 87th Cong., 2d sess. (1962) 4; H. Rept. 388, 88th Cong., 1st sess. (1963) 4.
CE 950, pt. 5, exhibit 2.
7 Foreign Affairs Manual sec. 423, 2-1.
7 Foreign Affairs Manual, sec. 423, 1-2.
CE 950, pt. 5, p. 3.
7 Foreign Affairs Manual sec. 423, 3-2.
7 Foreign Affairs Manual sec. 423, 3-5; CE 223, 2660, 2766.
7 Foreign Affairs Manual sec. 423, 3-3.
See supra, p. 758; cf. 7 Foreign Affairs Manual sec. 423, 7-1.
CE 950, pt. 5, p. 6; 7 Foreign Affairs Manuel sec. 423.5; CE 950 (repatriation loan, p. 7); 7 Foreign Affairs Manual sec. 423.6.
CE 948, question No. 13, p. 3.
CE 1098.
CE 948, question No. 13, pp. 3-4.
CE 1099, 1401.
CE 29, 946, 1099.
CE 1099.
See generally CE 834 (communications to FBI) and CE 2752 (communications to CIA).
CE 1059.
CE 1060, 1776.
CE 2657.
CE 1120.
CE 781, 952, 1969.
CE 781.
CE 781.
CE 952; 5 H 335 (Chayes).
CE 1969.
CE 2754, 2755; and see CE 952 (all applications that were made on June 24 for New Orleans in same teletype as Oswald's were authorized within 24 hours).
CE 948, question No. 1; 5 H 335 (Chayes). The accuracy of their statement was confirmed, see CE 1057.
5 H 334-335 (Chayes).
CE 950, pt. 2, p. 8.
CE 948, question No. 13, pp. 1-3.
Id. at question No. 13, pp. 3-4.
Kent v. Dulles, 357 U.S. 116 (1958).
Aptheker v. Secretary of State, 378 U.S. 500 (1964).
64 Stat. 993; 50 U.S.C. 785.
22 CFR 51.135 (1964 Supp.).
See ch. VI, pp. 287-290.
66 Stat.-190 (1952); 8 U.S.C. see. 1185(b)
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Notes to Pages 770-779
Proclamation No. 2914 (Dec. 16, 1950), 64 Stat. A454; Proclamation No. 2974 (Apr. 18, 1952), set out preceding 50 U.S.C. app. 1; Proclamation No. 3004 (Jan. 21, 1953), 18 Fed. Reg. 489.
22 CFR sec. 51.136 (1964 Supp.).
CE 948, question No. 17; 5 H 327-328, 337 (Chayes).
5 H 333 (Chayes).
CE 2750; Folsom DE 1.
CE 834, pp. 1-2; CE 2749, 2750; 5 H 333 (Chayes).
5 H 333 (Chayes) and see 11 H 200 (Seeley) and 5 H 383 (Knight).
Hearings before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee on Department of State Passport Policies, 85th Cong. 1st sess. pp. 38-39 (1957).
11 H 186-187 (James); 5 H 332 (Chayes); CE 950 (Repatriation Loan, p. 3); see Comment, "Passport Refusals for Political Reasons; Constitutional Issues and Judicial Review," 61 Yale L.J. 171, 174-178 (1952), for examples of passport refusals prior to Kent v. Dulles.
357 U.S. 116 (1958).
357 U.S. 144 (1958).
357 U.S. 116, 125-126.
Hearings before the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations on S. 2770, et al., 85th Cong., 2d sess., p. 35 (1958); id. at 41 (Roderic O'Connor, Administrator, Bureau of Security and Consular Affairs of the Department of State); id. at 22; hearings before the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations on S. 806 et al. 86th Cong., 1st sess., p. 58 (1959); see also testimony of John W. Hanes. Jr., Administrator, Bureau of Security and Consular Affairs, Department of State; Hearings before a special subcommittee of the Senate Committee on Government Operations on S. 2095, 86th Cong., 1st sess. 157 (1959); compare id. at 369. The regulation was reenacted in 1962. 22 CFR sec. 51.136 (1964 Supp.).
CE 949; 5 H 327-328, 331-332 (Chayes); 5 H 379-380 (Knight).
5 H 327-329, 333 (Chayes); id. at 338-339; CE 2756, attachment pp. 2-3. However, the Department had stamped Oswald's passport valid for direct return to the United States only, prior to granting him a repatriation loan. CE 946, p. 6, and 5 H 284 (Snyder).
5 H 327-329, 333 (Chayes).
Copy of communication cannot be shown for security reasons.
CE 948, question No. 16.
11 H 201-203 (Carroll Hamilton Seeley, Jr.) 11 H 191-193 (James L. Ritchie); CE 948, question No. 16.
CE 948, question No. 16; see 5 H 382-383 (Knight).
11 H 482 (James D. Crowley).
CE 2688; cf. 5 H 278, 280, 288.
James DE 9
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Appendix XVI
See also CE 1286.
See CE 1290.
CE 1254; CE 1297, p. 1.
See Mrs. Alice Nichols DE 5355, p. 285; CE 1234, 1274, 1654.
C. Ray Hall DE 2, pp. 13, 16; C. Ray Hall DE 1; CE 1322, p. 748.
CE 1232.
CE 1181.
But cf. Sam Ruby DE 1, p. 185.
15 H 15 (Hyman Rubenstein); CE 1252; CE 1281, p. 20; CE 1285.
See generally CE 1283, 1284.
See CE 1186.
CE 1254; see 14 H 439 (Eva Grant).
1254; see 14 H 488 (Sam Ruby).
14 H 366 (Earl Ruby); but see CE 1286.
15 H 276 (Eileen Kaminsky); CE 1698, p. 1
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Notes to Pages 779-787
See CE 1281, p. 20; cf. 15 H 19 (Rubenstein) and CE 1297, p. 3, with CE 1185.
CE 1283; see 15 H 14 (Rubenstein).
CE 1283; cf. 15 H 14 (Rubenstein).
Id. at 14-15; CE 1297, pp. 3-4.
15 H 18 (Rubenstein); see 14 H 439 (Grant); CE 1281, pp. 20, 42; CE 1297, p. 3.
15 H 15 (Rubenstein); cf. CE 1281, pp. 11, 20.
See CE 1284; 14 H 437-438 (Grant); 15 H 17 (Rubenstein).
CE 1281, p. 20.
15 H 15 (Rubenstein); cf. CE 1283.
See CE 1283.
See CE 1281, pp. 11-12.
14 H 438-439 (Grant).
CE 1284; see CE 12 1, pp. 11, 20; cf. CE 1238.
See CE 1252; CE 1281, pp. 11, 20; CE 1284, 1285, p. 2; see also 15 H 2, 3 (Rubenstein).
CE 1281, p. 11.
CE 1284; CE 1281, p. 11.
See CE 1281, pp. 11, 14, 20, 23; 15 H 17-18 (Rubenstein); 14 H 418 (Earl Ruby); 14 H 285 (Kaminsky).
See 15 H 8, 19-20 (Rubenstein).
CE 1185.
CE 1290.
CE 1185.
14 H 366 (Earl Ruby).
14 H 441 (Grant).
14 H 367 (Earl Ruby).
15 H 18 (Rubenstein).
CE 1256.
14 H 439 (Grant); CE 1281, p. 11; see CE 1297, pp. 3, 8.
CE 1281, p. 21.
Id. at 42; see also 15 H 18-19 (Rubenstein).
CE 1291, p. 1.
CE 1297, p. 2; CE 1291, pp. 4-5.
CE 1297, p. 13 see CE 1291, pp. 5-6.
CE 1291, pp, 6-7.
CE 1297, p. 3; CE 1291, p. 1.
CE 1297, p. 1.
CE 1291, p. 4; see CE 1297, p. 2; see also id. at 7.
CE 1297, p. 9; see CE 1291, p. 2.
CE 1291, p. 2; see CE 1297, p. 9.
CE 1291, p. 2; see CE 1297, p. 22.
CE 1297, pp. 11, 16; CE 1291, p. 3.
CE 1291, p. 4; see CE 1297, p. 7.
CE 1291, p. 4.
CE 1297, p. 2; see CE 1291, p. 5.
CE 1291, p. 6.
CE 1254, 1286.
CE 1254; CE 1291, p. 1; see 14 H 367 (Earl Ruby).
CE 1254, 1255.
CE 1256.
C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 12; 15 H 276-277 (Kaminsky).
14 H 366-367 (Earl Ruby).
15 H 9-10 (Rubenstein); 15 H 277-278 (Kaminsky); CE 1281, pp. 11-12.
Id. at 12.
CE 1188.
CE 1281, p. 23.
15 H 19 (Rubenstein).
CE 1281, pp. 11, 13, 20, 23.
Id. at 3-8.
Id. at 35.
Id. at 43.
Id. at 42-44; see also id. at 40-41.
Id. at 28.
Id. at 36, 34.
Id. at 47-48.
CE 1283, 1284; el. p. 780 supra.
CE 1238.
15 H 19-20 (Rubenstein).
14 H 120 (Alice Nichols); see 15 H 278 (Kaminsky).
CE 1253.
CE 1290.
See CE 1297, pp. 17, 22, 26.
See CE 1290; cf. CE 1202, and Earl Ruby DE 4, p. 174, with CE 1276.
See 15 H 10 (Rubenstein); 14 H 439 (Grant); 14 H 416, 420 (Earl Ruby); Sam Ruby DE 1, p. 185; C. Ray Hall DE 2, p. 13; C. Ray Hall DE I; CE 1185.
See CE 1290.
See 15 H 10 (Rubenstein); CE 1297, pp. 2, 8.
CE 1297, pp. 12, 17; see CE 1291, p. 4.
15 H 18 (Rubenstein); 14 H 418 (Earl Ruby); see 15 H 284-285 (Kaminsky).
14 H 418 (Earl Ruby).
See 15 H 18 (Rubenstein).
15 H 10 (Rubenstein); Sam Ruby DE 1, p. 185; C. Ray Mall DE I; CE 1195, 1197, 1200, 1282.
15 H 26 (Rubenstein); C. Ray Hall DE 1; CE 1193, 1195, 1204, 1282.
15 H 12 (Rubenstein).
15 H 533-534 (Jack Ruby).
See 15 H 9 (Rubenstein); CE 1254, 1255, 1699.
14 H 443-445 (Grant); 15 H 21 (Rubenstein).
15 H 21 (Rubenstein); 14 H 444-445 (Grant); see, e.g., CE 1193, 1194, 1195, 1196, 1197, 1200, 1202, 1205; Joseph Rossi DE 1; CE 1219.
Sam Ruby DE 1, p. 185; C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 15; CE 1195, 1196, 1197, 1205, 1219; but cf. CE 1217, 1218.
See 15 H 11-14 (Rubenstein); CE 1193.
CE 1200, 1216.
15 H 21 (Rubenstein); CE 1288; CE 1289, p. 4.
CE 1244.
CE 1195.
CE 1200, 1242.
CE 1194, 1197, 1246, 1289, p. 3; see also p. 781 supra.
CE 1267.
CE 1193; see also CE 1282.
CE 1282; CE 1289, p. 3.
E.g., CE 1208, 1266, 1267.
CE 1191.
See, e.g., CE 1191, 1194, 1198, 1261; cf. CE 1297, pp. 17, 23.
14 H 440 (Grant).
CE 1191.
14 H 440 (Grant).
15 H 28 (Rubenstein); see, e.g., CE 1185, 1191, 1193, 1194, 1215, 1217.
C. Ray Hall DE 1; C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 13; see also 14 H 44 (Grant); CE 1239.
See CE 1195, 1198, 1231, 1241, 1263, 1278.
C. Ray Hall DE 1; C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 13.
See CE 1318.
14 H 441-442 (Grant).
14 H 441 (Grant); CE 1239.
14 H 442 (Grant); see also CE 1225, 1237, p. 5; CE 1239, 1249.
C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 13; see C. Ray Hall DE 1.
14 H 442 (Grant).
C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 13.
14 H 442 (Grant); CE 1195, 1198, 1231, 1237, p. 5; CE 1239, 1249, 1263, 1323, 1324.
Sam Ruby DE 1, p. 185; CE 1195, 1323.
C. Ray Hall DE 1; CE 1239, 1249, 1263; C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 13.
14 H 442 (Grant); see also CE 1198, 1237, p. 5; CE 1263, 1278, 1324.
See CE 1195, 1198, 1231, 1249, 1263, 1323, 1324.
CE 1249

