God did not create the universe, says Hawking

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Appendix 13: Biography of Lee Harvey Oswald
Early Years
Marines
Soviet Union
Fort Worth, Dallas, New Orleans
Mexico City
Dallas
EARLY YEARS
Marguerite Claverie, the mother of Lee Harvey Oswald, was born in New Orleans in 1907,1 into a family of French and German extraction. 2 Her mother died a few years after Marguerite was born leaving her and five other young children in the care of their father, a streetcar conductor.3 Although Marguerite describes herself as a child of one parent," she recalls being one of the most popular young ladies in the [grammar] school," and thinks of her childhood as a "very full happy" one.4 Her older sister, Mrs. Lillian Murret, remembers Marguerite as "a very pretty child, a very beautiful girl," 5 as does a former acquaintance, Clem H. Sehrt, who knew the Claveries.6 The family was poor but, according to Mrs. Murret, was a "happy family ... singing all the time."7 Marguerite had 1 year of high school.8 Shortly before she was 17, she went to work as a receptionist for a law firm in New Orleans?

In August 1929, while she was still working at the law firm, Marguerite married Edward John Pic, Jr.,10 a quiet man of her own age, who worked as a clerk for T. Smith & Son, a New Orleans stevedoring company.11 The marriage was not a success, and by the summer of 1931 she and Pic were separated.12 Marguerite was then 3 months pregnant; she told her family that Pic did not want any children and refused to support her.13 Pic ascribed the separation simply to their inability to get along together.14 A boy was born on January 17, 1932, whom Marguerite named John Edward Pic.15 Pic saw his son occasionally until he was about 1 year old; after that, he did not see the boy again 16 but contributed to his support until he was 18 years old.17

During her separation from her first husband, Marguerite saw a great deal of Robert Edward Lee Oswald, an insurance premium collector,18 who also was married but was separated from his wife.19 In 1933, Marguerite was divorced from Pic20 and, Oswald's wife also having obtained a divorce,12 they were married in a Lutheran church on July 20.22 Marguerite has described the period of her marriage to Oswald as "the only happy part" of her life.23 A son was born on April 7, 1934, who was named for his father; 24 Oswald wanted to adopt John Pic, but his mother objected on the ground that John's father might cut off the support payments.25 In 1938, the Oswalds purchased a new house on Alvar Street for $3,900,26 in what John remembered as "a rather nice neighborhood." 27 The house was across the street from the William Frantz School,28 which first John and

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later both he and Robert, Jr., attended. 29 On August 19, 1939, little more than a year after the Oswalds bought the Alvar Street house, Robert Oswald died suddenly of a heart attack. 30

Two months later, on October 18, 1939, a second son was born.31 He was named Lee after his father; Harvey was his paternal grandmother's maiden name. 32 For a while after her husband's death, Mrs. Oswald remained in the Alvar Street house without working; she probably lived on life insurance proceeds. 33 Sometime in 1940, she rented the house to Dr. Bruno F. Mancuso the doctor who had delivered Lee.34 (Dr. Mancuso continued to rent the house until 1944,35 when Marguerite obtained a judgment of possession against him.36 She sold the house for $6,500 to the First Homestead and Savings Association, which resold it to Dr. Mancuso.)37 She herself moved to a rented house at 1242 Congress Street, where she lived for about half a year.38 For part of this period after Oswald's death, the two older boys were placed in the Infant Jesus College, a Catholic boarding school in Algiers, La., a suburb of New Orleans. 39 Neither they nor their mother liked this arrangement, 40 which John thought was intended to save money;41 it lasted for less than a year, after which the boys returned to the school Frantz and then transferred to the George Washington Elementary School. 42

On March 5, 1941, Mrs. Oswald purchased a frame 43 house at 1010 Bartholomew Street, for $1,300.44 According to John's recollection, the neighborhood was not as pleasant as Alvar Street; the house had a backyard, and the family kept a dog named "Sunshine." 45 A neighbor, Mrs. Viola Peterman, recalls that Mrs. Oswald kept to herself but appeared to be "a good mother to her children." 46 She opened a shop in the front room, where she sold things like sewing"'supplies and small groceries.47 Oswald's Notion Shop, as it was called, failed to make money,49 and on January 16, 1942, Mrs. Oswald sold the house back to the Third District Home Association, from which she had purchased it, for a profit of $800.50

Probably in contemplation of the sale of the house, Mrs. Oswald applied in December 1941 to the Evangelical Lutheran Bethlehem Orphan Asylum Association for the admission of her two older sons to the orphan asylum, known as the Bethlehem Children's Home; she stated on the application that she could contribute $20 per month to their maintenance and would supply shoes and clothing.51 She had inquired also about Lee, who was too young to be admitted. 52 John and Robert were accepted and entered the home on January 3, 1942. 53

