Boston on pace to beat MJ's '96 Bulls?

[SpursDynasty]

I think Boston is on pace for about 73 wins, if they win tonight.

[dirk4mvp]

I think you're an idiot.

[m33p0]

i really don't care. in fact, i think detroit would love to see the celtics try and beat that record. that bulls team paid for that record in the playoffs by dropping games they were supposed to win.

what is more impressive? 72-10 regular season or a 12-1 (15-1) post season record?

[Capt Bringdown]

I think regular season records do matter with regards to the refs. The Celts just might get Dwayne Wade treatment in the playoffs, would that be a surprise?

I think the way to beat 'em in a series would be to get physical - but that would be tough if they get preferential treatment.

[SpursDynasty]

Duncan vs. KG, Bowen vs. Allen.

Can't wait.

[monosylab1k]

The Manifesto of the Communist Party (German: Manifest der Kommunistischen Partei), usually referred to as The Communist Manifesto, was first published on February 21, 1848, and is one of the world's most influential political tracts. Commissioned by the Communist League and written by communist theorists Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, it laid out the League's purposes and program. The Manifesto suggested a course of action for a proletarian (working class) revolution to overthrow the bourgeois social order and to eventually bring about a classless and stateless society, and the abolition of private property.

Although the names of both Friedrich Engels and Karl Marx appear on the title page alongside the "persistent assumption of joint-authorship", Engels, in the preface introduction to the 1883 German edition of the Manifesto, said that the Manifesto was "essentially Marx's work" and that "the basic thought... belongs solely and exclusively to Marx." McLellan, along with many other scholars, believes that "the actual drafting of The Communist Manifesto was done exclusively by Marx."

It is claimed in the text itself to have been sketched by a group of Communists from various countries that gathered together in London.

The Communist Manifesto's initial publication, in 1848 (in London), was in German. The first English translation was produced by Helen MacFarlane in 1850. The Manifesto went through a number of editions from 1872 to 1890; notable new prefaces were written by Marx and Engels for the 1872 German edition, the 1882 Russian edition, the 1883 German edition, and the 1888 English edition. This edition, translated by Samuel Moore with the assistance of Engels, has been the most commonly used English text since.
However, some recent English editions, such as Phil Gasper's annotated "road map" (Haymarket Books, 2006), have used a slightly modified text in response to criticisms of the Moore translation made by Hal Draper in his 1994 history of the Manifesto, The Adventures of the "Communist Manifesto" (Center for Socialist History, 1994).

The Manifesto is divided into an introduction, three substantive sections, and a conclusion.

Preamble
The introduction begins with the notable comparison of communism to a "spectre," claiming that across Europe communism is feared, but not understood, and thus communists ought to make their views known with a manifesto:
A spectre is haunting Europe—the spectre of Communism. All the Powers of old Europe have entered into a holy alliance to exorcise this spectre: Pope and Czar, Metternich and Guizot, French Radicals and German police-spies.
Where is the party in opposition that has not been decried as Communistic by its opponents in power? Where is the Opposition that has not hurled back the branding reproach of Communism, against the more advanced opposition parties, as well as against its reactionary adversaries?

I. Bourgeois and Proletarians
The first section, "Bourgeois and Proletarians", puts forward Marx's historical materialism, claiming that
The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles.
Freeman and slave, patrician and plebeian, lord and serf, guild-master and journeyman, in a word, oppressor and oppressed, stood in constant opposition to one another, carried on an uninterrupted, now hidden, now open fight, a fight that each time ended, either in a revolutionary re-constitution of society at large, or in the common ruin of the contending classes.
The section goes on to argue that the class struggle under capitalism is between those who own the means of production, the ruling class or bourgeoisie, and those who labor for a wage, the working class or proletariat. Though the bourgeoisie has played a progressive role in destroying feudalism, according to Marx and Engels, it has also brought about the conditions for its own impending downfall by creating a contradiction within capitalism between the forces of production and the relations of production:
The bourgeoisie, wherever it has got the upper hand, has put an end to all feudal, patriarchal, idyllic relations. It ... has left remaining no other nexus between man and man than naked self-interest, than callous “cash payment” ... for exploitation, veiled by religious and political illusions, it has substituted naked, shameless, direct, brutal exploitation ... Constant revolutionising of production, uninterrupted disturbance of all social conditions, everlasting uncertainty and agitation distinguish the bourgeois epoch from all earlier ones ... All that is solid melts into air, all that is holy is profaned, and man is at last compelled to face with sober senses, his real conditions of life, and his relations with his kind.
However:
The essential condition for the existence, and for the sway of the bourgeois class, is the formation and augmentation of capital; the condition for capital is wage-labour. Wage-labour rests exclusively on competition between the labourers.

II. Proletarians and Communists
The second section, "Proletarians and Communists," starts by outlining the relationship of conscious communists to the rest of the working class:
The Communists do not form a separate party opposed to other working-class parties.
They have no interests separate and apart from those of the proletariat as a whole.
They do not set up any special principles of their own, by which to shape and mould the proletarian movement.
The Communists are distinguished from the other working-class parties by this only: 1. In the national struggles of the proletarians of the different countries, they point out and bring to the front the common interests of the entire proletariat, independently of all nationality. 2. In the various stages of development which the struggle of the working class against the bourgeoisie has to pass through, they always and everywhere represent the interests of the movement as a whole.
It goes on to defend communism from various objections, such as the claim that communists advocate "free love," and the claim that people will not perform labor in a communist society because they have no incentive to work.
The section ends by outlining a set of short-term demands. These included, among others, the abolition of both land ownership and of the right to inheritance, a progressive income tax, universal education, centralization of the means of communication and transport under state management, and the expansion of the means of production owned by the state. The implementation of these policies, would, the authors believed, be a precursor to the stateless and classless society.
One particularly controversial passage deals with this transitional period:
When, in the course of development, class distinctions have disappeared, and all production has been concentrated in the hands of a vast association of the whole nation, the public power will lose its political character. Political power, properly so called, is merely the organized power of one class for oppressing another. If the proletariat during its contest with the bourgeoisie is compelled, by the force of circumstances, to organize itself as a class, if, by means of a revolution, it makes itself the ruling class, and, as such, sweeps away by force the old conditions of production, then it will, along with these conditions, have swept away the conditions for the existence of class antagonisms and of classes generally, and will thereby have abolished its own supremacy as a class.
It is this concept of the transition from socialism to communism which many critics of the Manifesto, particularly during and after the Soviet era, have highlighted. Anarchists, liberals, and conservatives have all asked how an organization such as the revolutionary state could ever (as Engels put it elsewhere) "wither away."
In a related dispute, later Marxists make a separation between "socialism," a society ruled by workers, and "communism," a classless society. Engels wrote little and Marx wrote less on the specifics of the transition to communism, so the authenticity of this distinction remains a matter of dispute.

10 Planks of the Communist Manifesto
Abolition of property in land and application of all rents of land to public purposes.
A heavy progressive or graduated income tax.
Abolition of all right of inheritance.
Confiscation of the property of all emigrants and rebels.
Centralization of credit in the hands of the State, by means of a national bank with State capital and an exclusive monopoly.
Centralization of the means of communication and transport in the hands of the State.
Extension of factories and instruments of production owned by the State; the bringing into cultivation of waste-lands, and the improvement of the soil generally in accordance with a common plan.
Equal liability of all to labour. Establishment of industrial armies, especially for agriculture.
Combination of agriculture with manufacturing industries; gradual abolition of the distinction between town and country, by a more equable distribution of the population over the country.
Free education for all children in public schools. Abolition of children's factory labour in its present form. Combination of education with industrial production.
According to the Communist Manifesto, all these were prior conditions for a transition from capitalism to communism (but Marx and Engels later expressed a desire to modernize this passage).

III. Socialist and Communist Literature
The third section, "Socialist and Communist Literature," distinguishes communism from other socialist doctrines prevalent at the time the Manifesto was written. While the harshness of Marx's and Engels' attacks varies, and their debt to "utopian socialists" such as Fourier, Proudhon, and Owen is acknowledged, all rival views are eventually dismissed for advocating reformism and failing to recognize the key role of the working class. Partly because of Marx's critique, most of the specific ideologies described in this section became politically negligible by the end of the nineteenth century.

IV. Position of the Communists in Relation to the Various Existing Opposition Parties
The concluding section, "Position of the Communists in Relation to the Various Existing Opposition Parties," briefly discusses the communist position on struggles in specific countries in the mid-nineteenth century. It then ends with a call to action:
The Communists disdain to conceal their views and aims. They openly declare that their ends can be attained only by the forcible overthrow of all existing social conditions. Let the ruling classes tremble at a Communistic revolution. The proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains or dignity. They have a world to win.
WORKING MEN OF ALL COUNTRIES, UNITE!

[mavs>spurs2]

Duncan vs. KG, Bowen vs. Allen.

Can't wait.

Who will guard Dirk? Garnett? But then again they probably wouldnt guard each other because of foul trouble..same with Pierce and Howard. Harris/Terry will eat Rondo alive..with Allen being the X factor.

Should be a good one

[monosylab1k]

Mein Kampf (English translation: My Struggle) is a book by the German-Austrian nazi dictator Adolf Hitler, which combines elements of autobiography with an exposition of Hitler's National Socialist political ideology. Volume 1 of Mein Kampf was published in 1925 and volume 2 in 1926.

Popularity and history during Hitler's lifetime

Following the failed Beer Hall Putsch, Adolf Hitler went into hiding. However, he was arrested on November 11, 1923, was remanded, and, after a 24-day trial, found guilty of high treason and sentenced to five years imprisonment (of which the term was to be reduced by four months and two weeks for the time served in prison prior to and during the trial). Presiding Judge Neithhardt was convinced that Hitler and the other members of the Kampfbund had acted honorably, and Hitler was therefore eligible for parole in six months and also to be given the privilege of Festungshaft (imprisonment without penal labor). This permitted Hitler a steady flow of visitors and a desk in his cell.
Hitler was allocated Cell No. 11 of the Fortress Landsberg prison. A subsequent trial pertaining to the putsch saw Hitler’s chauffeur Emil Maurice and close associate Rudolf Hess imprisoned for five years, though they too would be eligible for release in six months. During this time in prison, Hitler underwent something of an epiphany with regards to his use of violence: from now on everything was to be ostensibly legal.
Having chosen this new move, Hitler felt that he needed to make sure that the public knew what he stood for, so began to dictate a book to Hess and Maurice, part-autobiography but also a political treatise. While imprisoned, Hitler’s first often overlooked contribution to the literary world was released, a small 24-page self-written booklet entitled ‘What Happened On November 8?’ aimed at clearing up confusion and rumor amidst both the party ranks and presumably some members of the public.
A poster shows that Hitler originally wanted to call his forthcoming book ‘Viereinhalb Jahre [des Kampfes] gegen Lüge, Dummheit und Feigheit’ (Four and a Half Years [of Fighting] Against Lies, Stupidity and Cowardice). Hess is said to have suggested the much shorter Mein Kampf (often translated as “My Struggle”, its meaning could also be conveyed as “My Fight”); this has also been attributed to Max Amann, Hitler’s publisher.
Though Hitler had received many visitors earlier on, he soon devoted himself entirely to the writing (or rather the dictation) of the book. As Hitler continued, he realised that it would have to be a two-volume work, with the first volume scheduled for release in early 1925. The prison governor of Landsberg noted at the time that ‘he [Hitler] hopes the book will run into many editions, thus enabling him to fulfill his financial obligations and to defray the expenses incurred at the time of his trial.’
Once released from prison on December 20, 1924, Hitler moved back to the picturesque mountainous climes of the Obersalzberg, to which he had been introduced by his mentor Dietrich Eckart, who had been at Landsberg with Hitler for a few weeks (imprisoned for eighteen months for his role in the putsch) before his health failed and he was released. By day, Hitler dictated his second volume of Mein Kampf to Eckart before sleeping, first at a room in the nearby Hotel Pension Moritz and later a rented cottage just a stone’s throw away from Haus Wachenfeld, over which he would later construct his Berghof as chancellor of Germany.
On July 15, 1925, Franz Eher Nachfolger, later to become the publishing house of the NSDAP, released Mein Kampf: Eine Abrechnung (A Retrospect) at a run of a mere 500 copies. Though by no means popular, people were said to have contacted Eher asking for a larger run, which resulted in the publication of a second edition of the first volume in mid-1926. The second volume, Die Nationalsozialistische Bewegung (The National Socialist Movement) was released in December 1926.
While Hitler was in power (1933-1945), Mein Kampf came to be available in three common editions. The first, the Volksausgabe (People’s Edition), featured the original cover on the dust jacket and was navy blue underneath with a gold swastika eagle embossed on the cover. The Hochzeitsausgabe (Wedding Edition), in a slipcase with the seal of the province embossed in gold onto a parchment-like cover was given free to marrying couples. In 1940, the Tornister-Ausgabe was released. This edition was a compact, but unabridged, version in a red cover and was released by the post office for parents and partners to send to loved ones at the front. These three editions contained both, volumes one and two in the same book.
There was also a special edition published in 1939 in honor of Hitler's 50th birthday. This edition was known as the Jubiläumsausgabe (Anniversery Issue). It came in both dark blue and bright red boards with a gold sword on the cover. This work contained both volumes one and two. It was considered a delux version relative to the smaller and more common Volksausgabe.
The book could also be purchased as a two volume set during Hitler's time in power and was available in softcover and hardcover. The soft cover edition contained the original cover (as pictured at the top of this article). The hardcover edition had a leather spine with cloth covered boards. The cover and spine contained an image of three brown oak leaves.

The arrangement of chapters is as follows:
INTRODUCTION
VOLUME I: A RETROSPECT
Chapter 1 In the Home of My Parents
Chapter 2 Years of Study and Suffering in Vienna
Chapter 3 Political Reflections Arising Out of My Sojourn in Vienna
Chapter 4 Munich
Chapter 5 The World War
Chapter 6 War Propaganda
Chapter 7 The Revolution
Chapter 8 The Beginning of My Political Activities
Chapter 9 The German Labour Party
Chapter 10 Why The Second Reich Collapsed
Chapter 11 Race and People
Chapter 12 The First Stage in The Development of the German National Socialist Labour Party
VOLUME II: THE NATIONAL SOCIALIST MOVEMENT
Chapter 1 Weltanschauung and Party
Chapter 2 The State
Chapter 3 Citizens and Subjects of The State
Chapter 4 Personality and the Ideal of the People's State
Chapter 5 Weltanschauung and Organization
Chapter 6 The First Period of Our Struggle
Chapter 7 The Conflict with the Red Forces
Chapter 8 The Strong Is Strongest When Alone
Chapter 9 Fundamental Ideas Regarding The Nature and Organization of the Storm Troops
Chapter 10 The Mask of Federalism
Chapter 11 Propaganda and Organization
Chapter 12 The Problem of the Trade Unions
Chapter 13 The German Post-War Policy of Alliances
Chapter 14 Germany's Policy in Eastern Europe
Chapter 15 The Right To Self-Defense
EPILOGUE
The book is heavily influenced by Gustave Le Bon’s 1895 The Crowd: A Study of the Popular Mind, which theorized propaganda as an adequate rational technique to control the seemingly irrational behaviour of crowds.(See also: Nazi Propaganda) Particularly prominent is the violent anti-Semitism of Hitler and his associates, drawing, among other sources, on the fabricated Protocols of the Elders of Zion. For example, Hitler claimed that the international language Esperanto was part of a Jewish plot and makes arguments toward the old German nationalist ideas of “Drang nach Osten” and the necessity to gain Lebensraum (“living space”) eastwards (especially in Russia).
In Mein Kampf, Hitler uses the main thesis of “The Jewish peril”, which speaks of an alleged Jewish conspiracy to gain world leadership. The narrative describes the process by which he became increasingly anti-Semitic and militaristic, especially during his years in Vienna, Austria. Yet the deeper origins of his anti-semitism remain a mystery. He speaks of not having met a Jew until he arrived in Vienna, and that at first his attitude was liberal and tolerant. When he first encountered the anti-semitic press, he says, he dismissed it as unworthy of serious consideration. A little later and quite suddenly, it seems, he accepted the same anti-semitic views whole-heartedly, and they became crucial in his programme of national reconstruction. It was Zionism, which he calls a “great movement” in Mein Kampf, which he says settled his view (as theirs) that one cannot be both a German and a Jew.
Mein Kampf has also been studied as a work on political theory. For example, Hitler announces his hatred of what he believed to be the world's twin evils: Communism and Judaism. The new territory that Germany needed to obtain would properly nurture the “historic destiny” of the German people; this goal explains why Hitler invaded Europe, both East and West, before he launched his attack against Russia. Laying Germany’s chief ills on the parliament of the Weimar Republic, he announces that he wants to completely destroy that type of government.
Mein Kampf has been examined as a book on foreign policy. For example, Hitler predicts the stages of Germany’s political emergence on the world scene: in the first stage, Germany would, through a program of massive re-armament, overthrow the shackles of the Treaty of Versailles and form alliances with the British Empire and Fascist Italy. The second stage would feature wars against France and her allies in Eastern Europe by the combined forces of Germany, Britain and Italy. The third and final stage would be a war to destroy what Hitler saw as the "Judeo-Bolshevik" regime in the Soviet Union that would give Germany the necessary Lebensraum. German historian Andreas Hillgruber labelled the plans contained in Mein Kampf as Hitler’s “Stufenplan” (Stage-by-stage plan). The term “Stufenplan” has been widely used by historians, though it must be noted that the term was Hillgruber’s, not Hitler’s.
Hitler presented himself as the “Übermensch”, frequently rendered as the somewhat ambiguous “Superman” or “Superhuman”. Nineteenth-century German philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche had developed this term in his book, Thus Spoke Zarathustra. Hitler’s self-identification as such may have stemmed from his association with Nietzsche’s sister, Elisabeth Förster-Nietzsche, who was an early member of the Nazi party and a committed anti-semite; she herself became the owner and editor of Nietzsche’s works after his mental collapse and death in 1900, long before Hitler's ascendancy.
Mein Kampf makes clear Hitler’s racist worldview, in which humans are to be classified based on ancestry. Hitler asserts that German “Aryans” are at the top of the hierarchy while Jews and Gypsies are consigned to the bottom of the order. Hitler goes on to say that dominated peoples benefit by learning from the superior Aryans. Hitler further claimed that the Jews were conspiring to keep this “master race” from rightfully ruling the world by diluting its racial and cultural purity and by convincing the Aryans to believe in equality rather than superiority and inferiority. He described the struggle for world domination as an ongoing racial, cultural and political battle between Aryans and non-Aryans.
In 1928, Hitler went on to write a second book in which he expanded upon these ideas and suggested that around 1980, a final struggle would take place for world domination between the United States, the combined forces of “Greater Germany” and the British Empire (read more about this sequel below).