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Notes to Pages 787-794
CE 1195.
CE 1263.
CE 1195.
CE 1248.
Alice Nichols DE 5355, p. 285.
See also Sam Ruby DE 1, p. 185.
C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 13.
See p. 783 supra.
CE 1281, p. 10.
Cf. CE 1217, with CE 1205; cf. CE 1266.
CE 1241.
See CE 1200, 1203, 1207, 1208, 1246, 1261, 1299.
CE 1241.
C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 15; cf. C. Ray Hall DE 1.
See CE 1293, p. 1; CE 1292, p. 1; see also 14 H 419-420 (Earl Ruby).
CE 1318; see also 14 H 420 (Earl Ruby).
See 14 H 445 (Grant); CE 1190, 1206, 1279, 1289, pp. 2-3.
See CE 1236, 1279; but cf. CE 1235.
CE 1293, p. 4.
CE 1211.
See C. Ray Hall DE 1; CE 1190.
14 H 523 (Jack Ruby); C. Ray Hall DE 1; see also Alice Nichols DE 5355, p. 285; CE 1187.
CE 1190, p. 1.
See CE 1206, 1211; 5 H 200 (Jack Ruby).
CE 1206, 1279.
CE 1279, 1289, p. 3.
See CE 1292, p. 3; CE 1293, p. 4.
See CE 1292, pp. 7-8.
See CE 1190, 1206, 1289, pp. 2-3; but cf. CE 1184, pp. 26-27.
See C. Ray Hall DE 1; C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 13; 14 H 442 (Grant); 14 H 368 (Earl Ruby).
C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 13.
Ibid.
CE 1702, p. 1; see also 14 H 443 (Grant).
See CE 1280.
CE 1702.
CE 1702; 14 H 443 (Grant); CE 1237, p. 8.
C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 13; but cf. CE 1192.
CE 1274.
CE 1319.
See CE 1237, p. 8.
See, e.g., CE 1192, 1193, 1194, 1196, 1197, 1205, 1217, 1243, 1245, p. 44.
See CE 1192, 1204, 1208, 1217.
CE 1248.
CE 1245, p. 46; CE 1246, 1299; cf. CE 1205.
See e.g., 14 H 409-410 (Earl Ruby); 15 H 20 (Rubenstein); CE 1192, 1203, 1208, 1246, 1289, pp. 2, 5.
CE 1257.
See CE 1289, p. 5.
14 H 411 (Earl Ruby); 14 H 20 (Rubenstein); CE 1192.
CE 1241; CE 1289, p. 3.
CE 1703; see also CE 1319.
See 15 H 21 (Rubenstein); CE 1191, 1199, 1205, 1220, 1239, 1244, 1246.
See CE 1193, 1203, 1207, 1217, 1239, 1244, 1289, p. 3.
CE 1193.
CE 1299.
See CE 1193, 1216, 1258.
See CE 1193, 1196, 1200, 1201, 1202, 1203, 1207, 1208, 1241; CE 1245, p. 8; CE 1246.
See CE 1202, 1210, 1212, 1321.
See CE 1321.
See, e.g., 5 H 200, 204 (Jack Ruby); 15 H 21, 28-29 (Rubenstein); 14 H 443-444 (Grant); CE 1288; CE 1289, p. 3.
CE 1274.
Ibid.
CE 1704.
See CE 1296, 1705.
Cf. CE 1245, pp. 44-45 with p. 10 supra. Cf. CE 1245, p. 45, with the next paragraph in text, cf. CE 1245, p. 46, with p. 791 infra; see also CE 1245, p. 47.
15 H 44 (Rubenstein); see also CE 1287.
CE 1274; see CE 1189.
See 14 H 366, 368-369 (Earl Ruby); 14 H 443 (Grant); 15 H 4, 44 (Rubenstein); 14 H 497-498, 502-503 (Sam Ruby).
CE 1189.
See CE 1707, pp. 2, 14-15; CE 1706, p. 15.
CE 1706, p. 15, insert (2) to p. 15, 16-22.
CE 1707, p. 2.
CE 1287, 1295; see also 14 H 411 (Earl Ruby).
CE 1295.
Ibid.
CE 1294.
See CE 1294, 1287.
See CE 1294, 1295.
See p. 789 supra.
CE 1294.
See 14 H 370 (Earl Ruby); 15 H 3 (Rubenstein); Sam Ruby DE 1, p. 185; but cf. C. Ray Hall DE 2, p. 16.
14 H 370 (Earl Ruby).
Id. at 369-370.
Id. at 371; see CE 1268.
14 H 371 (Earl Ruby).
Id. at 422-423.
Id. at 370.
Id. at 370, 422-423; 14 H 493 (Sam Ruby); C. Ray Hall DE 1; C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 14; see also CE 1200, 1207, 1241.
See, e.g., CE 1213, 1240, 1245, p. 4; CE 1247, 1277.
CE 1262; see CE 1209, 1211, 1214, 1247, 1320, 1321.
CE 1321.
CE 1241; see also CE 1289, p. 5.
14 H 411 (Earl Ruby).
CE 1708.
See CE 1259.
See CE 1245, p. 7.
CE 1259.
CE 1268.
Cf. 14 H 436 (Grant) with id. at 447.
Id. at 436, 453.
Id. at 453; see 15 H 22-23 (Rubenstein).
14 H 449 (Grant).
Ibid.; 15 H 23 (Rubenstein).
See p. 793 infra.
CE 1271, p. 274.
C. Ray Hall DE 1; C. Ray Hall DE 3. p. 14.
CE 1708; see CE 1250.
CE 1265, 1708, 1709.
See 14 H 449-451 (Grant); 14 H 23-24 (Rubenstein); CE 1250, 1710, 1711. 1271, 1272, 1273, 1300.
CE 1271, p. 279; CE 1708, 1711.
See footnote 242 supra.
CE 1710; cf. CE 1711.
CE 1271, p. 274.
C. Ray Hall DE 2, p. 13.
C. Ray Hall DE 1.
C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 14.
See p. 791 supra.
CE 1251; see also CE 1298.
CE 1184, p. 21; CE 1265; see also CE 2887.
CE 2416.
14 H 371 (Earl Ruby); 14 H 493 (Sam Ruby).
14 H 371, 423 (Earl Ruby).
CE 1182; cf. C. Ray Hall DE 2, p. 13.
CE 1708
Page 876