Mrs. Oswald moved to an apartment at 831 Pauline Street,54 and returned to work. In December 1942, she listed her occupation as "telephone operator"; 55 this may be the job she held at the Pittsburgh Plate Glass Co., a company for which she worked at some point during this period. 56 She left Lee for much of this time with his aunt, Mrs. Murret, who thought him a good looking, friendly child, but could not devote a great deal of attention to him because she had five children of her own. 57 In the late spring of 1942, Lee was watched for several weeks by Mrs. Thomas Roach, who lived with her husband in the

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same house as the Oswalds.58 Lee evidently did not get along with Mrs. Roach who told the next occupant of the house that Lee was a bad, unmanageable child who threw his toy gun at her.59 Apparently referring to the Roaches, Mrs. Oswald testified that she had once hired a couple to care for Lee; the couple neglected him, so she "put them out" and cared for Lee herself until Mrs. Murret was able to help her again. 60 Soon after the incident with the Roaches, Mrs. Oswald moved again,61 this time to 111 Sherwood Forest Drive, near the Murrets. 62

Mrs. Murret took care of Lee for several months longer. Near Lee's third birthday, Mrs. Oswald again inquired about his admission into the Bethlehem Children's Home, 63 perhaps because a disagreement with her sister made it impossible to leave him with her any longer.64 He was admitted on December 26.65 On his application, Mrs. Oswald agreed to contribute $10 per month and to supply shoes and clothing, as for the other boys. 66

Lee remained in the home for about 13 months, but according to John's testimony, left on several occasions to spend short periods of time with his mother or the Murrets. 67 John and Robert have pleasant memories of the home,68 which apparently gave the children a good deal of freedom.69 Robert described it as nondenominational but having "a Christian atmosphere"; "it might have been just a Protestant home." 70 Mrs. Oswald visited them regularly, 71 and they occasionally left the home to visit her or the Murrets.72

In July 1943, Mrs. Oswald was hired to manage a small hosiery store.73 This is probably the store to which she referred in her testimony as the "Princess Hosiery Shop on Canal Street," at which, she testified, she was left by herself and "in 6 days' time ... hired four girls." 74 Her employer remembers her as a neat, attractive, and hardworking woman, an aggressive person who would make a good manager. 75 She was not good with figures, however, and after several months he discharged her. 76 At about this same time, she met Edwin A. Ekdahl, an electrical engineer older than herself, who was originally from Boston but was then working in the area. 77 They saw each other often. Ekdahl met the boys 78 and, according to John's testimony, on at least one occasion, they all spent a weekend at a summer resort area in Covington, La. 79

By January 1944, Mrs. Oswald and Ekdahl had decided to marry.80 She withdrew Lee from the Children's Home 81 and moved with him to Dallas, where Ekdahl expected to be located. 82 They planned to postpone the marriage until the end of the school year so that the older boys could complete the year at the home before they left it.83 In the meantime, she would care for Ekdahl,84 who was recovering from a serious illness, probably a heart attack. 85 Mrs. Oswald has testified that when she arrived in Dallas, she decided that she did not want to marry Ekdahl after all.86 Using part of the proceeds from the sale of the Alvar Street house,87 she purchased a house at 4801 Victor Street,88 a portion of which she rented. 89 In June, John and Robert left the Children's Home and joined their mother in

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Dallas.90 They entered the nearby Davy Crockett Elementary School the following September.91

Ekdahl visited Mrs. Oswald on weekends and stayed at Victor Street. 92 By the following year she had resolved her doubts about marrying him, influenced in part by his substantial income 93 and perhaps by the visit some time earlier of his sister, who favored the marriage because of his ill health.94 Explaining that she expected to travel a great deal, Mrs. Oswald tried unsuccessfully to return the older boys to the home in February 1945.95 She and Ekdahl were married in May.96 After a brief honeymoon, they returned to Victor Street.97

Ekdahl got along well with the boys, on whom he lavished much attention.98 John testified that Ekdahl treated them as if they were his own children and that Lee seemed to find in Ekdahl "the father he never had"; John recalled that on one occasion he told Lee that Ekdahl and his mother had become reconciled after a separation, and that "this seemed to really elate Lee, this made him really happy that they were getting back together." 99

Because Ekdahl's business required him to make frequent trips, in September, John and Robert were placed in the Chamberlain-Hunt Military Academy at Port Gibson, Miss.;100 their mother paid the tuition herself, using the proceeds from the sale of the Alvar Street property. 101 They remained at the academy for the next 3 years, returning home only for or vacations. 102 Lee accompanied his parents on their travels.103 Mrs. Myrtle Evans, who had known both Marguerite and Ekdahl before their marriage,104 testified that Marguerite insisted on keeping Lee with her; Mrs. Evans thought that Marguerite was "too close" to Lee and "spoiled him to death," which hurt her marriage to Ekdahl.105

Sometime in the fall after John and Robert were at boarding school, the Ekdahls moved to Benbrook, a suburb of Fort Worth, where they lived on Granbury Road, 106 in a house of stone or brick, set on a large plot of land.107 Records of the Benbrook Common School show Lee's admission into the first grade on October 31; his birth date is incorrectly given as July 9, 1939, his mother presumably having given that date to satisfy the age requirement. 108 On February 8, 1946, he was admitted to the Harris Hospital in Fort Worth with "acute mastoiditis."109 A mastoidectomy was performed without complications, and Lee left the hospital in 4 days.110 (In 1955, Lee indicated on a school form that he had an "abnormal ear drum in left ear," 111 presumably a reference to the mastoidectomy; but when he entered the Marines year later, physical examination disclosed no physical defects.)