English Translation

Dugdale abridgment
The first English translation was an abridgment by Edgar Dugdale who started work on it in 1931, at the prompting of his wife Blanche. When he learned that the London publishing firm of Hurst & Blackett had secured the rights to publish an abridgment in the United Kingdom, he offered it gratis in April 1933. However, a local Nazi representative insisted that the translation be further abridged before publication, so it was held back from the public until October 13, 1933, although excerpts were allowed to run in The Times in late July.
In America, Houghton Mifflin secured the rights to the Dugdale abridgment on July 29, 1933. The only differences between the American and British versions are that the title was translated My Struggle in the UK and My Battle in America; and that Dugdale is credited as translator in the US edition, while the British version withheld his name. Both Dugdales were active in the Zionist movement; Blanche was the niece of Lord Balfour, and they wished to avoid publicity.

Murphy translation
One of the first complete English translations of Mein Kampf was by James Murphy in 1939. The opening lines, It has turned out fortunate for me to-day that destiny appointed Braunau-on-the-Inn to be my birthplace , gives a straight-forward no-nonsense approach of Hitler.
The 2 Volumes of Mein Kampf are titled as follows:
Volume I : A Retrospect (contains 12 chapters)
Volume II: The Nationalist Socialist Movement (contains 15 chapters)
Some famous quotes from the translation include:
Sooner will a camel pass through a needle’s eye than a great man be ‘discovered’ by an election.
The broad masses of a population are more amenable to the appeal of rhetoric than to any other force.
Never forget that the most sacred right on this earth is man’s right to have the earth to till with his own hands, the most sacred sacrifice the blood that a man sheds for this earth.
Those who want to live, let them fight, and those who do not want to fight in this world of eternal struggle do not deserve to live.
Any alliance whose purpose is not the intention to wage war is senseless and useless.
The Jew’s life as a parasite in the body of other nations and states explains a characteristic which once caused Schopenhauer, as has already been mentioned, to call him the 'great master in lying.
The last paragraph of the translation: The adherents of our Movements must always remember this, whenever they may have misgivings lest the greatness of the sacrifices demanded of them may not be justified by the possibilities of success.
Hurst & Blackett ceased publishing the Murphy translation in 1942 when the original plates were destroyed by German bombing.

Reynal and Hitchcock translation
Houghlin and Mifflin licensed Reynal & Hitchcock the rights to publish a full unexpurgated translation in 1938. It was translated by a committee of men from the New School for Social Research and appeared on February 28, 1939.

Stackpole translation and controversy
The small Pennsylvania firm of Stackpole and Sons released its own unexpurgated translation by William Soskin on the same day as Houghton Mifflin, amid much legal wrangling. The Second Circuit Court of Appeals ruled in Houghton Mifflin’s favor that June and ordered Stackpole to stop selling their version, but litigation followed for a few more years until the case was finally resolved in September 1941.
Among other things, Stackpole argued that Hitler could not have legally transferred his right to a copyright in the United States to Eher Verlag in 1925, because he was not a citizen of any country. Houghton Mifflin v. Stackpole was a minor landmark in American copyright law, definitively establishing that stateless persons have the same copyright status in the United States that any other foreigner would.
In the three months that Stackpole’s version was available it sold 12,000 copies.

Manheim translation
Houghton Mifflin brought out a translation by Ralph Manheim in 1943. They did this to avoid having to share their profits with Reynal & Hitchcock, and to increase sales by offering a more readable translation. The Manheim translation was first published in England by Hurst & Blackett in 1969 amid some controversy.

There were three separate printings from August 1938 to March 1939, totaling 14,000; sales totals by March 31, 1939 were 10,345.
The Murphy and Houghton Mifflin translations were the only ones published by the authorized publishers while Hitler was still alive, and not at war with Britain and America.
There was some resistance from Eher Verlag to Hurst and Blackton’s Murphy translation, as they hadn’t been granted the rights to a full translation. However, they allowed it de facto permission by not lodging a formal protest, and on May 5, 1939, even inquired about royalties. The British publishers responded on the 12th that the information they requested was “not yet available” and the point would be moot within a few months, on September 3, 1939, when all royalties were halted due to the state of war existing between Britain and Germany.
Royalties were likewise held up in the United States due to the litigation between Houghton Mifflin and Stackpole. Because the matter was only settled in September 1941, only a few months before a state of war existed between Germany and the US, all Eher Verlag ever got was a $2500 advance from Reynal and Hitchcock. It got none from the unauthorized Stackpole edition or the 1943 Manheim edition.

From the royalties, he was able to afford a Mercedes while still being imprisoned. Moreover, he accumulated a tax debt of 405,500 Reichsmark (8 million USD today, or £4m UK Pounds Sterling(2004)) from the sale of about 240,000 copies by the time he became chancellor in 1933 (at which time his debt was waived)

After Hitler’s rise to power, the book gained enormous popularity and became the virtual Bible of every Nazi. Despite rumors to the contrary, new evidence suggests that it was actually in high demand in libraries (topping the lending lists), and often reviewed and quoted in other publications. By the end of the war, about 10 million copies of the book had been sold or distributed in Germany (every newly-wed couple, as well as every front soldier, received a free copy), and Hitler had made about 7.6 m Reichsmark from the income of his book (when the average income of a teacher was about 4,800 Mark).

Some historians have speculated that a wider reading prior to Hitler’s rise to power (or at least prior to the outbreak of World War II) might have alerted the world to the dangers Hitler would pose to peace in Europe and to the Holocaust that he would pursue. An abridged English translation was produced before World War II. However, the publisher removed some of the more anti-Semitic and militaristic statements. The publication of this version caused Alan Cranston, who was an American reporter for UPI in Germany (and later a federal U.S. Senator from California), to publish his own abridged and annotated translation. Cranston believed this version to more accurately reflect the contents of the book. In 1939, Cranston was sued by Hitler’s publisher for copyright infringement, and a Connecticut judge ruled in Hitler’s favor. However, by the time the publication of Cranston’s version was stopped, 500,000 copies had already been sold.

Today, the state of Bavaria owns the copyright of all editions of Mein Kampf except the English, the Dutch, and the Swedish. The Dutch government claims[5] to have seized copyright after World War II. The copyright is scheduled to end on December 31, 2015. Historian Werner Maser, in an interview with Bild am Sonntag has stated that Peter Raubal, son of Hitler’s nephew, Leo Raubal, would have a strong legal case for winning the copyright from Bavaria if he pursued it. Leo Raubal, an Austrian engineer, has stated he wants no part of the rights to the book, even though it could be worth millions of euros.[6] The government of Bavaria, in agreement with the federal government of Germany, does not allow any copying or printing of the book in Germany and opposes it also in other countries but with less success. Owning and buying the book is legal. Trading in old copies is legal as well unless it is done in such a fashion as to “promote hatred or war”, which is, under anti-revisionist laws, generally illegal. In particular, the unmodified edition is not covered by §86 StGB that forbids dissemination of means of propaganda of unconstitutional organizations, since it is a “pre-constitutional work” and as such cannot be opposed to the free and democratic basic order, according to a 1979 decision of the Federal Court of Justice of Germany.[7] Most German libraries carry heavily commented and excerpted versions of Mein Kampf.

Elsewhere in the world, the situation is as follows:
In Austria, the possession and/or trading of Mein Kampf is illegal.
In France, the selling of the book is forbidden unless the transaction concerns a historical version including commentaries from specialists and states the law allowing its special historical edition. In 2002, a French court ruled that the company Yahoo! had to pay €100,000 per diem for selling revisionist materials, including Mein Kampf and the Protocols of the Elders of Zion, to French customers.[8]
In the Netherlands, selling the book, even in the case of an old copy, may be illegal as “promoting hatred”, but possession and lending is not. Though mainly the matter is handled as a matter of copyright infringement as the Dutch state (as acclaimed owner of the translation) will not allow any publishing. In 1997, the government explained to the parliament that selling a scientifically annotated version might escape prosecution. In 2007, the discussion flared up again and the same pros and cons as 1997 were uttered. In 2015, the copyright on the Dutch translation becomes void.
When Mein Kampf was republished in Sweden in 1992, the government of Bavaria tried to put a ban on the book. The case went all the way to the Swedish Supreme Court. The court ruled in 1998 that the copyright could not be owned by the modern state of Bavaria. Since the publishing house that published Mein Kampf in the thirties had long gone out of business, Mein Kampf should be considered as being in a state of limbo (or even in the public domain). The case was won by the modern publisher, an outspoken anti-Nazi.
In Lebanon, an Arabic edition of Mein Kampf was published in 1995 by Bisan/Beisan.[9]
In the United Kingdom, Mein Kampf is readily available and sells 3,000 copies annually [10].
Translated into Arabic, the book has been widely distributed in the Arab-Muslim world from the 1930s to the present.
In Turkey, the book is freely available and a Turkish edition was reported to be a bestseller in Turkey in March 2005, selling over 100,000 copies in two months.[11]
In Indonesia the book is available in Indonesian language.
In the USSR, the book was unavailable and de facto prohibited. In the Russian Federation, Mein Kampf has been published at least three times since 1992; the Russian text is also available on a number of web-sites. Recently the Public Chamber of Russia proposed to ban the book.
In the Czech Republic, Mein Kampf was first sold in the Czech lands in 1936, and again in 1993, both times in abridged, annotated versions. In March 2000, the full Czech edition was published by Otakar II. [10]
In Spain, Argentina and Denmark, the book is unavailable, but copies before the unavailability of the book still exist. (Note: recent changes may have changed this status.)
In 1999, the Simon Wiesenthal Center documented that major Internet booksellers like amazon.com and barnesandnoble.com sell Mein Kampf to Germany. After a public outcry, both companies agreed to stop those sales. The book is currently available through both companies. Public-domain copies of Mein Kampf are available at various Internet sites with links to banned books. Additionally, several Web sites provide the text of the book.
In Mexico, Mein Kampf cannot be found in the largest book stores or libraries because they say its selling is prohibited, but can be encountered in some small book stores and among “pirate” book vendors in Mexico City and other cities.
In the United States, the book can be found at almost any community library and can be bought, sold, and traded from many websites like Amazon.com and Borders Book Store. The U.S. government seized the copyright during the Second World War as part of the Trading with the Enemy Act and in 1979, Houghton Mifflin, the U.S. publisher of the book, bought the rights from the government. More than 15,000 copies are sold a year.[10]
In Croatia, Mein Kampf was published in 1999, second edition in 2003, and the German language edition in 2002.
Mein Kampf is freely available in Canada (ISBN 0-395-07801-6), Australia (ISBN 0-395-92503-7) and Finland (ISBN 1-59364-006-4), Italy, Greece, India (ISBN 81-87981-29-6), Ireland, New Zealand, Colombia, Republic of Macedonia (ISBN 9989-920-54-0), South Korea, Japan, Portugal.

The sequel

Main article: Zweites Buch
After the party’s poor showing in the 1928 elections, Hitler believed the reason for loss was that the public did not fully understand his ideas. He retired to Munich to dictate a sequel to Mein Kampf which focused on foreign policy, expanded on the ideas of Mein Kampf and suggested that around 1980, a final struggle would take place for world domination between the United States and the combined forces of Greater Germany and the British Empire.
Only two copies of the 200 page manuscript were originally made, and only one of these has ever been made public. Kept strictly secret under Hitler’s orders, the document was placed in a safe in an air raid shelter in 1935 where it remained until its discovery by an American officer in 1945. The authenticity of the book has been verified by Josef Berg (former employee of the Nazi publishing house Eher Verlag) and Telford Taylor (former Brigadier General U.S.A.R. and Chief Counsel at the Nuremberg war-crimes trials). The book was neither edited nor published during the Nazi Germany era and remains known as Zweites Buch (Second Book). The Zweites Buch was first discovered in the Nazi archives being held in the United States by the Jewish American historian Gerhard Weinberg in 1958. Unable to find an American publisher, Weinberg turned to his mentor, Hans Rothfels, and his associate, Martin Broszat, at the Institute of Contemporary History in Munich, who published Zweites Buch in 1961. A pirated edition was published in English in New York, 1962. The first authoritative English edition was not published until 2003 (Hitler’s Second Book: The Unpublished Sequel to Mein Kampf, ISBN 1-929631-16-2).
[edit]Globalists vs Continentists

One of the more important debates of the book concerns the battle between the Continentists, including Hugh Trevor-Roper and Eberhard Jäckel, who argue Hitler wished to conquer only Europe, and the Globalists, including Gerhard Weinberg, Milan Hauner, Gunter Moltmann, Meier Michaelis and Andreas Hillgruber, who maintain that Hitler wanted to conquer the entire world. The chief source of contention between the Continentists and Globalists is the Zweites Buch.
The Globalists argue that Hitler’s statement that after Germany defeated the United States, then Germany would rule the entire world clearly proves his intentions were global in reach. The Continentists argue that because Hitler predicts the war between the United States and Germany as beginning sometime ca. 1980 (Hitler was born in 1889), the task of winning this war in the 1980s would presumably have fallen to one of Hitler’s successors. The Continentists believe that Hitler for his own lifetime would have been content with ruling merely Europe.
[edit]Intentionalists vs Functionalists

Mein Kampf has assumed a key place in the Functionalism versus intentionalism debate. Intentionalists insist that the passage stating that if only 12,000 – 15,000 Jews were gassed, then “the sacrifice of millions of soldiers would not have been in vain,” proves quite clearly that Hitler had a master plan for the genocide of the Jewish people all along. Functionalists deny this assertion, noting that the passage does not call for the destruction of the entire Jewish people and note that although Mein Kampf is suffused with an extreme anti-Semitism, it is the only time in the entire book that Hitler ever explicitly refers to the murder of Jews. Given that Mein Kampf is 694 pages long, Functionalist historians have accused the Intentionalists of making too much out of one sentence.
Functionalist historians have argued that the memorandum written by Heinrich Himmler to Hitler on May 25, 1940, regarding the “Final Solution to the Jewish Question” (whose proposals Hitler accepted) proves that there was no master plan for genocide which stemmed all the way back to the 1920s. In the memorandum, Himmler rejects genocide under the grounds that one must reject “...the Bolshevik method of physical extermination of a people out of inner conviction as un-German and impossible”. He goes on to argue that something similar to the “Madagascar Plan” be the preferred “territorial solution” to the “Jewish Question”.
Additionally, Functionalist historians have noted that in Mein Kampf Hitler states the only anti-Semitic policies he will carry out are the 25 Point Platform of the Nazi Party (adopted in February 1920), which demands that only “Aryan” Germans be allowed to publish newspapers and own department stores, places a ban on Jewish immigration, expels all Ostjuden (Eastern Jews; i.e., Jews from Eastern Europe who had arrived in Germany since 1914) and strips all German Jews of their German citizenship. Although these demands do reflect a hateful anti-Semitism, they do not amount to a program for genocide, according to the Functionalist historians. Beyond that, some historians have claimed although Hitler was clearly obsessed with anti-Semitism, his degree of anti-Semitic hatred contained in Mein Kampf is no better or worse than that contained in the writings and speeches of earlier volkisch leaders such as Wilhelm Marr, Georg Ritter von Schönerer, Houston Stewart Chamberlain and Karl Lueger, all of whom routinely called Jews a “disease” and “vermin”. Nevertheless, Hitler cites all of them as an inspiration in Mein Kampf.

[Vinnie_Johnson]

Mein Kampf (English translation: My Struggle) is a book by the German-Austrian nazi dictator Adolf Hitler, which combines elements of autobiography with an exposition of Hitler's National Socialist political ideology. Volume 1 of Mein Kampf was published in 1925 and volume 2 in 1926.