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Notes to Pages 794-799
CE 1224, 1229, 1264, 1712; but cf. 15 H 516 (Stanley M. Kaufman).
See C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 14; CE 1318; see also CE 1230 p. 593.
14 H 453 (Grant); C. Ray Hall DE 1.
14 H 453-454 (Grant).
See p. 791 supra.
14 H 453 (Grant).
Id. at 454; CE 1222, 1269, 1270; see CE 1190.
14 H 138-139 (Ralph Paul); see Alice Nichols DE 5355, p. 238; C. Ray Hall DE 1; cf. Ralph Paul DE 5319, p. 471.
See p. 788 supra.
14 H 115-116 (Alice Nichols); CE 1221, 1223.
14 H 116 (Alice Nichols); C. Ray Hall DE 1.
C Ray Hall DE 3, p. 14.
14 H 117 (Alice Nichols); 14 H 417, 426 (Earl Ruby).
14 H 117 (Alice Nichols); C. Ray Hall DE 1.
C. Ray Hall DE 1; CE 1227, 1228.
CE 1228; see C. Ray Hall DE 1.
14 H 455 (Grant); see 15 H 220 (Joseph W. Johnson, Jr.).
Ibid.; 15 H 415 (Nancy Powell).
CE 1230, p. 593.
CE 1696; see C. Ray Hall DE 1, CE 1227.
Sam Ruby DE 1, p. 187; C. Ray Hall DE 1 CE 1538; cf. 14 H 117 (Alice Nichols); C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 14.
Sam Ruby DE 1, p. 187; C. Ray Hall DE 1, p. 3; C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 14; see 14 H 454 (Grant).
14 H. 496-497 (Sam Ruby).
14 H 142 (Paul); CE 1675; but see CE 1569, 1656.
CE 1500, 1569.
14 H 382 (Earl Ruby); C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 14; cf. CE 1500, and CE 1549, with 14 H 382-383 (Earl Ruby) and 14 H 456-457 (Grant).
CE 1653, 1656, 1677.
CE 1500, 1569; 14 H 141 (Paul).
14 H 141 (Paul); see C. Ray Hall DE 1.
14 H 136 (Paul); CE 1504.
14 H 139, 141 (Paul).
Id. at 142-143.
See 13 H 319 (Andrew Armstrong, Jr.); 15 H 212 (Thomas S. Palmer).
13 H 436 (Curtis Laverne Crafard).
CE 1322, pp. 744-745; see 15 H 193 (Marjorie Richey).
Cf. CE 1322, pp. 12-13; 14 H 458 (Grant); 13 H 320 (Armstrong).
See CE 1322, pp. 12-13; 14 H 458 (Grant); 13 H 320 (Armstrong).
See, e.g., CE 1514, 1616, 1629, 1630, 1631, 1634.
E.g., 15 H 414, 416-417 (Powell); 13 H 134 (Armstrong); 15 H 219, 221- 222 (J. Johnson); 14 H 642 (Kay Olsen); CE 1530.
CE 1222, 1512, 1527, 1529, 1541, 1542, 1623, 1624, 1647, 1649, 1650, 1670, 1685.
CE 1502, 1532, 1533, 1651, 1653, 1657.
CE 1517, 1561, p. 297; CE 1656, 1682, 1683, 1637; cf. CE 1565, 1681.
CE 1515, p. 549; CE 1635.
CE 1648, 1657.
12 H 216 (Karen Carlin); CE 1561, p. 300; CE 1653.
E.g., CE 1512, 1648; CE 1653.
CE 1530; 15 H 413 (Powell).
CE 1556.
See CE 1548, 1568, 1676, 1633; 15 H 440 (T. M. Hansen).
CE 1674.
14 H 616-619 (Joseph L. Peterson); CE 1564, 1566; but cf. 14 H 601-602 (Breck Wall).
Cf. 14 H 617 (Peterson) and CE 1564 and 1566, with 14 H 614 (Wall); see also CE 1657.
See CE 1514, 1554, 1672.
CE 1683.
15 H 209 (Palmer).
E.g., CE 1530.
See 15 H 208 (Palmer).
Id. at 211-214; CE 1543, 1544.
15 H 415-416 (Powell).
14 H 459 (Grant).
See CE 1543, p. 191; CE 1562.
See 5 H 200 (Jack Ruby); 15 H 28-29 (Rubenstein); 14 H 458-460 (Grant); 13 H 500 (Crafard).
15 H 209 (Palmer); see 14 H 605 (Wall).
15 H 208, 214 (Palmer); 15 H 199 (Marjorie Richey); CE 1648; but cf. 15 H 415 (Powell); CE 1540, 1541, 1542.
CE 1261, 1521, 1522, 1523, 1524, 1525, 1526.
See 15 H 211 (Palmer); CE 1322, pp. 744-45.
See 15 H 211 (Palmer); 15 H 200 (Marjorie Richey); 15 H 410 (Powell); CE 1561, p. 297.
15 H 410-411 (Powell); CE 1561, p. 301.
See 15 H 210-211 (Palmer); 15 H 411-412 (Powell); 15 H 199 (Marjorie Richey); CE 1561, p. 299.
Cf. 15 H 412 (Powell) and CE 1501, and 1557 with CE 1550), and CE 1561, p. 300.
See 13 H 368-369 (Armstrong); 14 H 67-68 (Crafard); 15 H 99-100 (William D. Crowe, Jr.); 15 H 200-201 (Marjorie Richey); CE 1508, 1530, 1563.
See 14 H 456 (Grant); 15 H 219-220 (J. Johnson); CE 1560.
See 15 H 518 (Kaufman); CE 1519, 151, 1572, 1573, 1574, 1575, 1662, 1664, 1665, 1666, 1667, 1668, 1669, 1680, 1686, 1687.
See 12 H 184 (August M. Eberhardt); 13 H 309-311 (Armstrong); 14 H 455 (Grant); CE 1735, 1748.
CE 1575.
See 13 H 310 (Armstrong); 14 H 455 (Grant); CE 1570, 1667, 1668, 1669, 1673.
CE 1669.
See CE 1574, 1662, 1664, 1665, 1680.
See CE 1519, 1574, 1679,
See CE 1571, 1572, 1573, 1686, 1687.
See CE 1519.
See footnote 335 supra; CE 1666.
CE 1660, 1661.
See CE 1678; cf. 15 H 385 (Abraham Kleinman); CE 1218, 1226.
See CE 1713, p. 3; CE 1719, p. 1; see generally CE 1720.
CE 1539.
See CE 1720, 1721, 1723, 1724; cf. CE 1722, 1725, 1726.
See CE 1720, p. 29; CE 1727, pp. 1-4; CE 1728, p. 2.
CE 1727, 1728, 1729, 1730,1731.
CE 1729, 1730, 1731; cf. CE 1715, 1716.
CE 1713, p. 3; CE 1714.
See CE 1713, pp. 3, 9; CE 1714 pp. 1, 3; CE 1715, pp. 1, 4; CE 1716, pp. 1, 6; CE 1717, pp. 1, 2; CE 1718, pp. 1, 3; CE 1719, pp. 1, 5.
CE 1713, pp. 1, 3; CE 1714, p. 1.
See generally CE 1729.
See CE 1732, 1733.
See CE 1727, 1729, 1730, 1731
Page 877