The Ekdahls' marriage quickly broke down. Before they had been married a year, Marguerite suspected Ekdahl of infidelity.113 She thought him stingy, 114 and there were frequent arguments about his insistence that she account for her expenditures and his refusal to share his money with her.115 In the summer of 1946, she left Ekdahl, picked up John and Robert at Chamberlain-Hunt, and moved with the boys to Covington, La., 116 where they lived for at least part of the time

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at 311 Vermont Street.117 Mrs. Evans described them at Covington, possibly during this summer, as "really a happy family"; Lee seemed like a normal boy but "kept to himself" and seemed not "to want to be with any other children." 118 The separation continued after the two boys returned to boarding school, and in September Lee was enrolled in the Covington Elementary School.119 His record at Benbrook had been satisfactory he was present on 82 school days and absent on 15, and received all A's and B's 120--but he had not completed the work of the first grade, in which he was enrolled for a second time.121

Lee received no grades at the Covington School, from which he was withdrawn on January 23, 1947,122 because his parents, now reconciled, were moving to Fort Worth, where they lived at 1505 Eighth Avenue.123 Four days later, he enrolled in the Clayton Public School; he was still in the first grade, which he completed in May with B's in every subject except physical education and health, in which he received A's. 124 In the fall, he entered the second grade in the same school but, relations between his parents having deteriorated again, was withdrawn before any grades were recorded.125

After the move to Fort Worth, the Ekdahls continued to argue frequently; according to John, "they would have a fight about every other day and he would leave and come back." 126 That summer, Marguerite obtained what she regarded as proof that Ekdahl was having some sort of affair. According to her testimony, a neighbor told her that Ekdahl had been living on Eighth Avenue with another woman while she was in Covington.127 Then, at a time when Ekdahl was supposed to be out of town,128 she went with John and several of his friends to an apartment in Fort Worth; one of the boys posed as a telegram carrier, and when the door opened she pushed her way into the apartment and found Ekdahl in his shirt sleeves in the company of a woman in a negligee.129

Despite this apparent confirmation of her su ions, Marguerite continued to live with Ekdahl until January 1948.130 In January, according to Ekdahl's allegations in the subsequent divorce proceedings, she "directed ... [him] to leave the home immediately and never to return," which he did.131 Ekdahl filed suit for divorce in March.132 The complaint alleged that Marguerite constantly nagged Ekdahl and argued "with reference to money matters," accused him of infidelity, threw things at him, and finally ordered him out of the house; that these acts were unprovoked by Ekdahl's conduct toward her; that her acts endangered his already impaired health; and that her "excesses, harsh and cruel treatment and outrages" toward him made it impossible for them to live together.133 She denied all these allegations. 134 After a trial, at which John testified and, he thought, Lee was called to the stand but was excused without testifying,135 the jury found on special issues that Marguerite was "guilty of excesses, cruel treatment, or outrages" unprovoked by Ekdahl's conduct.

June 24, the court granted the divorce and approved an agreement between the parties disposing of their property between them and

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awarding Marguerite $1,500; at her request, the divorce restored to Marguerite her former name, Marguerite C. Oswald.137

While the divorce suit was pending, Marguerite moved from Eighth Avenue to a house on 3300 Willing Street, next to railroad tracks.138 The boys found her there in May when they returned from the military academy; for John, the move signified that they "were back down in the lower class again." 139 Lee's withdrawal from the Clayton School on March 18, 1948, 140 probably coincided with the move to Willing Street. He entered the Clark Elementary School on the following day, and in June completed the second grade with a record mostly of B's and A's.141 Philip Vinson, a classmate at the Clayton School has described Lee at, that time as "a quiet type of kids" who "didn't make a lot of noise." 142 Lee was "stocky and well built," which made other boys look up to him and regard him as the leader of one of their schoolyard "gangs." 143 Vinson thought that Lee was not a bully and got along with his classmates, but had the impression that he rarely played with them or brought them home after school.144

Shortly after the divorce, Mrs. Oswald purchased a small house in Benbrook, on what is now San Saba Street; 145 John has testified that it had a single bedroom, in which Lee slept with his mother, and a screened porch where John and Robert slept.146 Mrs. Oswald worked at a department store in Fort Worth, and left the three boys home alone.147 A neighbor, Mrs. W. H. Bell, has stated that Lee seemed to enjoy being by himself and to resent discipline; 148 another neighbor, Otis R. Carlton, stated that he once saw Lee chase John with a knife and throw it at him, an incident which, Carlton said, their mother passed off as a "little scuffle." 149 At the end of the summer, Carlton purchased the property. He stated that he appraised it at $2,750 at Mrs. Oswald's request; she then insisted that he had made an offer to purchase at that price, which he finally agreed to do.150