Popularity and history during Hitler's lifetime

Following the failed Beer Hall Putsch, Adolf Hitler went into hiding. However, he was arrested on November 11, 1923, was remanded, and, after a 24-day trial, found guilty of high treason and sentenced to five years imprisonment (of which the term was to be reduced by four months and two weeks for the time served in prison prior to and during the trial). Presiding Judge Neithhardt was convinced that Hitler and the other members of the Kampfbund had acted honorably, and Hitler was therefore eligible for parole in six months and also to be given the privilege of Festungshaft (imprisonment without penal labor). This permitted Hitler a steady flow of visitors and a desk in his cell.
Hitler was allocated Cell No. 11 of the Fortress Landsberg prison. A subsequent trial pertaining to the putsch saw Hitler’s chauffeur Emil Maurice and close associate Rudolf Hess imprisoned for five years, though they too would be eligible for release in six months. During this time in prison, Hitler underwent something of an epiphany with regards to his use of violence: from now on everything was to be ostensibly legal.
Having chosen this new move, Hitler felt that he needed to make sure that the public knew what he stood for, so began to dictate a book to Hess and Maurice, part-autobiography but also a political treatise. While imprisoned, Hitler’s first often overlooked contribution to the literary world was released, a small 24-page self-written booklet entitled ‘What Happened On November 8?’ aimed at clearing up confusion and rumor amidst both the party ranks and presumably some members of the public.
A poster shows that Hitler originally wanted to call his forthcoming book ‘Viereinhalb Jahre [des Kampfes] gegen Lüge, Dummheit und Feigheit’ (Four and a Half Years [of Fighting] Against Lies, Stupidity and Cowardice). Hess is said to have suggested the much shorter Mein Kampf (often translated as “My Struggle”, its meaning could also be conveyed as “My Fight”); this has also been attributed to Max Amann, Hitler’s publisher.
Though Hitler had received many visitors earlier on, he soon devoted himself entirely to the writing (or rather the dictation) of the book. As Hitler continued, he realised that it would have to be a two-volume work, with the first volume scheduled for release in early 1925. The prison governor of Landsberg noted at the time that ‘he [Hitler] hopes the book will run into many editions, thus enabling him to fulfill his financial obligations and to defray the expenses incurred at the time of his trial.’
Once released from prison on December 20, 1924, Hitler moved back to the picturesque mountainous climes of the Obersalzberg, to which he had been introduced by his mentor Dietrich Eckart, who had been at Landsberg with Hitler for a few weeks (imprisoned for eighteen months for his role in the putsch) before his health failed and he was released. By day, Hitler dictated his second volume of Mein Kampf to Eckart before sleeping, first at a room in the nearby Hotel Pension Moritz and later a rented cottage just a stone’s throw away from Haus Wachenfeld, over which he would later construct his Berghof as chancellor of Germany.
On July 15, 1925, Franz Eher Nachfolger, later to become the publishing house of the NSDAP, released Mein Kampf: Eine Abrechnung (A Retrospect) at a run of a mere 500 copies. Though by no means popular, people were said to have contacted Eher asking for a larger run, which resulted in the publication of a second edition of the first volume in mid-1926. The second volume, Die Nationalsozialistische Bewegung (The National Socialist Movement) was released in December 1926.
While Hitler was in power (1933-1945), Mein Kampf came to be available in three common editions. The first, the Volksausgabe (People’s Edition), featured the original cover on the dust jacket and was navy blue underneath with a gold swastika eagle embossed on the cover. The Hochzeitsausgabe (Wedding Edition), in a slipcase with the seal of the province embossed in gold onto a parchment-like cover was given free to marrying couples. In 1940, the Tornister-Ausgabe was released. This edition was a compact, but unabridged, version in a red cover and was released by the post office for parents and partners to send to loved ones at the front. These three editions contained both, volumes one and two in the same book.
There was also a special edition published in 1939 in honor of Hitler's 50th birthday. This edition was known as the Jubiläumsausgabe (Anniversery Issue). It came in both dark blue and bright red boards with a gold sword on the cover. This work contained both volumes one and two. It was considered a delux version relative to the smaller and more common Volksausgabe.
The book could also be purchased as a two volume set during Hitler's time in power and was available in softcover and hardcover. The soft cover edition contained the original cover (as pictured at the top of this article). The hardcover edition had a leather spine with cloth covered boards. The cover and spine contained an image of three brown oak leaves.

The arrangement of chapters is as follows:
INTRODUCTION
VOLUME I: A RETROSPECT
Chapter 1 In the Home of My Parents
Chapter 2 Years of Study and Suffering in Vienna
Chapter 3 Political Reflections Arising Out of My Sojourn in Vienna
Chapter 4 Munich
Chapter 5 The World War
Chapter 6 War Propaganda
Chapter 7 The Revolution
Chapter 8 The Beginning of My Political Activities
Chapter 9 The German Labour Party
Chapter 10 Why The Second Reich Collapsed
Chapter 11 Race and People
Chapter 12 The First Stage in The Development of the German National Socialist Labour Party
VOLUME II: THE NATIONAL SOCIALIST MOVEMENT
Chapter 1 Weltanschauung and Party
Chapter 2 The State
Chapter 3 Citizens and Subjects of The State
Chapter 4 Personality and the Ideal of the People's State
Chapter 5 Weltanschauung and Organization
Chapter 6 The First Period of Our Struggle
Chapter 7 The Conflict with the Red Forces
Chapter 8 The Strong Is Strongest When Alone
Chapter 9 Fundamental Ideas Regarding The Nature and Organization of the Storm Troops
Chapter 10 The Mask of Federalism
Chapter 11 Propaganda and Organization
Chapter 12 The Problem of the Trade Unions
Chapter 13 The German Post-War Policy of Alliances
Chapter 14 Germany's Policy in Eastern Europe
Chapter 15 The Right To Self-Defense
EPILOGUE
The book is heavily influenced by Gustave Le Bon’s 1895 The Crowd: A Study of the Popular Mind, which theorized propaganda as an adequate rational technique to control the seemingly irrational behaviour of crowds.(See also: Nazi Propaganda) Particularly prominent is the violent anti-Semitism of Hitler and his associates, drawing, among other sources, on the fabricated Protocols of the Elders of Zion. For example, Hitler claimed that the international language Esperanto was part of a Jewish plot and makes arguments toward the old German nationalist ideas of “Drang nach Osten” and the necessity to gain Lebensraum (“living space”) eastwards (especially in Russia).
In Mein Kampf, Hitler uses the main thesis of “The Jewish peril”, which speaks of an alleged Jewish conspiracy to gain world leadership. The narrative describes the process by which he became increasingly anti-Semitic and militaristic, especially during his years in Vienna, Austria. Yet the deeper origins of his anti-semitism remain a mystery. He speaks of not having met a Jew until he arrived in Vienna, and that at first his attitude was liberal and tolerant. When he first encountered the anti-semitic press, he says, he dismissed it as unworthy of serious consideration. A little later and quite suddenly, it seems, he accepted the same anti-semitic views whole-heartedly, and they became crucial in his programme of national reconstruction. It was Zionism, which he calls a “great movement” in Mein Kampf, which he says settled his view (as theirs) that one cannot be both a German and a Jew.
Mein Kampf has also been studied as a work on political theory. For example, Hitler announces his hatred of what he believed to be the world's twin evils: Communism and Judaism. The new territory that Germany needed to obtain would properly nurture the “historic destiny” of the German people; this goal explains why Hitler invaded Europe, both East and West, before he launched his attack against Russia. Laying Germany’s chief ills on the parliament of the Weimar Republic, he announces that he wants to completely destroy that type of government.
Mein Kampf has been examined as a book on foreign policy. For example, Hitler predicts the stages of Germany’s political emergence on the world scene: in the first stage, Germany would, through a program of massive re-armament, overthrow the shackles of the Treaty of Versailles and form alliances with the British Empire and Fascist Italy. The second stage would feature wars against France and her allies in Eastern Europe by the combined forces of Germany, Britain and Italy. The third and final stage would be a war to destroy what Hitler saw as the "Judeo-Bolshevik" regime in the Soviet Union that would give Germany the necessary Lebensraum. German historian Andreas Hillgruber labelled the plans contained in Mein Kampf as Hitler’s “Stufenplan” (Stage-by-stage plan). The term “Stufenplan” has been widely used by historians, though it must be noted that the term was Hillgruber’s, not Hitler’s.
Hitler presented himself as the “Übermensch”, frequently rendered as the somewhat ambiguous “Superman” or “Superhuman”. Nineteenth-century German philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche had developed this term in his book, Thus Spoke Zarathustra. Hitler’s self-identification as such may have stemmed from his association with Nietzsche’s sister, Elisabeth Förster-Nietzsche, who was an early member of the Nazi party and a committed anti-semite; she herself became the owner and editor of Nietzsche’s works after his mental collapse and death in 1900, long before Hitler's ascendancy.
Mein Kampf makes clear Hitler’s racist worldview, in which humans are to be classified based on ancestry. Hitler asserts that German “Aryans” are at the top of the hierarchy while Jews and Gypsies are consigned to the bottom of the order. Hitler goes on to say that dominated peoples benefit by learning from the superior Aryans. Hitler further claimed that the Jews were conspiring to keep this “master race” from rightfully ruling the world by diluting its racial and cultural purity and by convincing the Aryans to believe in equality rather than superiority and inferiority. He described the struggle for world domination as an ongoing racial, cultural and political battle between Aryans and non-Aryans.
In 1928, Hitler went on to write a second book in which he expanded upon these ideas and suggested that around 1980, a final struggle would take place for world domination between the United States, the combined forces of “Greater Germany” and the British Empire (read more about this sequel below).

English Translation

Dugdale abridgment
The first English translation was an abridgment by Edgar Dugdale who started work on it in 1931, at the prompting of his wife Blanche. When he learned that the London publishing firm of Hurst & Blackett had secured the rights to publish an abridgment in the United Kingdom, he offered it gratis in April 1933. However, a local Nazi representative insisted that the translation be further abridged before publication, so it was held back from the public until October 13, 1933, although excerpts were allowed to run in The Times in late July.
In America, Houghton Mifflin secured the rights to the Dugdale abridgment on July 29, 1933. The only differences between the American and British versions are that the title was translated My Struggle in the UK and My Battle in America; and that Dugdale is credited as translator in the US edition, while the British version withheld his name. Both Dugdales were active in the Zionist movement; Blanche was the niece of Lord Balfour, and they wished to avoid publicity.

Murphy translation
One of the first complete English translations of Mein Kampf was by James Murphy in 1939. The opening lines, It has turned out fortunate for me to-day that destiny appointed Braunau-on-the-Inn to be my birthplace , gives a straight-forward no-nonsense approach of Hitler.
The 2 Volumes of Mein Kampf are titled as follows:
Volume I : A Retrospect (contains 12 chapters)
Volume II: The Nationalist Socialist Movement (contains 15 chapters)
Some famous quotes from the translation include:
Sooner will a camel pass through a needle’s eye than a great man be ‘discovered’ by an election.
The broad masses of a population are more amenable to the appeal of rhetoric than to any other force.
Never forget that the most sacred right on this earth is man’s right to have the earth to till with his own hands, the most sacred sacrifice the blood that a man sheds for this earth.
Those who want to live, let them fight, and those who do not want to fight in this world of eternal struggle do not deserve to live.
Any alliance whose purpose is not the intention to wage war is senseless and useless.
The Jew’s life as a parasite in the body of other nations and states explains a characteristic which once caused Schopenhauer, as has already been mentioned, to call him the 'great master in lying.
The last paragraph of the translation: The adherents of our Movements must always remember this, whenever they may have misgivings lest the greatness of the sacrifices demanded of them may not be justified by the possibilities of success.
Hurst & Blackett ceased publishing the Murphy translation in 1942 when the original plates were destroyed by German bombing.

Reynal and Hitchcock translation
Houghlin and Mifflin licensed Reynal & Hitchcock the rights to publish a full unexpurgated translation in 1938. It was translated by a committee of men from the New School for Social Research and appeared on February 28, 1939.

Stackpole translation and controversy
The small Pennsylvania firm of Stackpole and Sons released its own unexpurgated translation by William Soskin on the same day as Houghton Mifflin, amid much legal wrangling. The Second Circuit Court of Appeals ruled in Houghton Mifflin’s favor that June and ordered Stackpole to stop selling their version, but litigation followed for a few more years until the case was finally resolved in September 1941.
Among other things, Stackpole argued that Hitler could not have legally transferred his right to a copyright in the United States to Eher Verlag in 1925, because he was not a citizen of any country. Houghton Mifflin v. Stackpole was a minor landmark in American copyright law, definitively establishing that stateless persons have the same copyright status in the United States that any other foreigner would.
In the three months that Stackpole’s version was available it sold 12,000 copies.

Manheim translation
Houghton Mifflin brought out a translation by Ralph Manheim in 1943. They did this to avoid having to share their profits with Reynal & Hitchcock, and to increase sales by offering a more readable translation. The Manheim translation was first published in England by Hurst & Blackett in 1969 amid some controversy.

There were three separate printings from August 1938 to March 1939, totaling 14,000; sales totals by March 31, 1939 were 10,345.
The Murphy and Houghton Mifflin translations were the only ones published by the authorized publishers while Hitler was still alive, and not at war with Britain and America.
There was some resistance from Eher Verlag to Hurst and Blackton’s Murphy translation, as they hadn’t been granted the rights to a full translation. However, they allowed it de facto permission by not lodging a formal protest, and on May 5, 1939, even inquired about royalties. The British publishers responded on the 12th that the information they requested was “not yet available” and the point would be moot within a few months, on September 3, 1939, when all royalties were halted due to the state of war existing between Britain and Germany.
Royalties were likewise held up in the United States due to the litigation between Houghton Mifflin and Stackpole. Because the matter was only settled in September 1941, only a few months before a state of war existed between Germany and the US, all Eher Verlag ever got was a $2500 advance from Reynal and Hitchcock. It got none from the unauthorized Stackpole edition or the 1943 Manheim edition.

From the royalties, he was able to afford a Mercedes while still being imprisoned. Moreover, he accumulated a tax debt of 405,500 Reichsmark (8 million USD today, or £4m UK Pounds Sterling(2004)) from the sale of about 240,000 copies by the time he became chancellor in 1933 (at which time his debt was waived)

After Hitler’s rise to power, the book gained enormous popularity and became the virtual Bible of every Nazi. Despite rumors to the contrary, new evidence suggests that it was actually in high demand in libraries (topping the lending lists), and often reviewed and quoted in other publications. By the end of the war, about 10 million copies of the book had been sold or distributed in Germany (every newly-wed couple, as well as every front soldier, received a free copy), and Hitler had made about 7.6 m Reichsmark from the income of his book (when the average income of a teacher was about 4,800 Mark).

Some historians have speculated that a wider reading prior to Hitler’s rise to power (or at least prior to the outbreak of World War II) might have alerted the world to the dangers Hitler would pose to peace in Europe and to the Holocaust that he would pursue. An abridged English translation was produced before World War II. However, the publisher removed some of the more anti-Semitic and militaristic statements. The publication of this version caused Alan Cranston, who was an American reporter for UPI in Germany (and later a federal U.S. Senator from California), to publish his own abridged and annotated translation. Cranston believed this version to more accurately reflect the contents of the book. In 1939, Cranston was sued by Hitler’s publisher for copyright infringement, and a Connecticut judge ruled in Hitler’s favor. However, by the time the publication of Cranston’s version was stopped, 500,000 copies had already been sold.

Today, the state of Bavaria owns the copyright of all editions of Mein Kampf except the English, the Dutch, and the Swedish. The Dutch government claims[5] to have seized copyright after World War II. The copyright is scheduled to end on December 31, 2015. Historian Werner Maser, in an interview with Bild am Sonntag has stated that Peter Raubal, son of Hitler’s nephew, Leo Raubal, would have a strong legal case for winning the copyright from Bavaria if he pursued it. Leo Raubal, an Austrian engineer, has stated he wants no part of the rights to the book, even though it could be worth millions of euros.[6] The government of Bavaria, in agreement with the federal government of Germany, does not allow any copying or printing of the book in Germany and opposes it also in other countries but with less success. Owning and buying the book is legal. Trading in old copies is legal as well unless it is done in such a fashion as to “promote hatred or war”, which is, under anti-revisionist laws, generally illegal. In particular, the unmodified edition is not covered by §86 StGB that forbids dissemination of means of propaganda of unconstitutional organizations, since it is a “pre-constitutional work” and as such cannot be opposed to the free and democratic basic order, according to a 1979 decision of the Federal Court of Justice of Germany.[7] Most German libraries carry heavily commented and excerpted versions of Mein Kampf.