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Notes to Pages 799-804
CE 1728, pp. 2, 4.
CE 1516.
CE 1619.
See 15 H 26 (Rubenstein); Alice Nichols DE 5355, p. 287; CE 1613.
CE 1552; see CE 1742.
CE 1531.
Sam Ruby DE 1, p. 187; 14 H 391 (Earl Ruby); 15 H 27 (Rubenstein); CE 1478, p. 4.
See Sam Ruby DE 1, p. 187; CE 1555, 1638, 1639, 1640, 1641, 1642, 1694; cf. CE 1720, p. 19.
5 H 202 (Jack Ruby); C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 15; CE 1688, 1689.
CE 1534; cf. CE 1746.
14 H 129-130 (Robert C. Patterson); CE 1503, 1507.
15 H 224 (Edward J. Pullman); see also CE 1507.
13 H 416-417 (Crafard); CE 1535, 1606.
See 13 H 386-388 (Bertha Cheek); 14 H 457-458 (Grant); 15 H 230 (Pullman); 15 H 237-238 (Joseph P. Rossi); CE 1509, 1551, 1617, 1643, 1644.
15 H 24-25 (Rubenstein).
Id. at 25; 14 H 390-391 (Earl Ruby).
CE 1567, 1695; see 15 H 237 (Rossi).
15 H 224-227 (Pullman); 15 H 413 (Powell).
See CE 1528.
See CE 1607, 1608, 1609, 1610, 1611, 1612.
CE 1233, 1654.
CE 1518.
CE 1510.
Ibid.; CE 1233.
CE 1233.
Ibid.
See, e.g., CE 1505; 1537, 1632, 1736.
4 H 167, 191-192 (Jesse Curry).
See 4 H 240 (J. W. Fritz); 12 H 193-195 (Eberhardt); 14 H 626 (Harry N. Olsen); Nancy Powell DE 3; CE 1180, 1224, 1511, pp. 152-153; CE 1512, 1542, 1592, 1615, 1621, 1622, 1632, 1646, 1735, 1743, 1744, 1745, 1748, 1749.
See, e.g., CE 1229, 1547, 1549, 1620, 1648, 1736, p. 2; Pullman DE 1.
13 H 324 (Armstrong); see C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 17.
13 H 434 (Crafard); 14 H 213-214 (George Senator); Pullman DE 1; C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 17; CE 1502, 1663.
See 14 H 213-214. (Senator); 15 H 228 (Pullman); Pullman DE 1; C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 17; CE 1505, 1513; CE 1515, p. 551; CE 1632, 1636, 1646; CE 1659, p. 198; CE 1663, 1739, 1741, 1744, 1747, 1749.
See CE 1615, 1636, 1684, 1740.
See 13 H 193 (Eberhardt); 14 H 485 (Grant).
13 H 193 (Eberhardt); 15 H 447-448 (Hansen); CE 1592, 1646, 1736, 2325.
See 14 H 626 (Harry Olsen); 14 H 641-642 (Kay Olsen); but cf. CE 1749.
See pp. 792-793 supra.
See p. 794 supra.
See CE 1505, 1536, 1559, 1742, 1745, 1748, 1750, 1751, 1752, 1758; but see 5 H 201 (Jack Ruby); CE 1697, pp. 2-5.
C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 16.
See p. 802 infra.
Alice Nichols DE 5355, p. 289; cf. 14 H 115, 122-123 (Alice Nichols).
CE 1693.
See CE 1754, 1755; CE 1748, 1752.
CE 1506, 1520, 1585, 1618, 1652; C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 16; cf. CE 1757, 1758.
5 H 103 (J. Edgar Hoover); CE 1353, 1628, 1760.
R. C. Patterson DE 5358; CE 1229, 1467, 1514, 1469, 1470; CE 1543, p. 195; CE 1449, 1748; CE 1511, p. 151; CE 1741, 1473, 1474, 1742, 1223, 1745.
See pp. 797, 799 supra.
C. Ray Hall DE 3, p, 16; see 5 200 (Jack Ruby).
See 5 H 200 (Jack Ruby); CE 1580, 1581, 1582, 1583, 1765; Pullman DE 1; cf. 1543, p. 193.
See CE 1576, 1577, 1578, 1579, 1625, 1626, 1627.
CE 1584.
C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 16.
CE 1588.
CE 1600, 1601.
CE 1586.
CE 1587, 1588, 1589, 1590, 1591, 1593, 1594, 1595, 1596, 1597, 1598, 1599, 1602, 1603, 1604, 1605.
5 H 200-202 (Jack Ruby); CE 1545, 1690, 1691, 1697.
See CE 1546, 1655; CE 1692, pp. 2-5.
5 H 200-201 (Jack Ruby).
CE 1697, pp. 1, 4.
See 5 H 201-202 (Jack Ruby).
CE 1546; CE 1697, pp. 1-2.
CE 1440, 1767, 1768, 1769 1770, 1771, 1772, 1773, 1774, 1775; see also CE 1766; 14 H 114-115 (Alice Nichols); CE 1471.
CE 1441.
Cf. CE 1444, pp. 8-15.
C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 15.
CE 1445, 1446, 1447.
See p. 792 supra; Sam Ruby DE 1, p. 186.
See p. 794 supra.
14 H 462 (Grant); CE 1448, 1648, 1744; CE 1561, p. 302; CE 1585.
14 H 463-464 (Grant).
Id. at 465-466.
14 H 391 (Earl Ruby); 14 H 499-500 (Sam Ruby).
14 H 466 (Grant).
14 H 493 494 (Sam Ruby); see 14 H 114 (Alice Nichols); 14 H 371-372 (Earl Ruby); pp. 791, 793 supra.
14 H 494 (Sam Ruby).
See p. 798 supra.
14 H 137 (Paul); 14 H 498 (Sam Ruby).
14 H 498-499 (Sam Ruby).
14 H 371, 373 (Earl Ruby); Earl Ruby DE 4, p. 177; see C. Ray Hall DE 3, pp. 14-15.
14 H 378, 382-384, 390-391, 417, 426 (Earl Ruby); C. Ray Hall DE 3, pp. 14-15; see 14 H 457 (Grant); 14 H 491 (Sam Ruby).
14 H 383 (Earl Ruby).
CE 1185; 14 H 491 (Sam Ruby).
CE 1458, 1542, 1556.
13 H 438-440 (Crafard); CE 1459, 1460, 1453, 1454, 1461, 1462, 1463, 1180, 1464, 1504, 1465, 1663, 1224.
CE 1180; 15 H 638 (Lawrence V. Meyers); 14 H 158 (Paul); 15 H 446 (Hansen); 14 H 203 (Senator); 13 H 194 (Eberhardt); 15 H 563 (Roy A. Pryor); 14 H 319 (Armstrong); Powell DE 3; CE 1515, p. 553; CE 1742; CE 1478, p. 86; cf. 13 H 215-216 (Karen Carlin).
E.g., CE 1452, 1454, 1457, 1461, 1663.
See CE 1454.
14 H 111 (Alice Nichols).
14 H 113-114 (Alice Nichols).
14 H 535 (Jack Ruby); 14 (Alice Nichols); 15 H 516 (Kaufman); see 14 H. 463 (Grant).
Alice Nichols DE 5355. p. 289.
Cf. 14 H 203-205 (Senator) and Powell DE 3, and Paul DE 5319, p. 473, and CE 1479, 1480, 1541, with 13 H 215
Page 878