After the house was sold, the family returned to Fort Worth, a move necessitated by Mrs. Oswald's, and now John's, employment.151 Mrs. Oswald bought a two-bedroom, frame house at 7408 Ewing, from which Robert and Lee could walk to school.152 John, who was then 16, obtained a job as a shoe stockboy at Everybody's Department Store; he testified that he wanted to finish high school at the military academy, but that his mother advised him to leave school and help to support the family.153 He gave her $15 per week out of his salary of $25.154 Robert returned to school.155

Lee entered the third grade at the Arlington Heights Elementary School.156 He remained at Arlington Heights for the entire school year, completing the third grade with a satisfactory record, which included A's in social studies, citizenship, elementary science, art, and music, and a D in spelling. 157 In September 1949, he transferred to the Ridglea West Elementary School, where he remained for the next 3 years.158 Lee's record at Ridglea is not remarkable in any respect. In the fourth and fifth grades, he received mostly B's; in the sixth grade, B's and C's predominate.159 He received D's in

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both the fifth and sixth grades in spelling and arithmetic; in the fourth and sixth grades, C's are recorded for Spanish,160 which may account for his rudimentary familiarity with that language later on. 161 In the fourth grade his IQ was recorded at 103; on achievement tests in each of the 3 years, he twice did best in reading and twice did worst in spelling.162

Lee is generally characterized as an unexceptional but rather solitary boy during these years. His mother worked in a variety of jobs,163 and, according to her own testimony, told Lee not to contact her at work except in an emergency. 164 He ordinarily returned home alone directly after school, in obedience to his mother's instructions.165 A fourth grade teacher, Mrs. Clyde I. Livingston, described him as a lonely boy, quiet and shy, who did not easily form friendships with other students.166 But Richard W. Garrett has stated that he was a classmate of Lee in the fourth or fifth grade and found him easy to get along with; he recalled playing with Lee often at school and sometimes walking home together with him.167 Mrs. Livingston recalled that at Christmas 1949, Lee gave her a puppy and afterward came to her home to see the puppy and talk to her and her family.168

Lee's relationship with his brothers was good but limited by the difference in their ages.169 He still had a dog,170 but there were few children of his age in the neighborhood, and he appears to have been by himself after school most of the time. 171 He read a lot,172 had a stamp collection, and played chess and Monopoly with his brothers.173 Mrs. Murret remembered that on a visit to her home in New Orleans, Lee refused to play with other children or even to leave the house; he preferred to stay indoors and read (mostly "funnybooks") or listen to the radio. 174 After several weeks with the Murrets, Lee wrote to his mother and asked her to come for him.175 Hiram Conway, a neighbor on Ewing Street, thought Lee was an intelligent child, who picked things up easily; although he did not recall many specific incidents to support his impressions, Conway regarded Lee as "a bad kid," who was "quick to anger" and "mean when he was angry, just ornery." 176 John's general picture of Lee in these years is that of "a normal healthy robust boy who would get in fights and still have his serious moments." 177

John returned to high school in January 1949, but continued to work part time. 178 Early in 1950, he entered the Coast Guard.179 Robert left school soon after John's departure and went to work full time, contributing most of his earnings to the support of his family. 180 He returned to school in 1951-52, and after completing his junior year in high school, joined the Marines in July 1952. 181 In August, Mrs. Oswald and Lee moved to New York, where John was living with his wife and a very young baby in an apartment at 325 East 92d Street; the apartment belonged to John's mother-in-law, who was temporarily away.182 Mrs. Oswald has explained that with Robert gone she did not want Lee to be alone while she worked and that she went to New York City "not as a venture," but because she "had family" there.183

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The visit began well. John testified of his meeting with Lee: "We met in the street and I was real glad to see him and he was real glad to see me. We were real good friends." 184 He took about a week of leave and showed Lee the city; he remembered trips to the Museum of Natural History and Polk's Hobby Shop, and a ride on the Staten Island ferry.185 But when it became obvious that his mother intended to stay, the atmosphere changed. Mrs. Oswald did not get along with John's wife, with whom she quarreled frequently.186 There was difficulty about her failure to contribute anything towards her own and Lee's support.187 According to John, his wife liked Lee and would have been glad to have him alone stay with them but felt that his mother set Lee against her; they never suggested that Lee remain with them since they knew that it would not work out.188 The visit ended when Lee threatened Mrs. Pic with a pocket knife during a quarrel,189 and she asked Mrs. Oswald to leave.190 John testified that during this same quarrel Lee hit his mother, who appeared to have lost all control over him.191 The incident permanently destroyed the good relationship between Lee and his brother.192