Elsewhere in the world, the situation is as follows:
In Austria, the possession and/or trading of Mein Kampf is illegal.
In France, the selling of the book is forbidden unless the transaction concerns a historical version including commentaries from specialists and states the law allowing its special historical edition. In 2002, a French court ruled that the company Yahoo! had to pay €100,000 per diem for selling revisionist materials, including Mein Kampf and the Protocols of the Elders of Zion, to French customers.[8]
In the Netherlands, selling the book, even in the case of an old copy, may be illegal as “promoting hatred”, but possession and lending is not. Though mainly the matter is handled as a matter of copyright infringement as the Dutch state (as acclaimed owner of the translation) will not allow any publishing. In 1997, the government explained to the parliament that selling a scientifically annotated version might escape prosecution. In 2007, the discussion flared up again and the same pros and cons as 1997 were uttered. In 2015, the copyright on the Dutch translation becomes void.
When Mein Kampf was republished in Sweden in 1992, the government of Bavaria tried to put a ban on the book. The case went all the way to the Swedish Supreme Court. The court ruled in 1998 that the copyright could not be owned by the modern state of Bavaria. Since the publishing house that published Mein Kampf in the thirties had long gone out of business, Mein Kampf should be considered as being in a state of limbo (or even in the public domain). The case was won by the modern publisher, an outspoken anti-Nazi.
In Lebanon, an Arabic edition of Mein Kampf was published in 1995 by Bisan/Beisan.[9]
In the United Kingdom, Mein Kampf is readily available and sells 3,000 copies annually [10].
Translated into Arabic, the book has been widely distributed in the Arab-Muslim world from the 1930s to the present.
In Turkey, the book is freely available and a Turkish edition was reported to be a bestseller in Turkey in March 2005, selling over 100,000 copies in two months.[11]
In Indonesia the book is available in Indonesian language.
In the USSR, the book was unavailable and de facto prohibited. In the Russian Federation, Mein Kampf has been published at least three times since 1992; the Russian text is also available on a number of web-sites. Recently the Public Chamber of Russia proposed to ban the book.
In the Czech Republic, Mein Kampf was first sold in the Czech lands in 1936, and again in 1993, both times in abridged, annotated versions. In March 2000, the full Czech edition was published by Otakar II. [10]
In Spain, Argentina and Denmark, the book is unavailable, but copies before the unavailability of the book still exist. (Note: recent changes may have changed this status.)
In 1999, the Simon Wiesenthal Center documented that major Internet booksellers like amazon.com and barnesandnoble.com sell Mein Kampf to Germany. After a public outcry, both companies agreed to stop those sales. The book is currently available through both companies. Public-domain copies of Mein Kampf are available at various Internet sites with links to banned books. Additionally, several Web sites provide the text of the book.
In Mexico, Mein Kampf cannot be found in the largest book stores or libraries because they say its selling is prohibited, but can be encountered in some small book stores and among “pirate” book vendors in Mexico City and other cities.
In the United States, the book can be found at almost any community library and can be bought, sold, and traded from many websites like Amazon.com and Borders Book Store. The U.S. government seized the copyright during the Second World War as part of the Trading with the Enemy Act and in 1979, Houghton Mifflin, the U.S. publisher of the book, bought the rights from the government. More than 15,000 copies are sold a year.[10]
In Croatia, Mein Kampf was published in 1999, second edition in 2003, and the German language edition in 2002.
Mein Kampf is freely available in Canada (ISBN 0-395-07801-6), Australia (ISBN 0-395-92503-7) and Finland (ISBN 1-59364-006-4), Italy, Greece, India (ISBN 81-87981-29-6), Ireland, New Zealand, Colombia, Republic of Macedonia (ISBN 9989-920-54-0), South Korea, Japan, Portugal.

The sequel

Main article: Zweites Buch
After the party’s poor showing in the 1928 elections, Hitler believed the reason for loss was that the public did not fully understand his ideas. He retired to Munich to dictate a sequel to Mein Kampf which focused on foreign policy, expanded on the ideas of Mein Kampf and suggested that around 1980, a final struggle would take place for world domination between the United States and the combined forces of Greater Germany and the British Empire.
Only two copies of the 200 page manuscript were originally made, and only one of these has ever been made public. Kept strictly secret under Hitler’s orders, the document was placed in a safe in an air raid shelter in 1935 where it remained until its discovery by an American officer in 1945. The authenticity of the book has been verified by Josef Berg (former employee of the Nazi publishing house Eher Verlag) and Telford Taylor (former Brigadier General U.S.A.R. and Chief Counsel at the Nuremberg war-crimes trials). The book was neither edited nor published during the Nazi Germany era and remains known as Zweites Buch (Second Book). The Zweites Buch was first discovered in the Nazi archives being held in the United States by the Jewish American historian Gerhard Weinberg in 1958. Unable to find an American publisher, Weinberg turned to his mentor, Hans Rothfels, and his associate, Martin Broszat, at the Institute of Contemporary History in Munich, who published Zweites Buch in 1961. A pirated edition was published in English in New York, 1962. The first authoritative English edition was not published until 2003 (Hitler’s Second Book: The Unpublished Sequel to Mein Kampf, ISBN 1-929631-16-2).
[edit]Globalists vs Continentists

One of the more important debates of the book concerns the battle between the Continentists, including Hugh Trevor-Roper and Eberhard Jäckel, who argue Hitler wished to conquer only Europe, and the Globalists, including Gerhard Weinberg, Milan Hauner, Gunter Moltmann, Meier Michaelis and Andreas Hillgruber, who maintain that Hitler wanted to conquer the entire world. The chief source of contention between the Continentists and Globalists is the Zweites Buch.
The Globalists argue that Hitler’s statement that after Germany defeated the United States, then Germany would rule the entire world clearly proves his intentions were global in reach. The Continentists argue that because Hitler predicts the war between the United States and Germany as beginning sometime ca. 1980 (Hitler was born in 1889), the task of winning this war in the 1980s would presumably have fallen to one of Hitler’s successors. The Continentists believe that Hitler for his own lifetime would have been content with ruling merely Europe.
[edit]Intentionalists vs Functionalists

Mein Kampf has assumed a key place in the Functionalism versus intentionalism debate. Intentionalists insist that the passage stating that if only 12,000 – 15,000 Jews were gassed, then “the sacrifice of millions of soldiers would not have been in vain,” proves quite clearly that Hitler had a master plan for the genocide of the Jewish people all along. Functionalists deny this assertion, noting that the passage does not call for the destruction of the entire Jewish people and note that although Mein Kampf is suffused with an extreme anti-Semitism, it is the only time in the entire book that Hitler ever explicitly refers to the murder of Jews. Given that Mein Kampf is 694 pages long, Functionalist historians have accused the Intentionalists of making too much out of one sentence.
Functionalist historians have argued that the memorandum written by Heinrich Himmler to Hitler on May 25, 1940, regarding the “Final Solution to the Jewish Question” (whose proposals Hitler accepted) proves that there was no master plan for genocide which stemmed all the way back to the 1920s. In the memorandum, Himmler rejects genocide under the grounds that one must reject “...the Bolshevik method of physical extermination of a people out of inner conviction as un-German and impossible”. He goes on to argue that something similar to the “Madagascar Plan” be the preferred “territorial solution” to the “Jewish Question”.
Additionally, Functionalist historians have noted that in Mein Kampf Hitler states the only anti-Semitic policies he will carry out are the 25 Point Platform of the Nazi Party (adopted in February 1920), which demands that only “Aryan” Germans be allowed to publish newspapers and own department stores, places a ban on Jewish immigration, expels all Ostjuden (Eastern Jews; i.e., Jews from Eastern Europe who had arrived in Germany since 1914) and strips all German Jews of their German citizenship. Although these demands do reflect a hateful anti-Semitism, they do not amount to a program for genocide, according to the Functionalist historians. Beyond that, some historians have claimed although Hitler was clearly obsessed with anti-Semitism, his degree of anti-Semitic hatred contained in Mein Kampf is no better or worse than that contained in the writings and speeches of earlier volkisch leaders such as Wilhelm Marr, Georg Ritter von Schönerer, Houston Stewart Chamberlain and Karl Lueger, all of whom routinely called Jews a “disease” and “vermin”. Nevertheless, Hitler cites all of them as an inspiration in Mein Kampf.

Dude STFU :madrun

[exstatic]

mono, dude, did you drop some acid tonight?

[dirk4mvp]

The Manifesto of the Communist Party (German: Manifest der Kommunistischen Partei), usually referred to as The Communist Manifesto, was first published on February 21, 1848, and is one of the world's most influential political tracts. Commissioned by the Communist League and written by communist theorists Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, it laid out the League's purposes and program. The Manifesto suggested a course of action for a proletarian (working class) revolution to overthrow the bourgeois social order and to eventually bring about a classless and stateless society, and the abolition of private property.

Although the names of both Friedrich Engels and Karl Marx appear on the title page alongside the "persistent assumption of joint-authorship", Engels, in the preface introduction to the 1883 German edition of the Manifesto, said that the Manifesto was "essentially Marx's work" and that "the basic thought... belongs solely and exclusively to Marx." McLellan, along with many other scholars, believes that "the actual drafting of The Communist Manifesto was done exclusively by Marx."

It is claimed in the text itself to have been sketched by a group of Communists from various countries that gathered together in London.

The Communist Manifesto's initial publication, in 1848 (in London), was in German. The first English translation was produced by Helen MacFarlane in 1850. The Manifesto went through a number of editions from 1872 to 1890; notable new prefaces were written by Marx and Engels for the 1872 German edition, the 1882 Russian edition, the 1883 German edition, and the 1888 English edition. This edition, translated by Samuel Moore with the assistance of Engels, has been the most commonly used English text since.
However, some recent English editions, such as Phil Gasper's annotated "road map" (Haymarket Books, 2006), have used a slightly modified text in response to criticisms of the Moore translation made by Hal Draper in his 1994 history of the Manifesto, The Adventures of the "Communist Manifesto" (Center for Socialist History, 1994).

The Manifesto is divided into an introduction, three substantive sections, and a conclusion.

Preamble
The introduction begins with the notable comparison of communism to a "spectre," claiming that across Europe communism is feared, but not understood, and thus communists ought to make their views known with a manifesto:
A spectre is haunting Europe—the spectre of Communism. All the Powers of old Europe have entered into a holy alliance to exorcise this spectre: Pope and Czar, Metternich and Guizot, French Radicals and German police-spies.
Where is the party in opposition that has not been decried as Communistic by its opponents in power? Where is the Opposition that has not hurled back the branding reproach of Communism, against the more advanced opposition parties, as well as against its reactionary adversaries?

I. Bourgeois and Proletarians
The first section, "Bourgeois and Proletarians", puts forward Marx's historical materialism, claiming that
The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles.
Freeman and slave, patrician and plebeian, lord and serf, guild-master and journeyman, in a word, oppressor and oppressed, stood in constant opposition to one another, carried on an uninterrupted, now hidden, now open fight, a fight that each time ended, either in a revolutionary re-constitution of society at large, or in the common ruin of the contending classes.
The section goes on to argue that the class struggle under capitalism is between those who own the means of production, the ruling class or bourgeoisie, and those who labor for a wage, the working class or proletariat. Though the bourgeoisie has played a progressive role in destroying feudalism, according to Marx and Engels, it has also brought about the conditions for its own impending downfall by creating a contradiction within capitalism between the forces of production and the relations of production:
The bourgeoisie, wherever it has got the upper hand, has put an end to all feudal, patriarchal, idyllic relations. It ... has left remaining no other nexus between man and man than naked self-interest, than callous “cash payment” ... for exploitation, veiled by religious and political illusions, it has substituted naked, shameless, direct, brutal exploitation ... Constant revolutionising of production, uninterrupted disturbance of all social conditions, everlasting uncertainty and agitation distinguish the bourgeois epoch from all earlier ones ... All that is solid melts into air, all that is holy is profaned, and man is at last compelled to face with sober senses, his real conditions of life, and his relations with his kind.
However:
The essential condition for the existence, and for the sway of the bourgeois class, is the formation and augmentation of capital; the condition for capital is wage-labour. Wage-labour rests exclusively on competition between the labourers.

II. Proletarians and Communists
The second section, "Proletarians and Communists," starts by outlining the relationship of conscious communists to the rest of the working class:
The Communists do not form a separate party opposed to other working-class parties.
They have no interests separate and apart from those of the proletariat as a whole.
They do not set up any special principles of their own, by which to shape and mould the proletarian movement.
The Communists are distinguished from the other working-class parties by this only: 1. In the national struggles of the proletarians of the different countries, they point out and bring to the front the common interests of the entire proletariat, independently of all nationality. 2. In the various stages of development which the struggle of the working class against the bourgeoisie has to pass through, they always and everywhere represent the interests of the movement as a whole.
It goes on to defend communism from various objections, such as the claim that communists advocate "free love," and the claim that people will not perform labor in a communist society because they have no incentive to work.
The section ends by outlining a set of short-term demands. These included, among others, the abolition of both land ownership and of the right to inheritance, a progressive income tax, universal education, centralization of the means of communication and transport under state management, and the expansion of the means of production owned by the state. The implementation of these policies, would, the authors believed, be a precursor to the stateless and classless society.
One particularly controversial passage deals with this transitional period:
When, in the course of development, class distinctions have disappeared, and all production has been concentrated in the hands of a vast association of the whole nation, the public power will lose its political character. Political power, properly so called, is merely the organized power of one class for oppressing another. If the proletariat during its contest with the bourgeoisie is compelled, by the force of circumstances, to organize itself as a class, if, by means of a revolution, it makes itself the ruling class, and, as such, sweeps away by force the old conditions of production, then it will, along with these conditions, have swept away the conditions for the existence of class antagonisms and of classes generally, and will thereby have abolished its own supremacy as a class.
It is this concept of the transition from socialism to communism which many critics of the Manifesto, particularly during and after the Soviet era, have highlighted. Anarchists, liberals, and conservatives have all asked how an organization such as the revolutionary state could ever (as Engels put it elsewhere) "wither away."
In a related dispute, later Marxists make a separation between "socialism," a society ruled by workers, and "communism," a classless society. Engels wrote little and Marx wrote less on the specifics of the transition to communism, so the authenticity of this distinction remains a matter of dispute.

10 Planks of the Communist Manifesto
Abolition of property in land and application of all rents of land to public purposes.
A heavy progressive or graduated income tax.
Abolition of all right of inheritance.
Confiscation of the property of all emigrants and rebels.
Centralization of credit in the hands of the State, by means of a national bank with State capital and an exclusive monopoly.
Centralization of the means of communication and transport in the hands of the State.
Extension of factories and instruments of production owned by the State; the bringing into cultivation of waste-lands, and the improvement of the soil generally in accordance with a common plan.
Equal liability of all to labour. Establishment of industrial armies, especially for agriculture.
Combination of agriculture with manufacturing industries; gradual abolition of the distinction between town and country, by a more equable distribution of the population over the country.
Free education for all children in public schools. Abolition of children's factory labour in its present form. Combination of education with industrial production.
According to the Communist Manifesto, all these were prior conditions for a transition from capitalism to communism (but Marx and Engels later expressed a desire to modernize this passage).

III. Socialist and Communist Literature
The third section, "Socialist and Communist Literature," distinguishes communism from other socialist doctrines prevalent at the time the Manifesto was written. While the harshness of Marx's and Engels' attacks varies, and their debt to "utopian socialists" such as Fourier, Proudhon, and Owen is acknowledged, all rival views are eventually dismissed for advocating reformism and failing to recognize the key role of the working class. Partly because of Marx's critique, most of the specific ideologies described in this section became politically negligible by the end of the nineteenth century.

IV. Position of the Communists in Relation to the Various Existing Opposition Parties
The concluding section, "Position of the Communists in Relation to the Various Existing Opposition Parties," briefly discusses the communist position on struggles in specific countries in the mid-nineteenth century. It then ends with a call to action:
The Communists disdain to conceal their views and aims. They openly declare that their ends can be attained only by the forcible overthrow of all existing social conditions. Let the ruling classes tremble at a Communistic revolution. The proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains or dignity. They have a world to win.
WORKING MEN OF ALL COUNTRIES, UNITE!



interesting post, mono. I hope more is to follow.

[tlongII]

No fucking way that Boston wins 72...

[DOMINATOR]

Mein Kampf (English translation: My Struggle) is a book by the German-Austrian nazi dictator Adolf Hitler, which combines elements of autobiography with an exposition of Hitler's National Socialist political ideology. Volume 1 of Mein Kampf was published in 1925 and volume 2 in 1926.