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Notes to Pages 804-812
(Karen Carlin), and 13 H 318 (Armstrong), and CE 1481, 1482, 1505, 1512, 1739.
14 H 203-205 (Senator); Powell DE 3; Paul DE 5319, p. 473; Wright DE 1; CE 1260, 1466, 1487, 1748.
13 H 318 (Armstrong); 14 H 194-195 (Senator); 14 H 125 (Alice Nichols); CE 1449, 1450, 1485, 1542, 1592, 1663, 1740, 1748.
CE 2406, p. 650; CE 2411, pp. 621-626; see 14 H 195 (Senator).
CE 1451, 1591.
CE 1483; see 14 H 152 (Paul); 14 H 503 (Sam Ruby); 14 H 552 (Jack Ruby); 15 H 516 (Kaufman); CE 1484.
CE 1483, 1485; see 14 H 152 (Paul); 14 H 205-206 (Senator); 14 H 552 (Jack Ruby).
See 13 H 347 (Armstrong); 13 H 441 (Crafard); 14 H 205 (Senator); CE 1486, 1478, p. 83; CE 1512, 1542, 1740; cf. 14 H 311 (Senator); 15 H 209-210 (Palmer); but see 15 H 441-442 (Hansen).
See 15 H 446 (Hansen); Hansen DE 1; CE 1478, p. 83; CE 1488, 1542.
See ch. VI, pp. 335, 345, 348.
See, e.g., 14 H 196 (Senator); CE 1472, 1477, 1489, 1490, 1491, 1492, 1493, 1542, 1738.
See CE 1494.
See 15 H 240 (Rossi); CE 1449; but see CE 1511, p. 150.
See CE 1250, 1483, 1496, 1497, 1498, 1499, 1548, 1671, 2243, 2414.
CE 1645, 2243.
CE 1497, 1548, 1645, 1671, 1711.
CE 1496, 1497, 1499, 1671, 2414.
See p. 796 supra.
CE 1488, 1542.
CE 2495.
CE 1624, p. 2.
CE 2342, p. 748.
CE 1624.
CE 2243.
CE 2414.
CE 1499, 1671.
CE 1671.
CE 1499.
See 14 H 197-198 (Senator); CE 2492, 2493, 2503.
CE 2494.
CE 1467.
See 14 H 202 (Senator) 14 H 562 (Pryor); CE 1223, 1512, 1515, p. 551; CE 1653, 1624.
CE 1502.
Cf. Crafard DE 5226, p. 149, and 13 H 444-445 (Crafard) with 15 H 248-249 (Earl Wright), and 15 H 412-413 (Powell).
See 13 H 312, 349 (Armstrong); 14 H 147 (Paul); 14 H 122 (Alice Nichols); Wright DE 1; CE 1470, 1623, 1624, 2243, 2509.
CE 1229; CE 1511, p. 150; CE 2499, 2500, 2505.
CE 1491, 1511, 2502.
CE 2497.
CE 1491, 2491, 1511, p. 150; 14 H 184, 188 (Senator).
See generally 15 H 413-414 (Powell). Paul DE 5319, p. 473; CE 1512; 15 H 441 (Hansen).
See, e.g., 1469, 1735, 1737, 1738, 1742, 1765, 2498, 2502, 2504, 2506.
See p. 782 supra.
See 15 H 522 (Kaufman)
Return to Top

