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boutons_deux
01-29-2015, 09:53 AM
Justice Stevens Pens Six Amendments to Tune-Up Constitution (http://www.dailykos.com/story/2015/01/28/1360644/-Justice-Stevens-Pens-Six-Amendments-to-Tune-Up-Constitution)



attribution: U.S. National Archives
(http://www.archives.gov/exhibits/charters/constitution.html)
Since William Rehnquist (http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php/William_H._Rehnquist) joined the Supreme Court, it has made several rulings that have knocked the U.S. Constitution out of whack. Retired Justice John Paul Stevens (http://www.nytimes.com/2010/04/11/opinion/11stevens.html?_r=1&), who deliberated on most of those rulings, has written six amendments to fix the damage and tune-up the Constitution. Stevens published his proposed amendments last year in the book "Six Amendments (http://www.worldcat.org/title/six-amendments-how-and-why-we-should-change-the-constitution/oclc/882911566?referer=di&ht=edition): How and Why We Should Change the Constitution." The amendments are terse, surgical fixes, which seem to fit the Constitution's style of saying much with few words. The book gives a good history and description of each problem. Here is a brief rundown with the text of each amendment:

1. The "Anti-Commandeering" Rule: In 1997, by a 5-4 vote, the Supreme Court, created an "anti-commandeering" rule (http://www.dailykos.com/story/2015/01/28/1360644/-Justice-Stevens-Pens-Six-Amendments-to-Tune-Up-Constitution?detail=email#printz), which bans Congress from ordering state officials to carry out federal duties. The case was brought by two county sheriffs, who did not want to do background checks for firearm sales as ordered by the Brady Act. The new rule led to holes in the database that would allow persons prone to violence, like the killer in the 2007 Virginia Tech mass shooting, to get firearms. Stevens notes that the "anti-commandeering" rule could also cripple other Congressional acts, from routine administration of federal programs to emergency responses to national catastrophes or acts of terror. His fix adds four words (inbold below) to the Constitution's Supremacy Clause:

This Constitution, and the Laws of the United States which shall be made in Pursuance thereof; and all Treaties made, or which shall be made, under the Authority of the United States, shall be the supreme Law of the Land; and the Judges and other public officials in every State shall be bound thereby, any Thing in the Constitution or Laws of any State to the Contrary notwithstanding.

2. Political Gerrymandering: Given that he has not heard one word in favor of political gerrymandering (http://theparagraph.com/2012/08/ohio-fights-grotesque-gerrymanders/) from any federal judge, Stevens believes that his amendment addressing it should sail through into law. He points out that, in addition to making legislative districts less representative and less competitive, political gerrymandering tends to give us candidates with more extreme positions. In 1986 the Supreme Court made it practically impossible (http://www.dailykos.com/story/2015/01/28/1360644/-Justice-Stevens-Pens-Six-Amendments-to-Tune-Up-Constitution?detail=email#davis) to challenge gerrymanders by setting a lofty and cloudy standard: "[A] finding of unconstitutionality must [show] continued frustration of the will of a majority of the voters or effective denial to a minority of the voters of a fair chance to influence the political process." Stevens takes a simpler view: "Just as a controlling political party may not use public funds to pay its campaign expenses, it is also quite wrong to use public power for the sole purpose of enhancing the political strength of the majority party." He would ban that abuse of power with this new amendment:

Districts represented by members of Congress, or by members of any state legislative body, shall be compact and composed of contiguous territory. The state shall have the burden of justifying any departures from this requirement by reference to neutral criteria such as natural, political, or historic boundaries or demographic changes. The interest in enhancing or preserving the political power of the party in control of the state government is not such a neutral criterion.