Popularity and history during Hitler's lifetime

Following the failed Beer Hall Putsch, Adolf Hitler went into hiding. However, he was arrested on November 11, 1923, was remanded, and, after a 24-day trial, found guilty of high treason and sentenced to five years imprisonment (of which the term was to be reduced by four months and two weeks for the time served in prison prior to and during the trial). Presiding Judge Neithhardt was convinced that Hitler and the other members of the Kampfbund had acted honorably, and Hitler was therefore eligible for parole in six months and also to be given the privilege of Festungshaft (imprisonment without penal labor). This permitted Hitler a steady flow of visitors and a desk in his cell.
Hitler was allocated Cell No. 11 of the Fortress Landsberg prison. A subsequent trial pertaining to the putsch saw Hitler’s chauffeur Emil Maurice and close associate Rudolf Hess imprisoned for five years, though they too would be eligible for release in six months. During this time in prison, Hitler underwent something of an epiphany with regards to his use of violence: from now on everything was to be ostensibly legal.
Having chosen this new move, Hitler felt that he needed to make sure that the public knew what he stood for, so began to dictate a book to Hess and Maurice, part-autobiography but also a political treatise. While imprisoned, Hitler’s first often overlooked contribution to the literary world was released, a small 24-page self-written booklet entitled ‘What Happened On November 8?’ aimed at clearing up confusion and rumor amidst both the party ranks and presumably some members of the public.
A poster shows that Hitler originally wanted to call his forthcoming book ‘Viereinhalb Jahre [des Kampfes] gegen Lüge, Dummheit und Feigheit’ (Four and a Half Years [of Fighting] Against Lies, Stupidity and Cowardice). Hess is said to have suggested the much shorter Mein Kampf (often translated as “My Struggle”, its meaning could also be conveyed as “My Fight”); this has also been attributed to Max Amann, Hitler’s publisher.
Though Hitler had received many visitors earlier on, he soon devoted himself entirely to the writing (or rather the dictation) of the book. As Hitler continued, he realised that it would have to be a two-volume work, with the first volume scheduled for release in early 1925. The prison governor of Landsberg noted at the time that ‘he [Hitler] hopes the book will run into many editions, thus enabling him to fulfill his financial obligations and to defray the expenses incurred at the time of his trial.’
Once released from prison on December 20, 1924, Hitler moved back to the picturesque mountainous climes of the Obersalzberg, to which he had been introduced by his mentor Dietrich Eckart, who had been at Landsberg with Hitler for a few weeks (imprisoned for eighteen months for his role in the putsch) before his health failed and he was released. By day, Hitler dictated his second volume of Mein Kampf to Eckart before sleeping, first at a room in the nearby Hotel Pension Moritz and later a rented cottage just a stone’s throw away from Haus Wachenfeld, over which he would later construct his Berghof as chancellor of Germany.
On July 15, 1925, Franz Eher Nachfolger, later to become the publishing house of the NSDAP, released Mein Kampf: Eine Abrechnung (A Retrospect) at a run of a mere 500 copies. Though by no means popular, people were said to have contacted Eher asking for a larger run, which resulted in the publication of a second edition of the first volume in mid-1926. The second volume, Die Nationalsozialistische Bewegung (The National Socialist Movement) was released in December 1926.
While Hitler was in power (1933-1945), Mein Kampf came to be available in three common editions. The first, the Volksausgabe (People’s Edition), featured the original cover on the dust jacket and was navy blue underneath with a gold swastika eagle embossed on the cover. The Hochzeitsausgabe (Wedding Edition), in a slipcase with the seal of the province embossed in gold onto a parchment-like cover was given free to marrying couples. In 1940, the Tornister-Ausgabe was released. This edition was a compact, but unabridged, version in a red cover and was released by the post office for parents and partners to send to loved ones at the front. These three editions contained both, volumes one and two in the same book.
There was also a special edition published in 1939 in honor of Hitler's 50th birthday. This edition was known as the Jubiläumsausgabe (Anniversery Issue). It came in both dark blue and bright red boards with a gold sword on the cover. This work contained both volumes one and two. It was considered a delux version relative to the smaller and more common Volksausgabe.
The book could also be purchased as a two volume set during Hitler's time in power and was available in softcover and hardcover. The soft cover edition contained the original cover (as pictured at the top of this article). The hardcover edition had a leather spine with cloth covered boards. The cover and spine contained an image of three brown oak leaves.

The arrangement of chapters is as follows:
INTRODUCTION
VOLUME I: A RETROSPECT
Chapter 1 In the Home of My Parents
Chapter 2 Years of Study and Suffering in Vienna
Chapter 3 Political Reflections Arising Out of My Sojourn in Vienna
Chapter 4 Munich
Chapter 5 The World War
Chapter 6 War Propaganda
Chapter 7 The Revolution
Chapter 8 The Beginning of My Political Activities
Chapter 9 The German Labour Party
Chapter 10 Why The Second Reich Collapsed
Chapter 11 Race and People
Chapter 12 The First Stage in The Development of the German National Socialist Labour Party
VOLUME II: THE NATIONAL SOCIALIST MOVEMENT
Chapter 1 Weltanschauung and Party
Chapter 2 The State
Chapter 3 Citizens and Subjects of The State
Chapter 4 Personality and the Ideal of the People's State
Chapter 5 Weltanschauung and Organization
Chapter 6 The First Period of Our Struggle
Chapter 7 The Conflict with the Red Forces
Chapter 8 The Strong Is Strongest When Alone
Chapter 9 Fundamental Ideas Regarding The Nature and Organization of the Storm Troops
Chapter 10 The Mask of Federalism
Chapter 11 Propaganda and Organization
Chapter 12 The Problem of the Trade Unions
Chapter 13 The German Post-War Policy of Alliances
Chapter 14 Germany's Policy in Eastern Europe
Chapter 15 The Right To Self-Defense
EPILOGUE
The book is heavily influenced by Gustave Le Bon’s 1895 The Crowd: A Study of the Popular Mind, which theorized propaganda as an adequate rational technique to control the seemingly irrational behaviour of crowds.(See also: Nazi Propaganda) Particularly prominent is the violent anti-Semitism of Hitler and his associates, drawing, among other sources, on the fabricated Protocols of the Elders of Zion. For example, Hitler claimed that the international language Esperanto was part of a Jewish plot and makes arguments toward the old German nationalist ideas of “Drang nach Osten” and the necessity to gain Lebensraum (“living space”) eastwards (especially in Russia).
In Mein Kampf, Hitler uses the main thesis of “The Jewish peril”, which speaks of an alleged Jewish conspiracy to gain world leadership. The narrative describes the process by which he became increasingly anti-Semitic and militaristic, especially during his years in Vienna, Austria. Yet the deeper origins of his anti-semitism remain a mystery. He speaks of not having met a Jew until he arrived in Vienna, and that at first his attitude was liberal and tolerant. When he first encountered the anti-semitic press, he says, he dismissed it as unworthy of serious consideration. A little later and quite suddenly, it seems, he accepted the same anti-semitic views whole-heartedly, and they became crucial in his programme of national reconstruction. It was Zionism, which he calls a “great movement” in Mein Kampf, which he says settled his view (as theirs) that one cannot be both a German and a Jew.
Mein Kampf has also been studied as a work on political theory. For example, Hitler announces his hatred of what he believed to be the world's twin evils: Communism and Judaism. The new territory that Germany needed to obtain would properly nurture the “historic destiny” of the German people; this goal explains why Hitler invaded Europe, both East and West, before he launched his attack against Russia. Laying Germany’s chief ills on the parliament of the Weimar Republic, he announces that he wants to completely destroy that type of government.
Mein Kampf has been examined as a book on foreign policy. For example, Hitler predicts the stages of Germany’s political emergence on the world scene: in the first stage, Germany would, through a program of massive re-armament, overthrow the shackles of the Treaty of Versailles and form alliances with the British Empire and Fascist Italy. The second stage would feature wars against France and her allies in Eastern Europe by the combined forces of Germany, Britain and Italy. The third and final stage would be a war to destroy what Hitler saw as the "Judeo-Bolshevik" regime in the Soviet Union that would give Germany the necessary Lebensraum. German historian Andreas Hillgruber labelled the plans contained in Mein Kampf as Hitler’s “Stufenplan” (Stage-by-stage plan). The term “Stufenplan” has been widely used by historians, though it must be noted that the term was Hillgruber’s, not Hitler’s.
Hitler presented himself as the “Übermensch”, frequently rendered as the somewhat ambiguous “Superman” or “Superhuman”. Nineteenth-century German philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche had developed this term in his book, Thus Spoke Zarathustra. Hitler’s self-identification as such may have stemmed from his association with Nietzsche’s sister, Elisabeth Förster-Nietzsche, who was an early member of the Nazi party and a committed anti-semite; she herself became the owner and editor of Nietzsche’s works after his mental collapse and death in 1900, long before Hitler's ascendancy.
Mein Kampf makes clear Hitler’s racist worldview, in which humans are to be classified based on ancestry. Hitler asserts that German “Aryans” are at the top of the hierarchy while Jews and Gypsies are consigned to the bottom of the order. Hitler goes on to say that dominated peoples benefit by learning from the superior Aryans. Hitler further claimed that the Jews were conspiring to keep this “master race” from rightfully ruling the world by diluting its racial and cultural purity and by convincing the Aryans to believe in equality rather than superiority and inferiority. He described the struggle for world domination as an ongoing racial, cultural and political battle between Aryans and non-Aryans.
In 1928, Hitler went on to write a second book in which he expanded upon these ideas and suggested that around 1980, a final struggle would take place for world domination between the United States, the combined forces of “Greater Germany” and the British Empire (read more about this sequel below).

English Translation

Dugdale abridgment
The first English translation was an abridgment by Edgar Dugdale who started work on it in 1931, at the prompting of his wife Blanche. When he learned that the London publishing firm of Hurst & Blackett had secured the rights to publish an abridgment in the United Kingdom, he offered it gratis in April 1933. However, a local Nazi representative insisted that the translation be further abridged before publication, so it was held back from the public until October 13, 1933, although excerpts were allowed to run in The Times in late July.
In America, Houghton Mifflin secured the rights to the Dugdale abridgment on July 29, 1933. The only differences between the American and British versions are that the title was translated My Struggle in the UK and My Battle in America; and that Dugdale is credited as translator in the US edition, while the British version withheld his name. Both Dugdales were active in the Zionist movement; Blanche was the niece of Lord Balfour, and they wished to avoid publicity.

Murphy translation
One of the first complete English translations of Mein Kampf was by James Murphy in 1939. The opening lines, It has turned out fortunate for me to-day that destiny appointed Braunau-on-the-Inn to be my birthplace , gives a straight-forward no-nonsense approach of Hitler.
The 2 Volumes of Mein Kampf are titled as follows:
Volume I : A Retrospect (contains 12 chapters)
Volume II: The Nationalist Socialist Movement (contains 15 chapters)
Some famous quotes from the translation include:
Sooner will a camel pass through a needle’s eye than a great man be ‘discovered’ by an election.
The broad masses of a population are more amenable to the appeal of rhetoric than to any other force.
Never forget that the most sacred right on this earth is man’s right to have the earth to till with his own hands, the most sacred sacrifice the blood that a man sheds for this earth.
Those who want to live, let them fight, and those who do not want to fight in this world of eternal struggle do not deserve to live.
Any alliance whose purpose is not the intention to wage war is senseless and useless.
The Jew’s life as a parasite in the body of other nations and states explains a characteristic which once caused Schopenhauer, as has already been mentioned, to call him the 'great master in lying.
The last paragraph of the translation: The adherents of our Movements must always remember this, whenever they may have misgivings lest the greatness of the sacrifices demanded of them may not be justified by the possibilities of success.
Hurst & Blackett ceased publishing the Murphy translation in 1942 when the original plates were destroyed by German bombing.

Reynal and Hitchcock translation
Houghlin and Mifflin licensed Reynal & Hitchcock the rights to publish a full unexpurgated translation in 1938. It was translated by a committee of men from the New School for Social Research and appeared on February 28, 1939.

Stackpole translation and controversy
The small Pennsylvania firm of Stackpole and Sons released its own unexpurgated translation by William Soskin on the same day as Houghton Mifflin, amid much legal wrangling. The Second Circuit Court of Appeals ruled in Houghton Mifflin’s favor that June and ordered Stackpole to stop selling their version, but litigation followed for a few more years until the case was finally resolved in September 1941.
Among other things, Stackpole argued that Hitler could not have legally transferred his right to a copyright in the United States to Eher Verlag in 1925, because he was not a citizen of any country. Houghton Mifflin v. Stackpole was a minor landmark in American copyright law, definitively establishing that stateless persons have the same copyright status in the United States that any other foreigner would.
In the three months that Stackpole’s version was available it sold 12,000 copies.

Manheim translation
Houghton Mifflin brought out a translation by Ralph Manheim in 1943. They did this to avoid having to share their profits with Reynal & Hitchcock, and to increase sales by offering a more readable translation. The Manheim translation was first published in England by Hurst & Blackett in 1969 amid some controversy.

There were three separate printings from August 1938 to March 1939, totaling 14,000; sales totals by March 31, 1939 were 10,345.
The Murphy and Houghton Mifflin translations were the only ones published by the authorized publishers while Hitler was still alive, and not at war with Britain and America.
There was some resistance from Eher Verlag to Hurst and Blackton’s Murphy translation, as they hadn’t been granted the rights to a full translation. However, they allowed it de facto permission by not lodging a formal protest, and on May 5, 1939, even inquired about royalties. The British publishers responded on the 12th that the information they requested was “not yet available” and the point would be moot within a few months, on September 3, 1939, when all royalties were halted due to the state of war existing between Britain and Germany.
Royalties were likewise held up in the United States due to the litigation between Houghton Mifflin and Stackpole. Because the matter was only settled in September 1941, only a few months before a state of war existed between Germany and the US, all Eher Verlag ever got was a $2500 advance from Reynal and Hitchcock. It got none from the unauthorized Stackpole edition or the 1943 Manheim edition.

From the royalties, he was able to afford a Mercedes while still being imprisoned. Moreover, he accumulated a tax debt of 405,500 Reichsmark (8 million USD today, or £4m UK Pounds Sterling(2004)) from the sale of about 240,000 copies by the time he became chancellor in 1933 (at which time his debt was waived)

After Hitler’s rise to power, the book gained enormous popularity and became the virtual Bible of every Nazi. Despite rumors to the contrary, new evidence suggests that it was actually in high demand in libraries (topping the lending lists), and often reviewed and quoted in other publications. By the end of the war, about 10 million copies of the book had been sold or distributed in Germany (every newly-wed couple, as well as every front soldier, received a free copy), and Hitler had made about 7.6 m Reichsmark from the income of his book (when the average income of a teacher was about 4,800 Mark).

Some historians have speculated that a wider reading prior to Hitler’s rise to power (or at least prior to the outbreak of World War II) might have alerted the world to the dangers Hitler would pose to peace in Europe and to the Holocaust that he would pursue. An abridged English translation was produced before World War II. However, the publisher removed some of the more anti-Semitic and militaristic statements. The publication of this version caused Alan Cranston, who was an American reporter for UPI in Germany (and later a federal U.S. Senator from California), to publish his own abridged and annotated translation. Cranston believed this version to more accurately reflect the contents of the book. In 1939, Cranston was sued by Hitler’s publisher for copyright infringement, and a Connecticut judge ruled in Hitler’s favor. However, by the time the publication of Cranston’s version was stopped, 500,000 copies had already been sold.

Today, the state of Bavaria owns the copyright of all editions of Mein Kampf except the English, the Dutch, and the Swedish. The Dutch government claims[5] to have seized copyright after World War II. The copyright is scheduled to end on December 31, 2015. Historian Werner Maser, in an interview with Bild am Sonntag has stated that Peter Raubal, son of Hitler’s nephew, Leo Raubal, would have a strong legal case for winning the copyright from Bavaria if he pursued it. Leo Raubal, an Austrian engineer, has stated he wants no part of the rights to the book, even though it could be worth millions of euros.[6] The government of Bavaria, in agreement with the federal government of Germany, does not allow any copying or printing of the book in Germany and opposes it also in other countries but with less success. Owning and buying the book is legal. Trading in old copies is legal as well unless it is done in such a fashion as to “promote hatred or war”, which is, under anti-revisionist laws, generally illegal. In particular, the unmodified edition is not covered by §86 StGB that forbids dissemination of means of propaganda of unconstitutional organizations, since it is a “pre-constitutional work” and as such cannot be opposed to the free and democratic basic order, according to a 1979 decision of the Federal Court of Justice of Germany.[7] Most German libraries carry heavily commented and excerpted versions of Mein Kampf.

Elsewhere in the world, the situation is as follows:
In Austria, the possession and/or trading of Mein Kampf is illegal.
In France, the selling of the book is forbidden unless the transaction concerns a historical version including commentaries from specialists and states the law allowing its special historical edition. In 2002, a French court ruled that the company Yahoo! had to pay €100,000 per diem for selling revisionist materials, including Mein Kampf and the Protocols of the Elders of Zion, to French customers.[8]
In the Netherlands, selling the book, even in the case of an old copy, may be illegal as “promoting hatred”, but possession and lending is not. Though mainly the matter is handled as a matter of copyright infringement as the Dutch state (as acclaimed owner of the translation) will not allow any publishing. In 1997, the government explained to the parliament that selling a scientifically annotated version might escape prosecution. In 2007, the discussion flared up again and the same pros and cons as 1997 were uttered. In 2015, the copyright on the Dutch translation becomes void.
When Mein Kampf was republished in Sweden in 1992, the government of Bavaria tried to put a ban on the book. The case went all the way to the Swedish Supreme Court. The court ruled in 1998 that the copyright could not be owned by the modern state of Bavaria. Since the publishing house that published Mein Kampf in the thirties had long gone out of business, Mein Kampf should be considered as being in a state of limbo (or even in the public domain). The case was won by the modern publisher, an outspoken anti-Nazi.
In Lebanon, an Arabic edition of Mein Kampf was published in 1995 by Bisan/Beisan.[9]
In the United Kingdom, Mein Kampf is readily available and sells 3,000 copies annually [10].
Translated into Arabic, the book has been widely distributed in the Arab-Muslim world from the 1930s to the present.
In Turkey, the book is freely available and a Turkish edition was reported to be a bestseller in Turkey in March 2005, selling over 100,000 copies in two months.[11]
In Indonesia the book is available in Indonesian language.
In the USSR, the book was unavailable and de facto prohibited. In the Russian Federation, Mein Kampf has been published at least three times since 1992; the Russian text is also available on a number of web-sites. Recently the Public Chamber of Russia proposed to ban the book.
In the Czech Republic, Mein Kampf was first sold in the Czech lands in 1936, and again in 1993, both times in abridged, annotated versions. In March 2000, the full Czech edition was published by Otakar II. [10]
In Spain, Argentina and Denmark, the book is unavailable, but copies before the unavailability of the book still exist. (Note: recent changes may have changed this status.)
In 1999, the Simon Wiesenthal Center documented that major Internet booksellers like amazon.com and barnesandnoble.com sell Mein Kampf to Germany. After a public outcry, both companies agreed to stop those sales. The book is currently available through both companies. Public-domain copies of Mein Kampf are available at various Internet sites with links to banned books. Additionally, several Web sites provide the text of the book.
In Mexico, Mein Kampf cannot be found in the largest book stores or libraries because they say its selling is prohibited, but can be encountered in some small book stores and among “pirate” book vendors in Mexico City and other cities.
In the United States, the book can be found at almost any community library and can be bought, sold, and traded from many websites like Amazon.com and Borders Book Store. The U.S. government seized the copyright during the Second World War as part of the Trading with the Enemy Act and in 1979, Houghton Mifflin, the U.S. publisher of the book, bought the rights from the government. More than 15,000 copies are sold a year.[10]
In Croatia, Mein Kampf was published in 1999, second edition in 2003, and the German language edition in 2002.
Mein Kampf is freely available in Canada (ISBN 0-395-07801-6), Australia (ISBN 0-395-92503-7) and Finland (ISBN 1-59364-006-4), Italy, Greece, India (ISBN 81-87981-29-6), Ireland, New Zealand, Colombia, Republic of Macedonia (ISBN 9989-920-54-0), South Korea, Japan, Portugal.