Appendix XVII
14 H 507 (Jack Ruby).
Ibid.
Ibid.
CE 2785, p. 4 statement of Dr. R. L. Stubblefield, M.D.
14 H 508 (Ruby).
5 H 181-182 (Ruby).
Id. at 190, 192-193, 196, 211-212.
Id. at 123.
See CE 2728.
CE 2729.
CE 2730.
CE 2786.
14 H 507-508 (Ruby).
CE 2784.
14 H 504-505 (Ruby).
Id. at 512.
Id. at 504.
Ibid.
Id. at 504-506, 510.
Id. at 507, 509.
Id. at 510.
Id. at 506-507, 509, 511.
Id. at 509; see id. at 514.
Id. at 505, 510.
Id. at 505.
Id. at 508; 14 H 571 (Dr. William R. Beavers).
Id. at 511-512.
Id. at 512.
Id. at 513.
Ibid.
Id. at 515.
See id. at 517-524; see 14 H 581-582 (Bell P. Herndon).
14 H 523 (Ruby).
Ibid.
Id. at 526.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 534.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 536.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 540.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 546.
Id. at 547.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 551.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 553.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 556.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 560.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 560-561.
Id. at 561.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid
Page 879
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 563.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
14 H 580 (Herndon).
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.; 14 H 520 (Ruby).
14 H. 580 (Herndon).
Ibid.; 14 H 520 (Ruby).
14 H 580 (Herndon).
Id. at 581; 14 H 520 (Ruby).
Ibid.
14 H 581 (Herndon).
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 581-582.
Id. at 581.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 583
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Notes to Pages 812-816
Ibid.
See id. at 583.
Id. at 582-583; see 5 H 520, 523 (Ruby).
Id. at 583.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 590.
Ibid.
Id. at 593.
Id. at 588.
Id. at 590.
Id. at 591.
Id. at 592.
Ibid.
Id. at 584.
Id. at 582.
Id. at 585.
Ibid.
14 H 572 (Beavers).
Id. at 571.
14 H 584 (Herndon).
Ibid.
14 H 572 (Beavers).
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 573-574 (Beavers).
CE 2651.
14 H 504-570 (Ruby).
14 H 579-598 (Herndon).

[DisAsTerBot]

got damn what an awesome life! long live the krew!

[RandomGuy]

is this thread still going on? time to kill it

What you are doing probably violates the terms of service of the board. I'll go ahead and report it, and let the mods decide.

Nothing signals surrender of an argument more than irrelevant spamming.

Way to lose ungracefully. CLAP, CLAP, CLAP.

[Venti Quattro]

lol awesome fucking trolling :cry

[Dave Mustaine]

What you are doing probably violates the terms of service of the board. I'll go ahead and report it, and let the mods decide.

Nothing signals surrender of an argument more than irrelevant spamming.

Way to lose ungracefully. CLAP, CLAP, CLAP.

well shit for brains, this is about the 31st time he's done this to a lame thread and nothing has ever happened when butthurt fagles like yourself reported it.

[Blake]

well shit for brains, this is about the 31st time he's done this to a lame thread and nothing has ever happened when butthurt fagles like yourself reported it.

Jesus tried to ban Mono once on the heaventalk messageboard and Mono just flooded it with trolls.

Jesus got mad, but Mono just kept crucifying.

[The Reckoning]

anybody else see the irony of mav krew posting Dallas JFK assassination reports to kill threads?

[4>0rings]

:lmao

[redzero]

This thread can't end until it reaches 1000 posts.

[Phenomanul]

This thread can't end until it reaches 1000 posts.

:lmao :lmao :lmao :lmao :lmao
So the true reason for your stubborness bursts through... you seriously can't be that self-absorbed...

[Warlord23]

This type of trolling is sorely needed in the political forum, especially in threads created by DarrinS or WildCobra

[redzero]

:lmao :lmao :lmao :lmao :lmao
So the true reason for your stubborness bursts through... you seriously can't be that self-absorbed...

What?

[Lee Harvey Oswald]

anybody else see the irony of mav krew posting Dallas JFK assassination reports to kill threads?

Any mav krew post can kill a thread.

[redzero]

Any mav krew post can kill a thread.

Hey, no fair. Lee Harvey Oswald might have assassinated Kennedy in Dallas, but he was born in New Orleans.