Mrs. Oswald and Lee moved uptown to a one-room basement apartment 193 in the Bronx, at 1455 Sheridan Avenue.194 While they were still at the Pics, he had been enrolled at the Trinity Evangelical Lutheran School on Watson Avenue.195 He was withdrawn on September 26, after several weeks of irregular attendance, and 4 days later enrolled in the seventh grade of Public School 117, a junior high school.196 Mrs. Oswald found a job at one of the Lerner Shops, a chain of dress shops for which she had worked briefly in Fort Worth several years before.197 In January, they moved again, to 825 East 179th Street,198 and a few weeks later, she left the employ of Lerner Shops.199 In April, she was working at Martin's Department Store in Brooklyn, where she earned $45 per week;200 in May, she went to work for a chain of hosiery shops, with which she remained until December.201 Lee was registered at Public School 117 until January 16, 1953,202 although the move to 179th Street, which took him out of that school district, probably took place before that date.203 He had been at Public School 117 for 64 schooldays, out of which he had been present on 15 full and 2 half days;204 he had received failing grades in most of his courses.205

Lee's truancy increased after he moved; he was now located in the school district of Public School 44 but refused to go to school there.206 On one occasion that spring, an attendance officer located Lee at the Bronx Zoo; the officer testified that Lee was clean and well dressed, but was surly and referred to the officer as a "damned Yankee." 207 Several truancy hearings were held in January, at the first of which at least, both Mrs. Oswald and Lee evidently failed to appear.208 At a hearing on January 27, by which time it was known that Lee was living in the Public School 44 district, it was decided to commence judicial proceedings if his truancy continued.209 Meanwhile, on January 16, his mother called the Community Service Society, to which she had

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been referred by the Federation of Protestant Welfare Agencies, and asked for an appointment to discuss the problem.210 She mentioned that a truancy hearing had been held and said that Lee would not attend school despite the threat of official action; she thought that his behavior was due to difficulty in adjusting to his new environment.211 An appointment was scheduled for January 30, but she failed to appear, and the case was closed.212 Sometime in February, the Pics visited the Oswalds. John testified that his mother told him about Lee's truancy and asked how she could get Lee to accept psychiatric aid. Nothing came of these discussions.213

On March 12, the attendance officer in charge of Lee's case filed a pe ion in court which alleged that Lee had been "excessively absent from school" between October and January, that he had refused to register at Public School 44 or to attend school there, and that he was "beyond the control of his mother insofar as school attendance is concerned? 214 On the same day, Mrs. Oswald appeared in court alone and informed the presiding judge that Lee refused to appear in court.215 Evidently impressed by the proceedings, however, Lee did register at Public School 44 on March 23.216 Nevertheless, on April 16, Justice Delany declared him a truant, and remanded him to Youth House until May 7 for psychiatric study.217

In accordance with the regular procedures at Youth House, Lee took a series of tests and was interviewed by a staff social worker and a probation officer, both of whom interviewed Mrs. Oswald as well.218 Their findings, discussed more fully in chapter VII of the Commission's report, indicated that Lee was a withdrawn, socially maladjusted boy, whose mother did not interest herself sufficiently in his welfare and had failed to establish a close relationship with him.219 Mrs. Oswald visited Lee at Youth House and came away with a highly unfavorable impression; she regarded it as unfit for her son.220 On the basis of all the test results and reports and his own interview with Lee, Dr. Renatus Hartogs, the chief staff psychiatrist, recommended that Lee be placed on probation with a requirement that he seek help from a child guidance clinic, and that his mother be urged to contact a family agency for help; he recommended that Lee not be placed in an ins ution unless treatment during probation was unsuccessful.221

Lee returned to court on May 7. He and his mother appeared before Justice McClancy, who discussed the Youth House reports with them.222 He released Lee on parole until September 24, and requested that a referral be made to the Community Service Society for treatment.223 The probation officer called the society on the same day but was told that it would probably not be able to take the case because of its already full case load and the intensive treatment which Lee was likely to require; 224 it confirmed this position 1 week later and closed the case on May 31.225 An application was made to the Salvation Army also, which turned it down because it could not provide the needed services.226

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During the few weeks of school which remained, Lee attended school regularly, and completed the seventh grade with low but passing marks in all his academic subjects.227 (He received a failing mark in a home economics course.)228 His conduct was generally satisfactory and he was rated outstanding in "Social-Participation"; the record indicates that he belonged to a model airplane club and had a special interest in horseback riding.229 Robert Oswald visited New York that summer, while he was on leave from the Marines.230 Lee did not appear to him to be unhappy or to be acting abnormally, nor did Robert observe that relations between Lee and his mother were strained.231 Lee's truancy the previous fall and winter was apparently discussed only in passing, when Mrs. Oswald mentioned that Lee had to appear before a judge.232