3. Campaign Finance: We have gone far down the road to corruption since 1907, when Congress passed a law banning all corporate contributions (http://www.worldcat.org/title/six-amendments-how-and-why-we-should-change-the-constitution/oclc/882911566?referer=di&ht=edition) to political candidates, and many states enacted, outside of narrow lobbying rules, a total ban (http://theparagraph.com/2010/01/old-law-could-stop-corporate-dinosaurs/) of corporate activity to influence public policy. In 2008, by a 5-4 vote, the Supreme Court, led by Chief Justice John Roberts, produced the infamous Citizens United (http://www.dailykos.com/story/2015/01/28/1360644/-Justice-Stevens-Pens-Six-Amendments-to-Tune-Up-Constitution?detail=email#citizensunited) ruling giving corporations the unlimited right to finance campaign speech. And last year, by the same 5-4 vote, the Roberts Court struck down any limit (http://www.dailykos.com/story/2015/01/28/1360644/-Justice-Stevens-Pens-Six-Amendments-to-Tune-Up-Constitution?detail=email#mccutcheon) on total donations a person could make to candidates, giving rich persons the right to spend millions in a single election. The strongest proposed amendment (https://movetoamend.org/wethepeopleamendment) addressing this problem states that corporations are not persons and money is not speech. Stevens' amendment states neither, but he believes it would eliminate "the most serious consequences" of Citizens United:

Neither the First Amendment nor any other provision of this Constitution shall be construed to prohibit the Congress or any state from imposing reasonable limits on the amount of money that candidates for public office, or their supporters, may spend in election campaigns.

4. Sovereign Immunity: The Eleventh Amendment, banning a citizen of one state from suing another state in federal court, was prompted by states that wanted to dodge their war debts. Their reasoning leaned on "sovereign immunity," a principle that holds the "sovereign," any of the individual states in this case, above the law, shielding it from court action. Stevens says that this doctrine "should never have been adopted in a democracy." He notes an argument against it from the famous Chief Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes: "It is revolting to have no better reason for a rule of law than that it was so laid down in the time of Henry IV. It is still more revolting if the grounds upon which it was laid down have vanished long since and the rule simply persists from blind imitation of the past." Since the arrival of Rehnquist, the Supreme Court has made a series of rulings that stretched sovereign immunity and weakened state compliance with national law. For example, in 1974 a Rehnquist opinion let Illinois skate (http://www.dailykos.com/story/2015/01/28/1360644/-Justice-Stevens-Pens-Six-Amendments-to-Tune-Up-Constitution?detail=email#edelman) on paying damages for past non-compliance with a federal law for aiding aged, blind and disabled persons. And in 1999 the Rehnquist Court, citing an unwritten state sovereignty rule imagined to be in the "plan of the [Constitutional] Convention," forbade Congress (http://www.dailykos.com/story/2015/01/28/1360644/-Justice-Stevens-Pens-Six-Amendments-to-Tune-Up-Constitution?detail=email#alden) to authorize suing a state for violations of the Fair Labor Standards Act. To Stevens, striking down the sovereign immunity doctrine is a matter of simple justice. A state-owned hospital, school, or police force should not have a defense to federal claims that a private one does not. To right this wrong Stevens adds an amendment:

Neither the Tenth Amendment, the Eleventh Amendment, nor any other provision of this Constitution, shall be construed to provide any state, state agency, or state officer with an immunity from liability for violating any act of Congress, or any provision of this Constitution.

5. The Death Penalty: Stevens points out the main arguments for the death penalty: that it keeps the murderer from murdering again; that it deters murder; and that it gives revenge for society's outrage. But there are good counter-arguments: that a sentence of life without parole also keeps the murderer from murdering again; that it would as well deter murder; and that society has evolved away from vengeance, as shown by its concern that death sentence execution be painless. Another strong argument is that the death penalty is final, yet fallible. Especially with the rise of DNA testing technology, many cases of false convictions have come to light. Under Chief Justice John Roberts, two Supreme Court rulings (http://www.dailykos.com/story/2015/01/28/1360644/-Justice-Stevens-Pens-Six-Amendments-to-Tune-Up-Constitution?detail=email#baze), including oneupholding a judge's instruction (http://www.dailykos.com/story/2015/01/28/1360644/-Justice-Stevens-Pens-Six-Amendments-to-Tune-Up-Constitution?detail=email#marsh) to a jury to choose death when the evidence for and against it is balanced, have made the death penalty a bit more likely. To Stevens, the "final, yet fallible" argument is reason enough to abolish the death penalty, which he would do by adding five words to the Eighth Amendment:

Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments such as the death penalty inflicted.