He was clearly a Hornets fan.

[monosylab1k]

What you are doing probably violates the terms of service of the board. I'll go ahead and report it, and let the mods decide.

Nothing signals surrender of an argument more than irrelevant spamming.

Way to lose ungracefully. CLAP, CLAP, CLAP.

I wasn't even in this argument you dumb fuck.

I spend my time arguing more worthwhile subjects, like who's a bigger cunt JWoww or Sammi

[monosylab1k]

Jesus tried to ban Mono once on the heaventalk messageboard and Mono just flooded it with trolls.

Jesus got mad, but Mono just kept crucifying.

crofl that was pretty damn funny

[monosylab1k]

I spend my time arguing more worthwhile subjects, like who's a bigger cunt JWoww or Sammi

and tbh we all know the answer is Angelina

[Jesus]

If this thread gets killed another will begin in 3 days.

[mouse]

Do you think a primitive living deep in a jungle asks God to forgive him just before getting eaten by a tiger?

I can't speak for a primitives living in the jungle. I don't know any and i have not seen any of them posting in the Club. If they do chances are they would be in the NBA forum. with that said..........

My comment was for the educated atheist who post here at the Club.

without taking sides I sill believe when a person is seconds from death weather it be a horrible accident, natural causes, or lethal injection, that person does ask for forgiveness weather it be to a God, his parents or his or herself for the putting themselves in that situation.


It doesn't mean all the Darwin lovers and Atheist are deep down inside religious. It's only my personal belief and my take on these matters.

If you get offended in the process of me making such statements that is really out of my control.


As for the JFK spamming in this topic it tells me a lot about the individual.

[Blake]

I can't speak for a primitives living in the jungle. I don't know any and i have not seen any of them posting in the Club. If they do chances are they would be in the NBA forum. with that said..........


I've read about them in "books".

I know you are skeptical of such "books" so it's no surprise you have no clue that there have been plenty of primitives over the course of recent history that have lived and died without ever knowing the concept of salvation through faith in Jesus.

Tough break for those guys.

[chunticakes]

#869

[mouse]

I've read about them in "books".

I know you are skeptical of such "books"

I have no problem with books as long as the lies are kept out. I do have a problem when you guys tell the religious folks how the Bible is just a book when your belittling them and yet a Book is important when your quoting Darwin? You can't have it both ways either books are good for debates or not.
I prefer to use common sense and point out the flaws on both sides of the argument.
And this debate has many.




so it's no surprise you have no clue that there have been plenty of primitives over the course of recent history that have lived and died without ever knowing the concept of salvation through faith in Jesus.

If you really want to explore this further allow me to do some research.



Tough break for those guys.

Maybe not. The people in Canada and the Netherlands don't have to practice the Torrent restrictions as we do in America so depending on your location on this planet I am sure there are some different outcomes to every situation.

I didn't make the rules, some dude named Mosses did. according to some in the Club. The Darwin lovers have no such rules and that is why the belief in Evolution is so attractive you guys can live as you wish on planet earth and never have to answer to anyone later.

[silverblk mystix]

I can't speak for a primitives living in the jungle. I don't know any and i have not seen any of them posting in the Club. If they do chances are they would be in the NBA forum. with that said..........

My comment was for the educated atheist who post here at the Club.

without taking sides I sill believe when a person is seconds from death weather it be a horrible accident, natural causes, or lethal injection, that person does ask for forgiveness weather it be to a God, his parents or his or herself for the putting themselves in that situation.


It doesn't mean all the Darwin lovers and Atheist are deep down inside religious. It's only my personal belief and my take on these matters.

If you get offended in the process of me making such statements that is really out of my control.


As for the JFK spamming in this topic it tells me a lot about the individual.

I think this is innaccurate...

WHY?

Why would you be asking for forgiveness?

I hope in my last seconds I will instead be aware and awake.

I don't see the point in asking to be forgiven...that is the whole tragedy of human beings....most of them are asleep...and will continue to be asleep and die in their sleep.

It is the person who is awake that does not fear death...the only reason to fear death and/or be repentant at the last hour is if-in fact- you never lived...

if instead of living you wasted your life sleeping and fearing death= fearing life and = BEING ALREADY DEAD.

[redzero]

I do have a problem when you guys tell the religious folks how the Bible is just a book when your belittling them and yet a Book is important when your quoting Darwin?

You are fixated on the idea that Evolution is a religion. There are more books about it than just what Darwin wrote.


You can't have it both ways either books are good for debates or not.

Uh yeah, when a Christian tries to use the Bible as proof that God exists, I can say that the Bible is just a book.

Anybody can write a book. Evolution is not dependent on one book. It has been expanded upon. It has been observed.


I prefer to use common sense and point out the flaws on both sides of the argument.

It's only a flaw if you equate stories about magic with scientific theories based on evidence.


The Darwin lovers have no such rules and that is why the belief in Evolution is so attractive you guys can live as you wish on planet earth and never have to answer to anyone later.

What an idiotic argument. Human beings are accountable for each other, regardless of what they believe. And Evolution is not atheism. Charles Darwin is not a god. On the Origin of Species is not the Bible.

But it doesn't matter. You want to believe that Evolution is a religion, so you will keep repeating the same thing over and over again.

You don't care about facts, mouse. There are things you want to believe no matter what.

[Blake]

I prefer to use common sense

:lmao:lmao:lmao

[mouse]

I think this is innaccurate...

WHY?

Why would you be asking for forgiveness?

It's a reaction, kinda like when someone sees a persons head get ripped off at the shoulders in a drag race accident and screams "Oh my God"

that person may not believe in God but they reacted that way when they were overcome with shock and awe.





I hope in my last seconds I will instead be aware and awake.

I don't see the point in asking to be forgiven...that is the whole tragedy of human beings....most of them are asleep...and will continue to be asleep and die in their sleep.

You may not be at a point in your life where you need to be asking for forgiveness. I only posted that many do, including the redzoro's of the world.


It is the person who is awake that does not fear death...the only reason to fear death and/or be repentant at the last hour is if-in fact- you never lived...
if instead of living you wasted your life sleeping and fearing death= fearing life and = BEING ALREADY DEAD.

Talk is cheap I can sit here and tell you all day long I don't care if Kori bans me or if Manny has another hurricane warning that may bring harm to my crops. but the truth is we don't know what people are thinking at the time of death or when in a serious situation.

Some may be pretending to not need God just to keep their reputation of being a bad ass on the www. Many look at believing in God as a sign of weakness.

[koriwhat]

Some may be pretending to not need God just to keep their reputation of being a bad ass on the www. Many look at believing in God as a sign of weakness.

mirror mirror on the wall...

[redzero]

It's a reaction, kinda like when someone sees a persons head get ripped off at the shoulders in a drag race accident and screams "Oh my God"

That's just a phrase people use. Many phrases have lost their meaning.