On September 14, Lee entered the eighth grade at Public School 44.233 His parole was due to end 10 days later. On September 24, however, Mrs. Oswald telephoned the probation officer and advised that she could not appear in court; she added that there was no need for her to do so, since Lee was attending school regularly and was now well adjusted.234 The parole was extended until October 29, before which date the school was to submit a progress report.235 The report was highly unfavorable. Although Lee was attending school regularly, his conduct was unsatisfactory; teachers reported that he refused to salute the flag, did little work, and seemed to spend most of his time "sailing paper planes around the room." 236 On October 29, Mrs. Oswald again telephoned to say that she would be unable to appear. Justice Sicher continued Lee's parole until November 19 and directed the probation officer to make a referral to the Berkshire Industrial Farm or Children's Village.237

Before the next hearing, Mrs. Oswald discussed Lee's behavior with the school authorities, who indicated to the probation officer that Lee's behavior improved considerably after her visit to the school.238 He did, in fact, receive passing grades in most of his subjects in the first marking period. His report also contains notations by his teachers that he was "quick-tempered," "constantly losing control," and "getting into battles with others.239 Both Lee and his mother appeared in court on November 19. Despite Mrs. Oswald's request that Lee be discharged, Justice Sicher stated his belief that Lee needed treatment, and continued his parole until January 28, 1954; the probation officer was directed to contact the Big Brothers counseling service in the meantime.240

At the request of the probation officer, the Big Brothers office contacted Mrs. Oswald in December, and on January 4 a caseworker visited her and Lee at home.241 The caseworker reported that he was cordially received but was told by Mrs. Oswald that continued counseling was unnecessary; she pointed out to him that Lee now belonged to the West Side YMCA, which he attended every Saturday. The caseworker reported, however, that Lee was plainly "displeased with the idea of being forced to join various 'Y' organizations about which he cared little." Mrs. Oswald declared her intention to return to New

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Orleans and was advised to obtain Lee's release from the court's jurisdiction before she left.242 On the following day, she called the probation officer, who was away on vacation, and was advised by his office again not to take Lee out of the jurisdiction without the court's consent.243 The same advice was repeated to her by the Big Brothers caseworker on January 6.244 Through all these contacts, Mrs. Oswald had evidenced reluctance to bring Lee into court, prompted probably by fear that he would be retained in some sort of custody as he had been at the time of the commitment to Youth House.245 Without further communication to the court, Mrs. Oswald and Lee returned to New Orleans sometime before January 10.246 On March 11, the court dismissed the case.247

In New Orleans, Lee and his mother stayed with the Murrets at 757 French Street while they looked for an apartment.248 Lee enrolled in the eighth grade at Beauregard Junior High School on January 13 249 and completed the school year without apparent difficulty.250 He entered the ninth grade in September and again received mediocre but acceptable marks.251 In October 1954, Lee took a series of achievement tests, on which he did well in reading and vocabulary, badly in mathematics.252 At the end of the school year, on June 2, 1955, he filled out a "personal history." He indicated that the subjects which he liked best were civics, science, and mathematics; those he liked least were English and art. His vocational preferences were listed as biology and mechanical drawing; his plans after high school, however, were noted as "military service" and "undecided." He said that reading and outdoor sports were his recreational activities and that he liked football in particular. In response to the question whether he had "any close friends in this school," he wrote,"no." 253

Lee is remembered by those who knew him in New Orleans as a quiet., solitary boy who made few friends.254 He was briefly a member of the Civil Air Patrol,255 and considered joining an organization of high school students interested in astronomy; 256 occasionally, he played pool or darts with his friend, Edward Voebel.257 Beyond this, he seems to have had few contacts with other people. He read a lot, starting at some point to read Communist literature which he found at the public library; 258 he walked or rode a bicycle, sometimes visiting a museum.259 Except in his relations with his mother, he was not unusually argumentative or belligerent, but he seems not to have avoided fights if they came; they did come fairly frequently, perhaps in part because of his aloofness from his fellows and the traces of a northern accent in his speech.260 His only close friendship, with Voebel, arose when Voebel helped him tend his wounds after a fight.261 Friends of Mrs. Oswald thought that he was demanding and insolent toward her and that she had no control over him.262

While Lee was in the eighth and ninth grades, Mrs. Oswald worked first at Burt's Shoestore 263 and then at the Dolly Shoe Co.264 One of her employers at Dolly, where she worked as a cashier and salesclerk, remembered her as a pleasant person and a good worker.265 At her request, the company hired Lee to work part time; he worked there,

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mostly on Saturdays, for about 10 weeks in 1955.266 On the "personal history" record which he filled out in school, he stated that he had been a "retail shoesaleman"; 267 but his employer recalled that they had tried to train him as a salesman without success and that he had in fact, been a stockboy.268

After a short period with the Murrets, Mrs. Oswald and Lee had moved to an apartment owned by Myrtle Evans at 1454 Saint Mary Street, which she and Mrs. Murret helped to furnish; later they moved to a less expensive apartment in the same building, the address of which was 1452 Saint Mary Street.269 Relations between Mrs. Oswald and Mrs. Evans became strained,270 and in the spring of 1955 the Oswalds moved to a new apartment at 126 Exchange Place in the French Quarter.271 Although Lee gave the Exchange Place address on a school form at the end of the ninth grade,272 the school authorities had apparently not been advised of these moves earlier, because Mrs. Oswald did not want Lee to be transferred from Beauregard, which she considered a good school.273 During the summer of 1955, Robert left the Marine Corps and spent a week with his mother and Lee in New Orleans before moving to Fort Worth; he found Lee unchanged.274

That fall, Lee entered the 10th grade at Warren Easton High School.275 He had been there for about a month when he presented to the school authorities a note written by himself to which he had signed his mother's name. It was dated October 7, 1955, and read:

To whom it may concern,

Becaus we are moving to San Diego in the middle of this month Lee must quit school now. Also, please send by him any papers such as his birth certificate that you may have. Thank you.