The sequel

Main article: Zweites Buch
After the party’s poor showing in the 1928 elections, Hitler believed the reason for loss was that the public did not fully understand his ideas. He retired to Munich to dictate a sequel to Mein Kampf which focused on foreign policy, expanded on the ideas of Mein Kampf and suggested that around 1980, a final struggle would take place for world domination between the United States and the combined forces of Greater Germany and the British Empire.
Only two copies of the 200 page manuscript were originally made, and only one of these has ever been made public. Kept strictly secret under Hitler’s orders, the document was placed in a safe in an air raid shelter in 1935 where it remained until its discovery by an American officer in 1945. The authenticity of the book has been verified by Josef Berg (former employee of the Nazi publishing house Eher Verlag) and Telford Taylor (former Brigadier General U.S.A.R. and Chief Counsel at the Nuremberg war-crimes trials). The book was neither edited nor published during the Nazi Germany era and remains known as Zweites Buch (Second Book). The Zweites Buch was first discovered in the Nazi archives being held in the United States by the Jewish American historian Gerhard Weinberg in 1958. Unable to find an American publisher, Weinberg turned to his mentor, Hans Rothfels, and his associate, Martin Broszat, at the Institute of Contemporary History in Munich, who published Zweites Buch in 1961. A pirated edition was published in English in New York, 1962. The first authoritative English edition was not published until 2003 (Hitler’s Second Book: The Unpublished Sequel to Mein Kampf, ISBN 1-929631-16-2).
[edit]Globalists vs Continentists

One of the more important debates of the book concerns the battle between the Continentists, including Hugh Trevor-Roper and Eberhard Jäckel, who argue Hitler wished to conquer only Europe, and the Globalists, including Gerhard Weinberg, Milan Hauner, Gunter Moltmann, Meier Michaelis and Andreas Hillgruber, who maintain that Hitler wanted to conquer the entire world. The chief source of contention between the Continentists and Globalists is the Zweites Buch.
The Globalists argue that Hitler’s statement that after Germany defeated the United States, then Germany would rule the entire world clearly proves his intentions were global in reach. The Continentists argue that because Hitler predicts the war between the United States and Germany as beginning sometime ca. 1980 (Hitler was born in 1889), the task of winning this war in the 1980s would presumably have fallen to one of Hitler’s successors. The Continentists believe that Hitler for his own lifetime would have been content with ruling merely Europe.
[edit]Intentionalists vs Functionalists

Mein Kampf has assumed a key place in the Functionalism versus intentionalism debate. Intentionalists insist that the passage stating that if only 12,000 – 15,000 Jews were gassed, then “the sacrifice of millions of soldiers would not have been in vain,” proves quite clearly that Hitler had a master plan for the genocide of the Jewish people all along. Functionalists deny this assertion, noting that the passage does not call for the destruction of the entire Jewish people and note that although Mein Kampf is suffused with an extreme anti-Semitism, it is the only time in the entire book that Hitler ever explicitly refers to the murder of Jews. Given that Mein Kampf is 694 pages long, Functionalist historians have accused the Intentionalists of making too much out of one sentence.
Functionalist historians have argued that the memorandum written by Heinrich Himmler to Hitler on May 25, 1940, regarding the “Final Solution to the Jewish Question” (whose proposals Hitler accepted) proves that there was no master plan for genocide which stemmed all the way back to the 1920s. In the memorandum, Himmler rejects genocide under the grounds that one must reject “...the Bolshevik method of physical extermination of a people out of inner conviction as un-German and impossible”. He goes on to argue that something similar to the “Madagascar Plan” be the preferred “territorial solution” to the “Jewish Question”.
Additionally, Functionalist historians have noted that in Mein Kampf Hitler states the only anti-Semitic policies he will carry out are the 25 Point Platform of the Nazi Party (adopted in February 1920), which demands that only “Aryan” Germans be allowed to publish newspapers and own department stores, places a ban on Jewish immigration, expels all Ostjuden (Eastern Jews; i.e., Jews from Eastern Europe who had arrived in Germany since 1914) and strips all German Jews of their German citizenship. Although these demands do reflect a hateful anti-Semitism, they do not amount to a program for genocide, according to the Functionalist historians. Beyond that, some historians have claimed although Hitler was clearly obsessed with anti-Semitism, his degree of anti-Semitic hatred contained in Mein Kampf is no better or worse than that contained in the writings and speeches of earlier volkisch leaders such as Wilhelm Marr, Georg Ritter von Schönerer, Houston Stewart Chamberlain and Karl Lueger, all of whom routinely called Jews a “disease” and “vermin”. Nevertheless, Hitler cites all of them as an inspiration in Mein Kampf.
wow

[JamStone]

I think it would be cool if the Celtics won more than 72 regular season games. Historic seasons should be appreciated. It would be cool.

[Kriz-Maxima]

The Manifesto of the Communist Party (German: Manifest der Kommunistischen Partei), usually referred to as The Communist Manifesto, was first published on February 21, 1848, and is one of the world's most influential political tracts. Commissioned by the Communist League and written by communist theorists Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, it laid out the League's purposes and program. The Manifesto suggested a course of action for a proletarian (working class) revolution to overthrow the bourgeois social order and to eventually bring about a classless and stateless society, and the abolition of private property.

Although the names of both Friedrich Engels and Karl Marx appear on the title page alongside the "persistent assumption of joint-authorship", Engels, in the preface introduction to the 1883 German edition of the Manifesto, said that the Manifesto was "essentially Marx's work" and that "the basic thought... belongs solely and exclusively to Marx." McLellan, along with many other scholars, believes that "the actual drafting of The Communist Manifesto was done exclusively by Marx."

It is claimed in the text itself to have been sketched by a group of Communists from various countries that gathered together in London.

The Communist Manifesto's initial publication, in 1848 (in London), was in German. The first English translation was produced by Helen MacFarlane in 1850. The Manifesto went through a number of editions from 1872 to 1890; notable new prefaces were written by Marx and Engels for the 1872 German edition, the 1882 Russian edition, the 1883 German edition, and the 1888 English edition. This edition, translated by Samuel Moore with the assistance of Engels, has been the most commonly used English text since.
However, some recent English editions, such as Phil Gasper's annotated "road map" (Haymarket Books, 2006), have used a slightly modified text in response to criticisms of the Moore translation made by Hal Draper in his 1994 history of the Manifesto, The Adventures of the "Communist Manifesto" (Center for Socialist History, 1994).

The Manifesto is divided into an introduction, three substantive sections, and a conclusion.

Preamble
The introduction begins with the notable comparison of communism to a "spectre," claiming that across Europe communism is feared, but not understood, and thus communists ought to make their views known with a manifesto:
A spectre is haunting Europe—the spectre of Communism. All the Powers of old Europe have entered into a holy alliance to exorcise this spectre: Pope and Czar, Metternich and Guizot, French Radicals and German police-spies.
Where is the party in opposition that has not been decried as Communistic by its opponents in power? Where is the Opposition that has not hurled back the branding reproach of Communism, against the more advanced opposition parties, as well as against its reactionary adversaries?

I. Bourgeois and Proletarians
The first section, "Bourgeois and Proletarians", puts forward Marx's historical materialism, claiming that
The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles.
Freeman and slave, patrician and plebeian, lord and serf, guild-master and journeyman, in a word, oppressor and oppressed, stood in constant opposition to one another, carried on an uninterrupted, now hidden, now open fight, a fight that each time ended, either in a revolutionary re-constitution of society at large, or in the common ruin of the contending classes.
The section goes on to argue that the class struggle under capitalism is between those who own the means of production, the ruling class or bourgeoisie, and those who labor for a wage, the working class or proletariat. Though the bourgeoisie has played a progressive role in destroying feudalism, according to Marx and Engels, it has also brought about the conditions for its own impending downfall by creating a contradiction within capitalism between the forces of production and the relations of production:
The bourgeoisie, wherever it has got the upper hand, has put an end to all feudal, patriarchal, idyllic relations. It ... has left remaining no other nexus between man and man than naked self-interest, than callous “cash payment” ... for exploitation, veiled by religious and political illusions, it has substituted naked, shameless, direct, brutal exploitation ... Constant revolutionising of production, uninterrupted disturbance of all social conditions, everlasting uncertainty and agitation distinguish the bourgeois epoch from all earlier ones ... All that is solid melts into air, all that is holy is profaned, and man is at last compelled to face with sober senses, his real conditions of life, and his relations with his kind.
However:
The essential condition for the existence, and for the sway of the bourgeois class, is the formation and augmentation of capital; the condition for capital is wage-labour. Wage-labour rests exclusively on competition between the labourers.

II. Proletarians and Communists
The second section, "Proletarians and Communists," starts by outlining the relationship of conscious communists to the rest of the working class:
The Communists do not form a separate party opposed to other working-class parties.
They have no interests separate and apart from those of the proletariat as a whole.
They do not set up any special principles of their own, by which to shape and mould the proletarian movement.
The Communists are distinguished from the other working-class parties by this only: 1. In the national struggles of the proletarians of the different countries, they point out and bring to the front the common interests of the entire proletariat, independently of all nationality. 2. In the various stages of development which the struggle of the working class against the bourgeoisie has to pass through, they always and everywhere represent the interests of the movement as a whole.
It goes on to defend communism from various objections, such as the claim that communists advocate "free love," and the claim that people will not perform labor in a communist society because they have no incentive to work.
The section ends by outlining a set of short-term demands. These included, among others, the abolition of both land ownership and of the right to inheritance, a progressive income tax, universal education, centralization of the means of communication and transport under state management, and the expansion of the means of production owned by the state. The implementation of these policies, would, the authors believed, be a precursor to the stateless and classless society.
One particularly controversial passage deals with this transitional period:
When, in the course of development, class distinctions have disappeared, and all production has been concentrated in the hands of a vast association of the whole nation, the public power will lose its political character. Political power, properly so called, is merely the organized power of one class for oppressing another. If the proletariat during its contest with the bourgeoisie is compelled, by the force of circumstances, to organize itself as a class, if, by means of a revolution, it makes itself the ruling class, and, as such, sweeps away by force the old conditions of production, then it will, along with these conditions, have swept away the conditions for the existence of class antagonisms and of classes generally, and will thereby have abolished its own supremacy as a class.
It is this concept of the transition from socialism to communism which many critics of the Manifesto, particularly during and after the Soviet era, have highlighted. Anarchists, liberals, and conservatives have all asked how an organization such as the revolutionary state could ever (as Engels put it elsewhere) "wither away."
In a related dispute, later Marxists make a separation between "socialism," a society ruled by workers, and "communism," a classless society. Engels wrote little and Marx wrote less on the specifics of the transition to communism, so the authenticity of this distinction remains a matter of dispute.

10 Planks of the Communist Manifesto
Abolition of property in land and application of all rents of land to public purposes.
A heavy progressive or graduated income tax.
Abolition of all right of inheritance.
Confiscation of the property of all emigrants and rebels.
Centralization of credit in the hands of the State, by means of a national bank with State capital and an exclusive monopoly.
Centralization of the means of communication and transport in the hands of the State.
Extension of factories and instruments of production owned by the State; the bringing into cultivation of waste-lands, and the improvement of the soil generally in accordance with a common plan.
Equal liability of all to labour. Establishment of industrial armies, especially for agriculture.
Combination of agriculture with manufacturing industries; gradual abolition of the distinction between town and country, by a more equable distribution of the population over the country.
Free education for all children in public schools. Abolition of children's factory labour in its present form. Combination of education with industrial production.
According to the Communist Manifesto, all these were prior conditions for a transition from capitalism to communism (but Marx and Engels later expressed a desire to modernize this passage).

III. Socialist and Communist Literature
The third section, "Socialist and Communist Literature," distinguishes communism from other socialist doctrines prevalent at the time the Manifesto was written. While the harshness of Marx's and Engels' attacks varies, and their debt to "utopian socialists" such as Fourier, Proudhon, and Owen is acknowledged, all rival views are eventually dismissed for advocating reformism and failing to recognize the key role of the working class. Partly because of Marx's critique, most of the specific ideologies described in this section became politically negligible by the end of the nineteenth century.

IV. Position of the Communists in Relation to the Various Existing Opposition Parties
The concluding section, "Position of the Communists in Relation to the Various Existing Opposition Parties," briefly discusses the communist position on struggles in specific countries in the mid-nineteenth century. It then ends with a call to action:
The Communists disdain to conceal their views and aims. They openly declare that their ends can be attained only by the forcible overthrow of all existing social conditions. Let the ruling classes tremble at a Communistic revolution. The proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains or dignity. They have a world to win.
WORKING MEN OF ALL COUNTRIES, UNITE!


Just for the heck of it.

[Dirk Nowitzki]

Duncan vs. KG, Bowen vs. Allen.

Can't wait.

Excuse me drummer of a badass band I have seen all over the DFW, your spurs are now FUCKED. Sorry kiddo but the Mavs have that Round 1 through NBA Finals Games 1 and 2 swagger back. Thats horrible news for the rest of the league especially the Spurs. Now run along and go practice for your gig on Harry Hines tomorrow night.

[1Parker1]

I don't know what's more annoying, the fact that mono posted that or the fact that about 5 other people felt the need to quote the entire thing again in their post and then get mad at Mono for posting it~!

[monosylab1k]

i'll do anything to kill a jeffdrums thread.

[stretch]

i really don't care. in fact, i think detroit would love to see the celtics try and beat that record. that bulls team paid for that record in the playoffs by dropping games they were supposed to win.

what is more impressive? 72-10 regular season or a 12-1 (15-1) post season record?
The Bulls were 15-3 in the playoffs and won the title. That's still very impressive.

[stretch]

i'll do anything to kill a jeffdrums thread.
why? these are suprizingly the best threads around. aside from classic DSF and DannyB threads...

[lefty]

65 wins max.

They have yet to play the West Big Guns, which are better teams, and also will be super motivated to kick their asses. :ihit

[FromWayDowntown]

Garnett, Allen, and Pierce are all flukes -- how many rings have those guys won?

[Sportcamper]

The Celtics have been incredible this year…I don’t think anyone really believed that they would be this dominant…

[td4mvp21]

I'm curious to see how the Spurs, Mavs, and Suns will do against the Celtics.

[Hemotivo]

Mein Kampf (English translation: My Struggle) is a book by the German-Austrian nazi dictator Adolf Hitler, which combines elements of autobiography with an exposition of Hitler's National Socialist political ideology. Volume 1 of Mein Kampf was published in 1925 and volume 2 in 1926.