6. Gun Control: For more than two hundred years, federal judges have, according to Stevens, uniformly understood the Second Amendment to be limited in two ways. One, that it applies only for military purposes, and two, that, while it limited the power of the federal government, it did not limit the power of state or local governments to regulate ownership or use of firearms. Thus, in 1939 the Court ruled unanimously (http://www.dailykos.com/story/2015/01/28/1360644/-Justice-Stevens-Pens-Six-Amendments-to-Tune-Up-Constitution?detail=email#miller) that Congress could ban possession of a sawed-off shotgun because that weapon had no reasonable relation to "a well regulated Militia." But the Roberts Court has twice ruled against governments trying to tamp down gun violence. In 2008, a 5-4 majority, citing the Second Amendment, threw out a Washington, D.C., law and created a new Constitutional right (http://www.dailykos.com/story/2015/01/28/1360644/-Justice-Stevens-Pens-Six-Amendments-to-Tune-Up-Constitution?detail=email#heller) for a civilian in D.C. to keep an enabled handgun at home for self-defense. And in 2010, the same 5-4 Court, citing the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment, threw out a Chicago handgun ban, andextended (http://www.dailykos.com/story/2015/01/28/1360644/-Justice-Stevens-Pens-Six-Amendments-to-Tune-Up-Constitution?detail=email#mcdonald) the Court's newly-created Constitutional right to the states. To restore the Second Amendment to its original meaning, and to return the power of regulating firearms to state and local governments, Stevens adds five words to the Second Amendment:

A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms when serving in the Militia, shall not be infringed.

Putting Stevens' amendments through looks like a long row to hoe. But, as Bertrand Russell once said (http://theparagraph.com/2014/12/bertrand-russells-plan-for-world-peace-and-progress-maximize-individual-liberty-abolish-capitalism/) of his own proposal for political change, "[T]he difficulty ... does not diminish the desirability of such a change." And Stevens is undaunted:

As time passes, I am confident that the soundness of each of my proposals will become more and more evident, and that ultimately each will be adopted. The purpose of this book is to expedite that process and to avoid future crises before they occur.

http://www.dailykos.com/story/2015/01/28/1360644/-Justice-Stevens-Pens-Six-Amendments-to-Tune-Up-Constitution?detail=email#

Never gonna happen, but an interesting exercise. The REPUGS would of course block everything.

boutons_deux
01-29-2015, 11:26 AM
Apropos #1 above: Here's Christian Confederate judge violating the Constitution to impose HIS religion, HIS personal law, ethics, morals on others.

Alabama Supreme Court chief justice encourages defiance on gay marriage ruling

http://www.rawstory.com/rs/2015/01/alabama-supreme-court-chief-justice-encourages-defiance-on-gay-marriage-ruling/?utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=feed&utm_campaign=Feed%3A+TheRawStory+%28The+Raw+Story% 29

an elected judge, owned by his campaign contributors, still fighting the North

angrydude
01-29-2015, 12:49 PM
Why not just replace it with a much simpler one.

The Federal Government owns your ass

boutons_deux
01-29-2015, 02:21 PM
The Federal Government owns your ass

Big Lie

1%/BigCorp/Finance owns the Federal govt.

TheSanityAnnex
01-29-2015, 03:33 PM
7th amendment to the Constitution: if you can't wipe your own ass you don't get to amend anything

spurraider21
01-29-2015, 04:54 PM
Id be for 1, 2, and 4. Indifferent to 5

boutons_deux
01-29-2015, 04:59 PM
7th amendment to the Constitution: if you can't wipe your own ass you don't get to amend anything

rightwingers and gun fellators should always wipe their asses after getting their fudge packed.

Winehole23
01-30-2015, 12:55 PM
Don't like it. I doubt a Constitution hewing to modern political preferences were wise at all. There's too much casual disrespect for fellow citizens who happen to disagree. This board is daily proof. Any contemporary constitutional convention would tend to be hijacked by the crazies on both side, with unpredictable results.

Faulty as it is, what we've got is workable and largely understandable, even if it ends up disappointing all sides on certain things. There's no guarantee a new-fangled constitution would be better and a good chance it would be much worse.