Sincirely

Mrs. M. Oswald 276
He dropped out of school a few days later, shortly before his 16th birthday.277 After his birthday, he tried to enlist in the Marines, using a false affidavit from his mother that he was 17.278 (Some years before, John Pic had joined the Marine Corps Reserve by means of his mother's false affidavit that he was 17.) 279 The attempt failed, and, according to his mother's testimony, Lee spent the next year reading and memorizing the "Marine Manual," which he had obtained from Robert and "living to when he is age 17 to join the Marines."

He worked for the rest of the school year. Between November 10 and January 14, he was a messenger boy for Gerald F. Tujague, Inc., a shipping company, where he earned $130 per month.281 His employer remembers him as a quiet, withdrawn person.282 In January he worked briefly as an office boy for J. R. Michels, Inc.283 For several months thereafter, he was a messenger for the Pfisterer Dental Laboratory.284 His military record subsequently described his prior civilian jobs as follows:

[monosylab1k]

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Performed various clerical duties such as distributing mail, delivering messages & answering telephone. Helped file records & operated ditto, letter opening & sealing machines.285
Anticipating that Lee would join the Marines as soon as he was 17, Mrs. Oswald moved in July 1956 to Fort Worth,286 where she took an apartment at 4936 Collinswood for herself, Lee, and Robert.287 In September, Lee enrolled in the 10th grade at the Arlington Heights High School 288 but attended classes for only a few weeks. He dropped out of school on September 28. 289 A few days later, he wrote the following letter to the Socialist Party of America:

October 3, 1956

Dear Sirs;

I am sixteen years of age and would like more information about your youth League, I would like to know if there is a branch in my area, how to join, ect., I am a Marxist, and have been studying socialist principles for well over fifteen months I am very interested in your Y.P.S.L.

Sincerely

/s/ Lee Oswald 290
Accompanying the letter was an advertisement coupon, on which he had checked the box requesting information about the Socialist Party.291

Lee became 17 on October 18. He enlisted in the Marines on October 24.292

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MARINES
On October 26, 1956, Lee Harvey Oswald reported for duty at the Marine Corps Recruit Depot in San Diego, Calif., where he was assigned to the Second Recruit Training Battalion.293 He was 68 inches tall and weighed 135 pounds; he had no physical defects.294 On October 30, he took a series of ap ude tests, on which he scored significantly above the Marine Corps average in reading and vocabulary and significantly below the average in tests in arithmetic and pattern analysis. His composite general classification score was 105, 2 points below the Corps average. He scored near the bottom of the lowest group in a radio code test.295 His preference of duty was recorded as Aircraft Maintenance and Repair, the duty assignment for which he was recommended.296

While he was at San Diego, Oswald was trained in the use of the M-1 rifle.297 His practice scores were not very good,298 but when his company fired for record on December 21, he scored 212, 2 points above the score necessary to qualify as a "sharpshooter" on a marksman/sharpshooter/expert scale.299 He did not do nearly as well when

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he fired for record again shortly before he left the Marines.300 He practiced also with a riot gun and a .45-caliber pistol when he was in the Marines but no scores were recorded.301

Oswald was given a 4.4 rating in both "conduct" and "proficiency" at the Recruit Depot, the highest possible rating being 5.0 and an average rating of 4.0 being required for an honorable discharge.302 On January 18, 1957, he reported to Camp Pendleton, Calif., for further training and was assigned to "A" Company of the First Battalion, Second Infantry Training Regiment.303 He was at Pendleton for a little more than 5 weeks, at the end of which he was rated 4.2 in conduct and 4.0 in proficiency.304 Allen R. Felde, a fellow recruit who was with Oswald at San Diego and Pendleton, has stated that Oswald was generally unpopular and that his company was avoided by the other men.305 When his squad was given its first weekend leave from Pendleton, all eight men took a cab to Tijuana, Mexico. Oswald left the others and did not rejoin them until it was time to return to camp. Felde said that this practice was repeated on other trips to Los Angeles; Oswald accompanied the men on the bus to and from camp but did not stay with them in the city.306 On February 27, he went on leave for 2 weeks,307 during which he may have visited his mother in Fort Worth.308