Popularity and history during Hitler's lifetime

Following the failed Beer Hall Putsch, Adolf Hitler went into hiding. However, he was arrested on November 11, 1923, was remanded, and, after a 24-day trial, found guilty of high treason and sentenced to five years imprisonment (of which the term was to be reduced by four months and two weeks for the time served in prison prior to and during the trial). Presiding Judge Neithhardt was convinced that Hitler and the other members of the Kampfbund had acted honorably, and Hitler was therefore eligible for parole in six months and also to be given the privilege of Festungshaft (imprisonment without penal labor). This permitted Hitler a steady flow of visitors and a desk in his cell.
Hitler was allocated Cell No. 11 of the Fortress Landsberg prison. A subsequent trial pertaining to the putsch saw Hitler’s chauffeur Emil Maurice and close associate Rudolf Hess imprisoned for five years, though they too would be eligible for release in six months. During this time in prison, Hitler underwent something of an epiphany with regards to his use of violence: from now on everything was to be ostensibly legal.
Having chosen this new move, Hitler felt that he needed to make sure that the public knew what he stood for, so began to dictate a book to Hess and Maurice, part-autobiography but also a political treatise. While imprisoned, Hitler’s first often overlooked contribution to the literary world was released, a small 24-page self-written booklet entitled ‘What Happened On November 8?’ aimed at clearing up confusion and rumor amidst both the party ranks and presumably some members of the public.
A poster shows that Hitler originally wanted to call his forthcoming book ‘Viereinhalb Jahre [des Kampfes] gegen Lüge, Dummheit und Feigheit’ (Four and a Half Years [of Fighting] Against Lies, Stupidity and Cowardice). Hess is said to have suggested the much shorter Mein Kampf (often translated as “My Struggle”, its meaning could also be conveyed as “My Fight”); this has also been attributed to Max Amann, Hitler’s publisher.
Though Hitler had received many visitors earlier on, he soon devoted himself entirely to the writing (or rather the dictation) of the book. As Hitler continued, he realised that it would have to be a two-volume work, with the first volume scheduled for release in early 1925. The prison governor of Landsberg noted at the time that ‘he [Hitler] hopes the book will run into many editions, thus enabling him to fulfill his financial obligations and to defray the expenses incurred at the time of his trial.’
Once released from prison on December 20, 1924, Hitler moved back to the picturesque mountainous climes of the Obersalzberg, to which he had been introduced by his mentor Dietrich Eckart, who had been at Landsberg with Hitler for a few weeks (imprisoned for eighteen months for his role in the putsch) before his health failed and he was released. By day, Hitler dictated his second volume of Mein Kampf to Eckart before sleeping, first at a room in the nearby Hotel Pension Moritz and later a rented cottage just a stone’s throw away from Haus Wachenfeld, over which he would later construct his Berghof as chancellor of Germany.
On July 15, 1925, Franz Eher Nachfolger, later to become the publishing house of the NSDAP, released Mein Kampf: Eine Abrechnung (A Retrospect) at a run of a mere 500 copies. Though by no means popular, people were said to have contacted Eher asking for a larger run, which resulted in the publication of a second edition of the first volume in mid-1926. The second volume, Die Nationalsozialistische Bewegung (The National Socialist Movement) was released in December 1926.
While Hitler was in power (1933-1945), Mein Kampf came to be available in three common editions. The first, the Volksausgabe (People’s Edition), featured the original cover on the dust jacket and was navy blue underneath with a gold swastika eagle embossed on the cover. The Hochzeitsausgabe (Wedding Edition), in a slipcase with the seal of the province embossed in gold onto a parchment-like cover was given free to marrying couples. In 1940, the Tornister-Ausgabe was released. This edition was a compact, but unabridged, version in a red cover and was released by the post office for parents and partners to send to loved ones at the front. These three editions contained both, volumes one and two in the same book.
There was also a special edition published in 1939 in honor of Hitler's 50th birthday. This edition was known as the Jubiläumsausgabe (Anniversery Issue). It came in both dark blue and bright red boards with a gold sword on the cover. This work contained both volumes one and two. It was considered a delux version relative to the smaller and more common Volksausgabe.
The book could also be purchased as a two volume set during Hitler's time in power and was available in softcover and hardcover. The soft cover edition contained the original cover (as pictured at the top of this article). The hardcover edition had a leather spine with cloth covered boards. The cover and spine contained an image of three brown oak leaves.

The arrangement of chapters is as follows:
INTRODUCTION
VOLUME I: A RETROSPECT
Chapter 1 In the Home of My Parents
Chapter 2 Years of Study and Suffering in Vienna
Chapter 3 Political Reflections Arising Out of My Sojourn in Vienna
Chapter 4 Munich
Chapter 5 The World War
Chapter 6 War Propaganda
Chapter 7 The Revolution
Chapter 8 The Beginning of My Political Activities
Chapter 9 The German Labour Party
Chapter 10 Why The Second Reich Collapsed
Chapter 11 Race and People
Chapter 12 The First Stage in The Development of the German National Socialist Labour Party
VOLUME II: THE NATIONAL SOCIALIST MOVEMENT
Chapter 1 Weltanschauung and Party
Chapter 2 The State
Chapter 3 Citizens and Subjects of The State
Chapter 4 Personality and the Ideal of the People's State
Chapter 5 Weltanschauung and Organization
Chapter 6 The First Period of Our Struggle
Chapter 7 The Conflict with the Red Forces
Chapter 8 The Strong Is Strongest When Alone
Chapter 9 Fundamental Ideas Regarding The Nature and Organization of the Storm Troops
Chapter 10 The Mask of Federalism
Chapter 11 Propaganda and Organization
Chapter 12 The Problem of the Trade Unions
Chapter 13 The German Post-War Policy of Alliances
Chapter 14 Germany's Policy in Eastern Europe
Chapter 15 The Right To Self-Defense
EPILOGUE
The book is heavily influenced by Gustave Le Bon’s 1895 The Crowd: A Study of the Popular Mind, which theorized propaganda as an adequate rational technique to control the seemingly irrational behaviour of crowds.(See also: Nazi Propaganda) Particularly prominent is the violent anti-Semitism of Hitler and his associates, drawing, among other sources, on the fabricated Protocols of the Elders of Zion. For example, Hitler claimed that the international language Esperanto was part of a Jewish plot and makes arguments toward the old German nationalist ideas of “Drang nach Osten” and the necessity to gain Lebensraum (“living space”) eastwards (especially in Russia).
In Mein Kampf, Hitler uses the main thesis of “The Jewish peril”, which speaks of an alleged Jewish conspiracy to gain world leadership. The narrative describes the process by which he became increasingly anti-Semitic and militaristic, especially during his years in Vienna, Austria. Yet the deeper origins of his anti-semitism remain a mystery. He speaks of not having met a Jew until he arrived in Vienna, and that at first his attitude was liberal and tolerant. When he first encountered the anti-semitic press, he says, he dismissed it as unworthy of serious consideration. A little later and quite suddenly, it seems, he accepted the same anti-semitic views whole-heartedly, and they became crucial in his programme of national reconstruction. It was Zionism, which he calls a “great movement” in Mein Kampf, which he says settled his view (as theirs) that one cannot be both a German and a Jew.
Mein Kampf has also been studied as a work on political theory. For example, Hitler announces his hatred of what he believed to be the world's twin evils: Communism and Judaism. The new territory that Germany needed to obtain would properly nurture the “historic destiny” of the German people; this goal explains why Hitler invaded Europe, both East and West, before he launched his attack against Russia. Laying Germany’s chief ills on the parliament of the Weimar Republic, he announces that he wants to completely destroy that type of government.
Mein Kampf has been examined as a book on foreign policy. For example, Hitler predicts the stages of Germany’s political emergence on the world scene: in the first stage, Germany would, through a program of massive re-armament, overthrow the shackles of the Treaty of Versailles and form alliances with the British Empire and Fascist Italy. The second stage would feature wars against France and her allies in Eastern Europe by the combined forces of Germany, Britain and Italy. The third and final stage would be a war to destroy what Hitler saw as the "Judeo-Bolshevik" regime in the Soviet Union that would give Germany the necessary Lebensraum. German historian Andreas Hillgruber labelled the plans contained in Mein Kampf as Hitler’s “Stufenplan” (Stage-by-stage plan). The term “Stufenplan” has been widely used by historians, though it must be noted that the term was Hillgruber’s, not Hitler’s.
Hitler presented himself as the “Übermensch”, frequently rendered as the somewhat ambiguous “Superman” or “Superhuman”. Nineteenth-century German philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche had developed this term in his book, Thus Spoke Zarathustra. Hitler’s self-identification as such may have stemmed from his association with Nietzsche’s sister, Elisabeth Förster-Nietzsche, who was an early member of the Nazi party and a committed anti-semite; she herself became the owner and editor of Nietzsche’s works after his mental collapse and death in 1900, long before Hitler's ascendancy.
Mein Kampf makes clear Hitler’s racist worldview, in which humans are to be classified based on ancestry. Hitler asserts that German “Aryans” are at the top of the hierarchy while Jews and Gypsies are consigned to the bottom of the order. Hitler goes on to say that dominated peoples benefit by learning from the superior Aryans. Hitler further claimed that the Jews were conspiring to keep this “master race” from rightfully ruling the world by diluting its racial and cultural purity and by convincing the Aryans to believe in equality rather than superiority and inferiority. He described the struggle for world domination as an ongoing racial, cultural and political battle between Aryans and non-Aryans.
In 1928, Hitler went on to write a second book in which he expanded upon these ideas and suggested that around 1980, a final struggle would take place for world domination between the United States, the combined forces of “Greater Germany” and the British Empire (read more about this sequel below).

English Translation

Dugdale abridgment
The first English translation was an abridgment by Edgar Dugdale who started work on it in 1931, at the prompting of his wife Blanche. When he learned that the London publishing firm of Hurst & Blackett had secured the rights to publish an abridgment in the United Kingdom, he offered it gratis in April 1933. However, a local Nazi representative insisted that the translation be further abridged before publication, so it was held back from the public until October 13, 1933, although excerpts were allowed to run in The Times in late July.
In America, Houghton Mifflin secured the rights to the Dugdale abridgment on July 29, 1933. The only differences between the American and British versions are that the title was translated My Struggle in the UK and My Battle in America; and that Dugdale is credited as translator in the US edition, while the British version withheld his name. Both Dugdales were active in the Zionist movement; Blanche was the niece of Lord Balfour, and they wished to avoid publicity.

Murphy translation:
One of the first complete English translations of Mein Kampf was by James Murphy in 1939. The opening lines, It has turned out fortunate for me to-day that destiny appointed Braunau-on-the-Inn to be my birthplace , gives a straight-forward no-nonsense approach of Hitler.
The 2 Volumes of Mein Kampf are titled as follows:
Volume I : A Retrospect (contains 12 chapters)
Volume II: The Nationalist Socialist Movement (contains 15 chapters)
Some famous quotes from the translation include:
Sooner will a camel pass through a needle’s eye than a great man be ‘discovered’ by an election.
The broad masses of a population are more amenable to the appeal of rhetoric than to any other force.
Never forget that the most sacred right on this earth is man’s right to have the earth to till with his own hands, the most sacred sacrifice the blood that a man sheds for this earth.
Those who want to live, let them fight, and those who do not want to fight in this world of eternal struggle do not deserve to live.
Any alliance whose purpose is not the intention to wage war is senseless and useless.
The Jew’s life as a parasite in the body of other nations and states explains a characteristic which once caused Schopenhauer, as has already been mentioned, to call him the 'great master in lying.
The last paragraph of the translation: The adherents of our Movements must always remember this, whenever they may have misgivings lest the greatness of the sacrifices demanded of them may not be justified by the possibilities of success.
Hurst & Blackett ceased publishing the Murphy translation in 1942 when the original plates were destroyed by German bombing.

Reynal and Hitchcock translation
Houghlin and Mifflin licensed Reynal & Hitchcock the rights to publish a full unexpurgated translation in 1938. It was translated by a committee of men from the New School for Social Research and appeared on February 28, 1939.

Stackpole translation and controversy
The small Pennsylvania firm of Stackpole and Sons released its own unexpurgated translation by William Soskin on the same day as Houghton Mifflin, amid much legal wrangling. The Second Circuit Court of Appeals ruled in Houghton Mifflin’s favor that June and ordered Stackpole to stop selling their version, but litigation followed for a few more years until the case was finally resolved in September 1941.
Among other things, Stackpole argued that Hitler could not have legally transferred his right to a copyright in the United States to Eher Verlag in 1925, because he was not a citizen of any country. Houghton Mifflin v. Stackpole was a minor landmark in American copyright law, definitively establishing that stateless persons have the same copyright status in the United States that any other foreigner would.
In the three months that Stackpole’s version was available it sold 12,000 copies.

Manheim translation
Houghton Mifflin brought out a translation by Ralph Manheim in 1943. They did this to avoid having to share their profits with Reynal & Hitchcock, and to increase sales by offering a more readable translation. The Manheim translation was first published in England by Hurst & Blackett in 1969 amid some controversy.

There were three separate printings from August 1938 to March 1939, totaling 14,000; sales totals by March 31, 1939 were 10,345.
The Murphy and Houghton Mifflin translations were the only ones published by the authorized publishers while Hitler was still alive, and not at war with Britain and America.
There was some resistance from Eher Verlag to Hurst and Blackton’s Murphy translation, as they hadn’t been granted the rights to a full translation. However, they allowed it de facto permission by not lodging a formal protest, and on May 5, 1939, even inquired about royalties. The British publishers responded on the 12th that the information they requested was “not yet available” and the point would be moot within a few months, on September 3, 1939, when all royalties were halted due to the state of war existing between Britain and Germany.
Royalties were likewise held up in the United States due to the litigation between Houghton Mifflin and Stackpole. Because the matter was only settled in September 1941, only a few months before a state of war existed between Germany and the US, all Eher Verlag ever got was a $2500 advance from Reynal and Hitchcock. It got none from the unauthorized Stackpole edition or the 1943 Manheim edition.

From the royalties, he was able to afford a Mercedes while still being imprisoned. Moreover, he accumulated a tax debt of 405,500 Reichsmark (8 million USD today, or £4m UK Pounds Sterling(2004)) from the sale of about 240,000 copies by the time he became chancellor in 1933 (at which time his debt was waived)

After Hitler’s rise to power, the book gained enormous popularity and became the virtual Bible of every Nazi. Despite rumors to the contrary, new evidence suggests that it was actually in high demand in libraries (topping the lending lists), and often reviewed and quoted in other publications. By the end of the war, about 10 million copies of the book had been sold or distributed in Germany (every newly-wed couple, as well as every front soldier, received a free copy), and Hitler had made about 7.6 m Reichsmark from the income of his book (when the average income of a teacher was about 4,800 Mark).

Some historians have speculated that a wider reading prior to Hitler’s rise to power (or at least prior to the outbreak of World War II) might have alerted the world to the dangers Hitler would pose to peace in Europe and to the Holocaust that he would pursue. An abridged English translation was produced before World War II. However, the publisher removed some of the more anti-Semitic and militaristic statements. The publication of this version caused Alan Cranston, who was an American reporter for UPI in Germany (and later a federal U.S. Senator from California), to publish his own abridged and annotated translation. Cranston believed this version to more accurately reflect the contents of the book. In 1939, Cranston was sued by Hitler’s publisher for copyright infringement, and a Connecticut judge ruled in Hitler’s favor. However, by the time the publication of Cranston’s version was stopped, 500,000 copies had already been sold.

Today, the state of Bavaria owns the copyright of all editions of Mein Kampf except the English, the Dutch, and the Swedish. The Dutch government claims[5] to have seized copyright after World War II. The copyright is scheduled to end on December 31, 2015. Historian Werner Maser, in an interview with Bild am Sonntag has stated that Peter Raubal, son of Hitler’s nephew, Leo Raubal, would have a strong legal case for winning the copyright from Bavaria if he pursued it. Leo Raubal, an Austrian engineer, has stated he wants no part of the rights to the book, even though it could be worth millions of euros.[6] The government of Bavaria, in agreement with the federal government of Germany, does not allow any copying or printing of the book in Germany and opposes it also in other countries but with less success. Owning and buying the book is legal. Trading in old copies is legal as well unless it is done in such a fashion as to “promote hatred or war”, which is, under anti-revisionist laws, generally illegal. In particular, the unmodified edition is not covered by §86 StGB that forbids dissemination of means of propaganda of unconstitutional organizations, since it is a “pre-constitutional work” and as such cannot be opposed to the free and democratic basic order, according to a 1979 decision of the Federal Court of Justice of Germany.[7] Most German libraries carry heavily commented and excerpted versions of Mein Kampf.

Elsewhere in the world, the situation is as follows:
In Austria, the possession and/or trading of Mein Kampf is illegal.
In France, the selling of the book is forbidden unless the transaction concerns a historical version including commentaries from specialists and states the law allowing its special historical edition. In 2002, a French court ruled that the company Yahoo! had to pay €100,000 per diem for selling revisionist materials, including Mein Kampf and the Protocols of the Elders of Zion, to French customers.[8]
In the Netherlands, selling the book, even in the case of an old copy, may be illegal as “promoting hatred”, but possession and lending is not. Though mainly the matter is handled as a matter of copyright infringement as the Dutch state (as acclaimed owner of the translation) will not allow any publishing. In 1997, the government explained to the parliament that selling a scientifically annotated version might escape prosecution. In 2007, the discussion flared up again and the same pros and cons as 1997 were uttered. In 2015, the copyright on the Dutch translation becomes void.
When Mein Kampf was republished in Sweden in 1992, the government of Bavaria tried to put a ban on the book. The case went all the way to the Swedish Supreme Court. The court ruled in 1998 that the copyright could not be owned by the modern state of Bavaria. Since the publishing house that published Mein Kampf in the thirties had long gone out of business, Mein Kampf should be considered as being in a state of limbo (or even in the public domain). The case was won by the modern publisher, an outspoken anti-Nazi.
In Lebanon, an Arabic edition of Mein Kampf was published in 1995 by Bisan/Beisan.[9]
In the United Kingdom, Mein Kampf is readily available and sells 3,000 copies annually [10].
Translated into Arabic, the book has been widely distributed in the Arab-Muslim world from the 1930s to the present.
In Turkey, the book is freely available and a Turkish edition was reported to be a bestseller in Turkey in March 2005, selling over 100,000 copies in two months.[11]
In Indonesia the book is available in Indonesian language.
In the USSR, the book was unavailable and de facto prohibited. In the Russian Federation, Mein Kampf has been published at least three times since 1992; the Russian text is also available on a number of web-sites. Recently the Public Chamber of Russia proposed to ban the book.
In the Czech Republic, Mein Kampf was first sold in the Czech lands in 1936, and again in 1993, both times in abridged, annotated versions. In March 2000, the full Czech edition was published by Otakar II. [10]
In Spain, Argentina and Denmark, the book is unavailable, but copies before the unavailability of the book still exist. (Note: recent changes may have changed this status.)
In 1999, the Simon Wiesenthal Center documented that major Internet booksellers like amazon.com and barnesandnoble.com sell Mein Kampf to Germany. After a public outcry, both companies agreed to stop those sales. The book is currently available through both companies. Public-domain copies of Mein Kampf are available at various Internet sites with links to banned books. Additionally, several Web sites provide the text of the book.
In Mexico, Mein Kampf cannot be found in the largest book stores or libraries because they say its selling is prohibited, but can be encountered in some small book stores and among “pirate” book vendors in Mexico City and other cities.
In the United States, the book can be found at almost any community library and can be bought, sold, and traded from many websites like Amazon.com and Borders Book Store. The U.S. government seized the copyright during the Second World War as part of the Trading with the Enemy Act and in 1979, Houghton Mifflin, the U.S. publisher of the book, bought the rights from the government. More than 15,000 copies are sold a year.[10]
In Croatia, Mein Kampf was published in 1999, second edition in 2003, and the German language edition in 2002.
Mein Kampf is freely available in Canada (ISBN 0-395-07801-6), Australia (ISBN 0-395-92503-7) and Finland (ISBN 1-59364-006-4), Italy, Greece, India (ISBN 81-87981-29-6), Ireland, New Zealand, Colombia, Republic of Macedonia (ISBN 9989-920-54-0), South Korea, Japan, Portugal.