Winehole23
01-30-2015, 01:00 PM
Going amendment by amendment as outlined in the US Constitution would be another thing entirely, but that seems to be too hard a road for aspirational reformers, most of the time.

boutons_deux
01-30-2015, 01:59 PM
Don't like it. I doubt a Constitution hewing to modern political preferences were wise at all. There's too much casual disrespect for fellow citizens who happen to disagree. This board is daily proof. Any contemporary constitutional convention would tend to be hijacked by the crazies on both side, with unpredictable results.

Faulty as it is, what we've got is workable and largely understandable, even if it ends up disappointing all sides on certain things. There's no guarantee a new-fangled constitution would be better and a good chance it would be much worse.

Stevens isn't talking new fangled, he's talking tuning.

The 1% and BigCorp have rigged the country to their enrichment and protection, which includes putting right-wing hacks on SCOTUS, and will block ANY changes to Constitution, have the Repug whores kill changes right on Congress, never mind Human-Americans getting their say, that threatens their status quo.

which above are "modern political preferences"? "modern political preferences" in the late 18th century are now badly in need of updating.

Winehole23
01-30-2015, 03:08 PM
well then, hop to it

boutons_deux
01-30-2015, 03:29 PM
People or parchment?

A fixed constitution has no place in a modern democracy, so why is the founding document of the US still seen as sacred?


http://cdn-imgs-mag.aeon.co/images/2015/01/American-Eagle-GS1273066.jpg

1927, the American Communist leader Jay Lovestone aroused Moscow’s ire by arguing that industry in the United States was so youthful and vigorous as to be exempt from the traditional Marxist laws of capitalist crisis and decay. ‘American exceptionalism’ – the phrase that the Soviet leader Joseph Stalin used to describe Lovestone’s heresy – then went underground for more than half a century, only to emerge in the 1980s, strangely enough among US neoconservatives.

Standing Stalin on his head – or, as they would undoubtedly prefer, on his feet – the neocons argued that the US was exceptional after all, not just ‘the indispensable nation’, as the Secretary of State Madeleine Albright would later have it, but fundamentally different from every other country on Earth. Newt Gingrich wrote an entire book celebrating American exceptionalism while the Republican presidential candidate Mitt Romney repeatedly invoked it on the 2012 campaign trail. ‘Our President doesn’t have the same feelings about American exceptionalism that we do,’ he complained. Not to be outdone, Barack Obama declared in a major foreign policy address last year: ‘I believe in American exceptionalism with every fibre of my being.’


As much as one might be tempted to write this off as typical American bluster, it happens to be correct – although not in ways the politicians realise. The US is exceptional. It’s exceptionally big, with two and a half times the population of any other member of the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), an organisation that includes most of the world’s richest countries. The US is also exceptionally wealthy, with a per-capita income at least 40 per cent above the OECD average. And it’s exceptionally powerful, with more than 700 military installations across the globe and a military budget greater than that of the next eight nations combined.

The US is exceptional in another way, too: constitutionally. Other countries have their parliaments and heads of state. But no other country invests such authority in a single document dating from the era of silk knee britches and powdered wigs. Sealed in moisture-controlled, bullet-proof glass containers that are on display in a special rotunda at the National Archives Museum in Washington DC by day and lowered into a multi-ton bomb-proof vault by night, the Constitution is to the US what the Bible was to medieval Europe or the Qur’an to today’s Islamic State, albeit with certain differences.

It’s much shorter: just 4,000 words in its original 1787 version. It’s also more rigorous and to the point: you don’t have to parse a story about Abraham or Moses to learn how the Congressional spending process works. All you have to do is turn to Article I, section 7, and learn that ‘all bills for raising revenue shall originate in the House of Representatives; but the Senate may propose or concur with amendments as on other bills’ – which is more or less how things still work today.
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On the other hand, unlike today’s Bible or the Qur’an, the Constitution is subject to textual emendation. This might seem to detract from its general aura of holiness, yet the fact that Americans must genuflect in the direction of the founding fathers every time they want to change so much as a comma actually works to enhance the sacredness of the whole.