I only posted that many do, including the redzoro's of the world.

Based on what exactly? How do you know what I will be thinking right before I die?


Some may be pretending to not need God just to keep their reputation of being a bad ass on the www. Many look at believing in God as a sign of weakness.

Or believing in God could be a sign of insecurity and fear. That can go both ways, buddy.

[mouse]

You are fixated on the idea that Evolution is a religion. There are more books about it than just what Darwin wrote.

Just as there are many more books on how to make Texas chili that doesn't mean they are not called cook books.



Anybody can write a book.

I agree.



http://i38.tinypic.com/5uo868.jpg



Evolution is not dependent on one book. It has been expanded upon. It has been observed.

And what are the findings?




It's only a flaw if you equate stories about magic with scientific theories based on evidence.

Kinda like the oort cloud? Talk about magic... A made up place a thousand times farther from the Sun than the Kuiper belt, lies the hypothesized (but never observed) place where comets are born, :lmao

You guys crack me up.



Charles Darwin is not a god.

Tell that to his followers.
( A weekly meeting of Darwin supporters)
http://blogs.sciencemag.org/origins/WindowsLiveWriter/dbc93e7bb529_BEEA/darwin%2016_2.jpg


On the Origin of Species is not the Bible.


http://www.pulltheplugonatheism.com/images/book_large_darwin.jpg




But it doesn't matter. You want to believe that Evolution is a religion, so you will keep repeating the same thing over and over again.

If I think and feel a certain way why would I change my stance on something?

you want me to keep changing my views so you can say I am flaky and all over the place? You have something against be consistent?



You don't care about facts, mouse.


Are you saying you can prove Evolution, did you locate the missing link?

Why would you keep such findings to yourself?



There are things you want to believe no matter what.

One being the lies that don't need to be in the school text books.

[JoeChalupa]

Godsmack!

[koriwhat]

Godsmack!

one of the worst bands ever!

[redzero]

Just as there are many more books on how to make Texas chili that doesn't mean they are not called cook books.

But a book on Texas chili is grounded in reality, while a book on magic floods and people rising from the dead is not. On The Origin of Species was written after empirical observations were done. Furthermore, there have been discoveries that support evolution. There have been no discoveries that support the existence of any gods.


And what are the findings?

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Evolution
http://www.newscientist.com/topic/evolution
http://science.howstuffworks.com/environmental/life/evolution/evolution.htm
http://evolution.berkeley.edu/
http://www.nsf.gov/news/special_reports/darwin/textonly/index.jsp

If you want to learn more about evolution, take your pick.


Kinda like the oort cloud? Talk about magic... A made up place a thousand times farther from the Sun than the Kuiper belt, lies the hypothesized (but never observed) place where comets are born, :lmao

You guys crack me up.

What do you mean by "you guys"? And what does that have to do with the discussion at hand?


Tell that to his followers.
( A weekly meeting of Darwin supporters)
http://blogs.sciencemag.org/origins/WindowsLiveWriter/dbc93e7bb529_BEEA/darwin%2016_2.jpg

Oh, so supporting somebody is equal to making them into a God?


http://www.pulltheplugonatheism.com/images/book_large_darwin.jpg


:rollin:rollin:rollin:rollin:rollin:rollin:rollin: rollin:rollin:rollin:rollin
:lmao:lmao:lmao:lmao:lmao:lmao:lmao:lmao:lmao:lmao :lmao:lmao

Do you know who the author of that book is?

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ray_Comfort

Did you even read the summary of the book?

http://www.pulltheplugonatheism.com/bible_darwin.shtml

http://img843.imageshack.us/img843/7620/charlesdarwinbible.jpg (http://img843.imageshack.us/i/charlesdarwinbible.jpg/)

How can somebody fail so hard? Damn, the url to the image use posted is pulltheplugonatheism.com

:rollin

So... much... fail...


If I think and feel a certain way why would I change my stance on something?

you want me to keep changing my views so you can say I am flaky and all over the place? You have something against be consistent?


I want you to admit that you are wrong. If I make a mistake, I'll admit it. You, on the other hand, will repeat the same thing over and over again.


Are you saying you can prove Evolution, did you locate the missing link?

Humans aren't the only ones who evolved from something else, bro.


Why would you keep such findings to yourself?

What findings? Evolution is a fact.

Here's a list of transitional fossils. Sure, you can actually take five seconds to look these kinds of things up, but why would you do that? You have to be consistent, right?

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_transitional_fossils


One being the lies that don't need to be in the school text books.

Good, I see that you don't want Intelligent Design taught in schools either.

I really hope mouse doesn't believe this stuff. Either he has been trolling hard or he really is this big of an idiot.

Oh, but I won't stop you from equating belief in evolution with atheism. Yeah, because a theory on how species came into being is the same with the belief that there is no God. :lmao

But keep saying that they are the same thing. Nobody wants you to be inconsistent.

[RandomGuy]

I wasn't even in this argument you dumb fuck.

I spend my time arguing more worthwhile subjects, like who's a bigger cunt JWoww or Sammi

So, you aren't even in the argument, yet you feel it necessary to shut it down, in the equivalent of blasting an airhorn near a group of people having a conversation?

Are you always this big a douchebag, or do you scale back sometimes?

[RandomGuy]

Kinda like the oort cloud? Talk about magic... A made up place a thousand times farther from the Sun than the Kuiper belt, lies the hypothesized (but never observed) place where comets are born, :lmao

You guys crack me up.
....

Are you saying you can prove Evolution, did you locate the missing link?

Why would you keep such findings to yourself?

...
One being the lies that don't need to be in the school text books.

All of these statements require ignorance of the scientific method and how science is done to seem reasonable.

Missing data does not, in and of itself, tend to discredit a theory.

I have a theory that you are a hetrosexual. Does the fact that I have never met a woman you have dated, or attempted to date, prove you are homosexual?

If we are to use the same logic that you presented above, the answer would then be yes, you are a homosexual.

Since I know that this is illogical, however, I can set this aside, and conclude, based on your past statements that you are not.

The power of a theory it its ability to reasonably explain observed phenomena.

There are mountains of physical evidence and observed phenomena that indicate the theory of evolution as factual.

If it is not, then the question then becomes, "why did God create the world in such a way as to make it look like evolution is factual?" Is God trying to play a trick on us? Why?

[Blake]

All of these statements require ignorance of the scientific method

/mouse

[redzero]

Don't blame mouse for trying to be consistent.

Why learn anything when one can just state the same thing over and over again?

[JoeChalupa]

Don't blame mouse for trying to be consistent.

Why learn anything when one can just state the same thing over and over again?

I've seen that quite a bit in this and all God/religion threads. I know I am guilty of it.
example: "You cannot prove that God does not exist"
"The proof falls on the one making such statement"
"You cannot prove the Spaghetti Monster doesn't exist"
yada, yada yada

[clambake]

i guy that protects pedophiles does exist.