The sequel

Main article: Zweites Buch
After the party’s poor showing in the 1928 elections, Hitler believed the reason for loss was that the public did not fully understand his ideas. He retired to Munich to dictate a sequel to Mein Kampf which focused on foreign policy, expanded on the ideas of Mein Kampf and suggested that around 1980, a final struggle would take place for world domination between the United States and the combined forces of Greater Germany and the British Empire.
Only two copies of the 200 page manuscript were originally made, and only one of these has ever been made public. Kept strictly secret under Hitler’s orders, the document was placed in a safe in an air raid shelter in 1935 where it remained until its discovery by an American officer in 1945. The authenticity of the book has been verified by Josef Berg (former employee of the Nazi publishing house Eher Verlag) and Telford Taylor (former Brigadier General U.S.A.R. and Chief Counsel at the Nuremberg war-crimes trials). The book was neither edited nor published during the Nazi Germany era and remains known as Zweites Buch (Second Book). The Zweites Buch was first discovered in the Nazi archives being held in the United States by the Jewish American historian Gerhard Weinberg in 1958. Unable to find an American publisher, Weinberg turned to his mentor, Hans Rothfels, and his associate, Martin Broszat, at the Institute of Contemporary History in Munich, who published Zweites Buch in 1961. A pirated edition was published in English in New York, 1962. The first authoritative English edition was not published until 2003 (Hitler’s Second Book: The Unpublished Sequel to Mein Kampf, ISBN 1-929631-16-2).
[edit]Globalists vs Continentists

One of the more important debates of the book concerns the battle between the Continentists, including Hugh Trevor-Roper and Eberhard Jäckel, who argue Hitler wished to conquer only Europe, and the Globalists, including Gerhard Weinberg, Milan Hauner, Gunter Moltmann, Meier Michaelis and Andreas Hillgruber, who maintain that Hitler wanted to conquer the entire world. The chief source of contention between the Continentists and Globalists is the Zweites Buch.
The Globalists argue that Hitler’s statement that after Germany defeated the United States, then Germany would rule the entire world clearly proves his intentions were global in reach. The Continentists argue that because Hitler predicts the war between the United States and Germany as beginning sometime ca. 1980 (Hitler was born in 1889), the task of winning this war in the 1980s would presumably have fallen to one of Hitler’s successors. The Continentists believe that Hitler for his own lifetime would have been content with ruling merely Europe.
[edit]Intentionalists vs Functionalists

Mein Kampf has assumed a key place in the Functionalism versus intentionalism debate. Intentionalists insist that the passage stating that if only 12,000 – 15,000 Jews were gassed, then “the sacrifice of millions of soldiers would not have been in vain,” proves quite clearly that Hitler had a master plan for the genocide of the Jewish people all along. Functionalists deny this assertion, noting that the passage does not call for the destruction of the entire Jewish people and note that although Mein Kampf is suffused with an extreme anti-Semitism, it is the only time in the entire book that Hitler ever explicitly refers to the murder of Jews. Given that Mein Kampf is 694 pages long, Functionalist historians have accused the Intentionalists of making too much out of one sentence.
Functionalist historians have argued that the memorandum written by Heinrich Himmler to Hitler on May 25, 1940, regarding the “Final Solution to the Jewish Question” (whose proposals Hitler accepted) proves that there was no master plan for genocide which stemmed all the way back to the 1920s. In the memorandum, Himmler rejects genocide under the grounds that one must reject “...the Bolshevik method of physical extermination of a people out of inner conviction as un-German and impossible”. He goes on to argue that something similar to the “Madagascar Plan” be the preferred “territorial solution” to the “Jewish Question”.
Additionally, Functionalist historians have noted that in Mein Kampf Hitler states the only anti-Semitic policies he will carry out are the 25 Point Platform of the Nazi Party (adopted in February 1920), which demands that only “Aryan” Germans be allowed to publish newspapers and own department stores, places a ban on Jewish immigration, expels all Ostjuden (Eastern Jews; i.e., Jews from Eastern Europe who had arrived in Germany since 1914) and strips all German Jews of their German citizenship. Although these demands do reflect a hateful anti-Semitism, they do not amount to a program for genocide, according to the Functionalist historians. Beyond that, some historians have claimed although Hitler was clearly obsessed with anti-Semitism, his degree of anti-Semitic hatred contained in Mein Kampf is no better or worse than that contained in the writings and speeches of earlier volkisch leaders such as Wilhelm Marr, Georg Ritter von Schönerer, Houston Stewart Chamberlain and Karl Lueger, all of whom routinely called Jews a “disease” and “vermin”. Nevertheless, Hitler cites all of them as an inspiration in Mein Kampf.
fixed

[PM5K]

I'm curious to see how the Spurs, Mavs, and Suns will do against the Celtics.

Everyone is, but even if they don't do that well, they only play them two times each.

And yeah, 15-3 ain't bad, how exactly did they pay for it during the Playoffs?

By going 11-1 through the Conference Finals and 4-2 in the NBA Finals?

[Dex]

(Slam, slam, slam!) Blood alone moves the wheels of history! Have you ever asked yourselves in an hour of meditation which everyone finds during the day, how long we have been striving for greatness? (Slam!) Not only the years we've been at war, the war of work. But from the moment as a child when we realized that the world could be conquered. It has been a lifetime struggle (Slam!), a never-ending fight, I say to you (Slam!), and you will understand that it is a privilege to fight! (light applause) We are warriors!! (moderate applause) Salesmen of northeastern Pennsylvania I ask you, (Slam!) once more rise and be worthy of this historical hour!

No revolution is worth anything unless it can defend (Slam!) itself!

Some people will tell you "salesman" is a bad word, they'll conjure up images of used car dealers and door-to-door charlatans. This is our duty to change their perception. I say, salesmen, and women, of the world, unite! We must never acquiesce, for it is together, together that we prevail! We must never cede control of the motherland for it is together that we prevail!


http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/en/b/b4/TheOffice-DwightsSpeech.jpg

[SpursDynasty]

Excuse me drummer of a badass band I have seen all over the DFW, your spurs are now FUCKED. Sorry kiddo but the Mavs have that Round 1 through NBA Finals Games 1 and 2 swagger back. Thats horrible news for the rest of the league especially the Spurs. Now run along and go practice for your gig on Harry Hines tomorrow night.

Based on what?

Last night was Golden State playing horrible, not Dallas playing great.

Dallas plays uninspired ball except vs. the Spurs.

[monosylab1k]

fixed
:lol

[dirk4mvp]

I don't know what's more annoying, the fact that mono posted that or the fact that about 5 other people felt the need to quote the entire thing again in their post and then get mad at Mono for posting it~!


um, who got mad?

I thought it was very good post.

[J.T.]

The Manifesto of the Communist Party (German: Manifest der Kommunistischen Partei), usually referred to as The Communist Manifesto, was first published on February 21, 1848, and is one of the world's most influential political tracts. Commissioned by the Communist League and written by communist theorists Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, it laid out the League's purposes and program. The Manifesto suggested a course of action for a proletarian (working class) revolution to overthrow the bourgeois social order and to eventually bring about a classless and stateless society, and the abolition of private property.

Although the names of both Friedrich Engels and Karl Marx appear on the title page alongside the "persistent assumption of joint-authorship", Engels, in the preface introduction to the 1883 German edition of the Manifesto, said that the Manifesto was "essentially Marx's work" and that "the basic thought... belongs solely and exclusively to Marx." McLellan, along with many other scholars, believes that "the actual drafting of The Communist Manifesto was done exclusively by Marx."

It is claimed in the text itself to have been sketched by a group of Communists from various countries that gathered together in London.

The Communist Manifesto's initial publication, in 1848 (in London), was in German. The first English translation was produced by Helen MacFarlane in 1850. The Manifesto went through a number of editions from 1872 to 1890; notable new prefaces were written by Marx and Engels for the 1872 German edition, the 1882 Russian edition, the 1883 German edition, and the 1888 English edition. This edition, translated by Samuel Moore with the assistance of Engels, has been the most commonly used English text since.
However, some recent English editions, such as Phil Gasper's annotated "road map" (Haymarket Books, 2006), have used a slightly modified text in response to criticisms of the Moore translation made by Hal Draper in his 1994 history of the Manifesto, The Adventures of the "Communist Manifesto" (Center for Socialist History, 1994).

The Manifesto is divided into an introduction, three substantive sections, and a conclusion.

Preamble
The introduction begins with the notable comparison of communism to a "spectre," claiming that across Europe communism is feared, but not understood, and thus communists ought to make their views known with a manifesto:
A spectre is haunting Europe—the spectre of Communism. All the Powers of old Europe have entered into a holy alliance to exorcise this spectre: Pope and Czar, Metternich and Guizot, French Radicals and German police-spies.
Where is the party in opposition that has not been decried as Communistic by its opponents in power? Where is the Opposition that has not hurled back the branding reproach of Communism, against the more advanced opposition parties, as well as against its reactionary adversaries?

I. Bourgeois and Proletarians
The first section, "Bourgeois and Proletarians", puts forward Marx's historical materialism, claiming that
The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles.
Freeman and slave, patrician and plebeian, lord and serf, guild-master and journeyman, in a word, oppressor and oppressed, stood in constant opposition to one another, carried on an uninterrupted, now hidden, now open fight, a fight that each time ended, either in a revolutionary re-constitution of society at large, or in the common ruin of the contending classes.
The section goes on to argue that the class struggle under capitalism is between those who own the means of production, the ruling class or bourgeoisie, and those who labor for a wage, the working class or proletariat. Though the bourgeoisie has played a progressive role in destroying feudalism, according to Marx and Engels, it has also brought about the conditions for its own impending downfall by creating a contradiction within capitalism between the forces of production and the relations of production:
The bourgeoisie, wherever it has got the upper hand, has put an end to all feudal, patriarchal, idyllic relations. It ... has left remaining no other nexus between man and man than naked self-interest, than callous “cash payment” ... for exploitation, veiled by religious and political illusions, it has substituted naked, shameless, direct, brutal exploitation ... Constant revolutionising of production, uninterrupted disturbance of all social conditions, everlasting uncertainty and agitation distinguish the bourgeois epoch from all earlier ones ... All that is solid melts into air, all that is holy is profaned, and man is at last compelled to face with sober senses, his real conditions of life, and his relations with his kind.
However:
The essential condition for the existence, and for the sway of the bourgeois class, is the formation and augmentation of capital; the condition for capital is wage-labour. Wage-labour rests exclusively on competition between the labourers.

II. Proletarians and Communists
The second section, "Proletarians and Communists," starts by outlining the relationship of conscious communists to the rest of the working class:
The Communists do not form a separate party opposed to other working-class parties.
They have no interests separate and apart from those of the proletariat as a whole.
They do not set up any special principles of their own, by which to shape and mould the proletarian movement.
The Communists are distinguished from the other working-class parties by this only: 1. In the national struggles of the proletarians of the different countries, they point out and bring to the front the common interests of the entire proletariat, independently of all nationality. 2. In the various stages of development which the struggle of the working class against the bourgeoisie has to pass through, they always and everywhere represent the interests of the movement as a whole.
It goes on to defend communism from various objections, such as the claim that communists advocate "free love," and the claim that people will not perform labor in a communist society because they have no incentive to work.
The section ends by outlining a set of short-term demands. These included, among others, the abolition of both land ownership and of the right to inheritance, a progressive income tax, universal education, centralization of the means of communication and transport under state management, and the expansion of the means of production owned by the state. The implementation of these policies, would, the authors believed, be a precursor to the stateless and classless society.
One particularly controversial passage deals with this transitional period:
When, in the course of development, class distinctions have disappeared, and all production has been concentrated in the hands of a vast association of the whole nation, the public power will lose its political character. Political power, properly so called, is merely the organized power of one class for oppressing another. If the proletariat during its contest with the bourgeoisie is compelled, by the force of circumstances, to organize itself as a class, if, by means of a revolution, it makes itself the ruling class, and, as such, sweeps away by force the old conditions of production, then it will, along with these conditions, have swept away the conditions for the existence of class antagonisms and of classes generally, and will thereby have abolished its own supremacy as a class.
It is this concept of the transition from socialism to communism which many critics of the Manifesto, particularly during and after the Soviet era, have highlighted. Anarchists, liberals, and conservatives have all asked how an organization such as the revolutionary state could ever (as Engels put it elsewhere) "wither away."
In a related dispute, later Marxists make a separation between "socialism," a society ruled by workers, and "communism," a classless society. Engels wrote little and Marx wrote less on the specifics of the transition to communism, so the authenticity of this distinction remains a matter of dispute.

10 Planks of the Communist Manifesto
Abolition of property in land and application of all rents of land to public purposes.
A heavy progressive or graduated income tax.
Abolition of all right of inheritance.
Confiscation of the property of all emigrants and rebels.
Centralization of credit in the hands of the State, by means of a national bank with State capital and an exclusive monopoly.
Centralization of the means of communication and transport in the hands of the State.
Extension of factories and instruments of production owned by the State; the bringing into cultivation of waste-lands, and the improvement of the soil generally in accordance with a common plan.
Equal liability of all to labour. Establishment of industrial armies, especially for agriculture.
Combination of agriculture with manufacturing industries; gradual abolition of the distinction between town and country, by a more equable distribution of the population over the country.
Free education for all children in public schools. Abolition of children's factory labour in its present form. Combination of education with industrial production.
According to the Communist Manifesto, all these were prior conditions for a transition from capitalism to communism (but Marx and Engels later expressed a desire to modernize this passage).

III. Socialist and Communist Literature
The third section, "Socialist and Communist Literature," distinguishes communism from other socialist doctrines prevalent at the time the Manifesto was written. While the harshness of Marx's and Engels' attacks varies, and their debt to "utopian socialists" such as Fourier, Proudhon, and Owen is acknowledged, all rival views are eventually dismissed for advocating reformism and failing to recognize the key role of the working class. Partly because of Marx's critique, most of the specific ideologies described in this section became politically negligible by the end of the nineteenth century.

IV. Position of the Communists in Relation to the Various Existing Opposition Parties
The concluding section, "Position of the Communists in Relation to the Various Existing Opposition Parties," briefly discusses the communist position on struggles in specific countries in the mid-nineteenth century. It then ends with a call to action:
The Communists disdain to conceal their views and aims. They openly declare that their ends can be attained only by the forcible overthrow of all existing social conditions. Let the ruling classes tremble at a Communistic revolution. The proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains or dignity. They have a world to win.
WORKING MEN OF ALL COUNTRIES, UNITE!

I see what you did there.

[xbocker]

What people don't realize is they haven't faced the Mavs, or the spurs, Suns, or any of the other elite teams.

[Armando]

What people don't realize is they haven't faced the Mavs, or the spurs, Suns, or any of the other elite teams.


I think they have thier eyes on something bigger then a 72-10 record. FYI they are 10- vs the West including a sweep of the Lakers.

[xbocker]

I think they have thier eyes on something bigger then a 72-10 record. FYI they are 10- vs the West including a sweep of the Lakers.
Look at it this way, If the celtics lose 5 more games, they will be tied with the 96 bulls.

[Jeremy]

Wow, the Celtics weren't even able to match the Suns 31-4 start in 04-05 (before Nash got hurt and we lost 6 in a row).

[Armando]

Wow, the Celtics weren't even able to match the Suns 31-4 start in 04-05 (before Nash got hurt and we lost 6 in a row).


Somehow I think the Celtics will manage to win 55 + games. Is still the Leastern Conference despite all the moves made by East team. It is still a 2 team show with Detroit and Boston. Of course there is always Chewfingers lurking and he is always a threat.