In effect, the amending clause contained in Article V says that any change, no matter how minor, must be approved by two-thirds of each house of Congress plus three-fourths of the states. This is daunting, certainly. But growing population disparities render it even more so since the three-fourths rule means that 13 states representing as little as 4.4 per cent of the population can veto any change sought by the remaining 95.6 percent of the population.

As a result, Americans have succeeded in modifying the Constitution only 17 times since ratification of the Bill of Rights in 1791. Since amendments tend to come in clumps during periods of exceptional turmoil, this means that decades can race by without any change at all. For instance, the US was constitutionally frozen for nearly 60 years prior to the Civil War, and then spent another 40 years in a constitutional deep-freeze during the Gilded Age that followed. Only one amendment, the 27th, concerning the scheduling of Congressional pay raises, has been approved since the civil-rights revolution of the 1960s and early ’70s, and that one was drafted in 1789 and then gathered dust in various state legislatures for more than two centuries. Excepting this unusual amendment, the present constitutional ice age could wind up outlasting the first.

Arguably, this Constitutional paralysis is the real source of American exceptionalism – not America’s military or economic clout, but its basic political structure, so unlike that of just about any other country on Earth. It’s certainly the source of its exceptional political psychology. One might think that Americans would be impatient with a Constitution that frustrates any and all efforts at reform, yet the response has been the opposite: instead of growing angry, people have reassured themselves over the years that immobility is all to the good because anything they do to change things can only make them worse. In effect, they’ve taken the old adage, ‘If it ain’t broke, don’t fix it,’ and turned it around. Since a fix is impossible due to the system’s deep-seated resistance to change, then it must not be broken at all. In fact, it must be perfect and therefore divinely inspired. And if the Constitution is divinely inspired, can the US be anything other than divinely inspired as well?

Who rules, the people or a piece of parchment?


The Constitution is perfect because it’s impervious to change and vice versa. This is exceptional all right, as well as more than a bit odd. After all, cars, washing machines, and vacuum cleaners all run down from time to time, so why not the US machinery of government? Why should it be spared the usual wear and tear? This would seem to be the case especially given the news out of Washington these days about gridlock, high-wire negotiations, and government shutdowns. Surely, a government that periodically shuts its doors due to budget disputes between the executive and legislative branch can’t be said to be functioning up to snuff? In fact, it seems more and more dysfunctional. Yet everyone say it’s the greatest system on Earth. How can that be?

The perception gap extends beyond the machinery of government. Foreigners, for example, are perplexed by US gun laws. How can a modern society insist on every citizen’s right to own assault rifles and other high-powered weaponry that in just about every other country are banned? When informed that a majority of Americans have historically favoured effective gun control but that the federal courts, citing the Second Amendment, have increasingly ruled them out of order, their confusion deepens. How can Americans be required to live under the Second Amendment if they don’t want to? Who rules, the people or a piece of parchment? On one hand, the Preamble seems to establish ‘we the people’ as the all-powerful makers and breakers of constitutions. On the other, the rest of the document outlines a system that gives them almost no power at all. So which is it?

Given all this, perhaps we can begin to understand what politicians mean when they utter the sacred phrase ‘American exceptionalism’. Like Lovestone back in the 1920s, today’s conservatives seem to be saying that logic is for little countries and not a hyperpower such as the US. Other countries might worry about a constitution that says one thing and then another, but not the US. It is above such rules. American exceptionalism, in their view, means not just that the US is exceptionally brave, generous and godly, but that it is ‘immune from the social ills and decadence that have beset all other republics in the past’, as the sociologist Daniel Bell once put it.

Where other countries’ fortunes rise and fall, the US therefore knows one direction only: onward and ever upward. Where lesser nations must tinker with the machinery of government to make it run more smoothly, Americans know that their system is so flawless that it doesn’t require tinkering at all. All they have had to do is sit back and watch as the perpetual-motion machine goes about its business. It’s a marvellous notion, but reality it is not. More than a century ago, the poet James Russell Lowell warned Americans that the Constitution was not ‘a machine that would go of itself’.

No country is very happy these days after half a dozen years of recession, but the US is in a class by itself. To be sure, the economy has held up better than most due to the Obama administration’s Keynesian stimulus policies and the advantages of issuing the global reserve currency. But while fuelling a boom on Wall Street, super-low interest rates have done little more than mask the pain for the great majority. Between 1989 and 2013, the share of wealth of the bottom nine-tenths fell from 33.2 to 24.7 per cent, while median household income has fallen better than 12 per cent since the start of the crisis in 2007.

Foreign policy is a disaster, especially in the Middle East where the US finds itself further drawn into an ever more ambiguous war. Conditions on Capitol Hill, after two decades of vicious partisan infighting, seem as polarised as ever. In other countries, partisanship is the stuff of modern politics. The ability to seek out like-minded individuals, formulate a programme, and then fight for its approval is what propels democracy forward. Yet in the US, the only effect is to overload the machinery and cause it to crash. The system is so larded with checks and balances favouring tiny minorities that it takes very little for a well-entrenched interest group to pull the emergency brake and bring the whole affair to a screeching halt.

As a consequence, breakdown has become the norm. While both sides claim to believe in bipartisanship, a Republican Party pushed around by its own Right-wing fringe has become so adept at obstructionism that normal legislative processes have given way to a kind of slow-motion trench warfare. The parties accuse one another of failing to co‑operate, and immobilisation is the norm.

If this isn’t a broken system, what is? Since economic polarisation is a global phenomenon, a sclerotic 18th century Constitution can’t be entirely to blame. But an increasingly unrepresentative system obviously doesn’t help. Thanks to a Senate that gives equal representation to all 50 states even though the largest (California) is now some 65 times more populous than the smallest (Wyoming), US government is arguably more undemocratic now than it was even in the 19th century.

The US claims to have written the book on democracy, but ‘we the people’ never had an opportunity to vote on the complicated checks and balances created in their name


In the 114th US Congress, 67.8 million people voted for senators who caucus with the Democratic Party, while 47.1 million voted for senators who caucus with the Republican Party. Yet those 67.8 million votes elected 46 senators while the 47.1 million votes elected 54 senators. Call this what you will, but representative it’s not. Thanks to a bizarre filibuster system that allows 41 senators (representing as little as 11 per cent of the population) to prevent any bill from reaching the floor, it has never been more unfair. Yet a fix is impossible. The results in the economic realm are all too obvious. While other countries have succeeded to a degree in bucking the trend toward financial oligopoly, the US has given it free reign. The system continues tottering forward because no one is able to come up with a viable alternative.




The US is thus a strange combination of might and weakness; a country able to project military firepower to the far corners of the globe yet incapable of addressing its own basic structural weaknesses. It insists that its 18th century governing system is flawless and loudly thumps its chest at anyone who dares say otherwise. Yet anyone who has bothered to look into the matter knows that it just isn’t so. Although the US claims to have written the book on democracy, the fact is that ‘we the people’ have never had an opportunity to vote on the complicated checks and balances created in their name. To be sure, Americans elected delegates to special state ratification conventions that eventually gave the document their assent. But as the historian Forrest McDonald pointed out half a century ago, women, blacks, native Americans, and non-property owners were all barred from voting while three-fourths of those eligible did not even bother to take part. This hardly qualifies as a ringing democratic endorsement.

Rather than a sign of strength, endless hosannas to American exceptionalism amount to so much whistling past the graveyard. Romney might tell the world that he ‘reject[s] the view that America must decline’ and proclaim his faith in American exceptionalism instead. But what can he do exactly to make the process stop? When the US columnist Ramesh Ponnuru says that decadent Europeans ‘are just waiting for someone to turn out the last light in the last gallery of the Louvre’ whereas ‘Americans are not prepared to go gentle into that good night’, he misses the point. What makes Dylan Thomas’ lines so poignant is that, no matter how much one rages against the dying of the light, it will flicker out regardless. If the phrase ‘American exceptionalism’ seems to be popping up more and more frequently, it is because many in the US are in denial about something that is by now glaringly apparent.

Nothing could be sillier than the notion of strolling into the 21st century with a pre-modern plan of government. It’s like sending an 18th century man-of-war into battle against a guided-missile destroyer. The US political system’s age, in other words, is showing.

30 January 2015

http://aeon.co/magazine/society/the-cult-of-the-us-constitution/