On March 18, he reported to the Naval Air Technical Training Center at the Naval Air Station in Jacksonville, Fla.309 For the next 6 weeks he attended an Aviation Fundamental School, in which he received basic instruction in his specialty, including such subjects as basic radar theory, map reading, and air traffic control procedures.310 This course, as well as his next training assignment at Keesler Air Force Base, required Oswald to deal with confidential material.311 He was granted final clearance up to the "confidential" level on May 3, "after [a] careful check of local records had disclosed no derogatory data." 312 He completed the course on the same day, ranking 46th in a class of 54 students.313 On the previous day, he had been promoted to private, first class, effective May 1.314 At Jacksonville, he received ratings of 4.7 in conduct and 4.5 in proficiency, the highest ratings he ever attained.315

Oswald left for Keesler Air Force Base in Biloxi, Miss., on the day his course was completed; 316 he traveled, probably by overnight train, in a group of six marines led by Pfc. Daniel P. Powers, the senior marine in charge.317 At Keesler, he attended the Aircraft Control and Warning Operator Course, which included instruction in aircraft surveillance and the use of radar.318 Powers was not sure whether he had met Oswald before the trip to Biloxi 319 but remembers him there as "a somewhat younger individual less matured than the other boys," who "was normally outside the particular group of marines that were in this attachment to Keesler." 320 (Oswald was in fact 3 years younger than Powers.) 321 Powers testified that Oswald had the nickname "Ozzie Rabbit." 322 Oswald generally stayed to himself, often read-

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ing; he did not play cards or work out in the gym with the others.323 He spent his weekends alone, away from the base; Powers thought he left Biloxi and perhaps went "home" to New Orleans, less than 100 miles away.324 He finished the course seventh in a class of 30 marines on June 17,325 and on June 25, was given an MOS (military occupational specialty) of Aviation Electronics Operator.326 On June 20, he went on leave,327 possibly visiting his mother.328 His ratings at Keesler were 4.2 in conduct. and 4.5 in proficiency,329 which Powers thought was "pretty good." 330

On July 9, Oswald reported at the Marine Corps Air Station at El Toro, Calif., near Santa Ana.331 He was classified as a replacement trainee and attached to the Fourth Replacement Battalion.332 Six weeks later, on August 22, he departed from San Diego for Yokosuka, Japan, on board the U.S.S. Bexar.333 Powers testified that while on board, Oswald taught him to play chess, which they played frequently, sometimes for more than 4 hours a day.334 Like most of the men on board, Oswald read a lot from the books which were available. Powers thought he read "a good type of literature," remembering in particular Whitman's "Leaves of Grass." 335

The Bexar docked at Yokosuka on September 12.336 Oswald was assigned to Marine Air Control Squadron No. 1 (MACS-1), Marine Air Group 11, 1st Marine Aircraft Wing, based at Atsugi, about 20 miles west of Tokyo.337 Oswald was a radar operator in MACS-1, which had less than 100 men.338 Its function was to direct aircraft to their targets by radar, communicating with the pilots by radio.339 The squadron had also the duty of scouting for incoming foreign aircraft, such as straying Russian or Chinese planes, which would be intercepted by American planes.340

On October 27, when Oswald opened his locker to remove some gear, a derringer .22 caliber pistol fell to the floor and discharged; the bullet hit him in the left elbow.341 Paul Edward Murphy, a fellow marine who was in the next cubicle, heard the shot, rushed in, and found Oswald sitting on the locker looking at his arm; without emotion, Oswald said to Murphy, "I believe I shot myself." 342 He was in the naval hospital at Yokosuka until November 15.343

The Judge Advocate General concluded that Oswald had "displayed a certain degree of carelessness or negligence" by storing a loaded revolver in his locker, but that his injury was incurred "in the line of duty" and was not the result of his own misconduct." 344 He was, however, charged with possession of an unregistered privately owned weapon in violation of general orders. A court-martial followed on April 11, 1958, when Oswald's unit returned from maneuvers, and on April 29 he was sentenced to be confined at hard labor for 20 days, to forfeit $25 per month for 2 months, and to be reduced to the grade of private.345 The confinement was suspended for 6 months, after which that portion of the sentence was to be remitted.346

Five days after Oswald left the hospital, MACS-1 embarked aboard the Terrell County, LST 1157, for maneuvers in the Philippine Islands

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area.347 According to Powers' recollection, the squadron was expected to return to Atsugi after maneuvers were completed, but an international crisis developed; since another operation was scheduled for a few months later, the squadron debarked at Cubi Point (Subic Bay) in the Philippines and set up a temporary installation.348 While he was in the Philippines, Oswald passed a test of eligibility for the rank of corporal; 349 in a semiannual evaluation, however, he was given his lowest ratings thus far: 4.0 in conduct and 3.9 in proficiency.350 The unit participated in exercises at Corregidor, from which it sailed for Atsugi on March 7, 1958, aboard the U.S.S. Wexford County, LST 1168.351 The Wexford County reached Atsugi 11 days later.352

Oswald was court-martialed a second time on June 27, for using "provoking words" to a noncommissioned officer (a sergeant) on June 20, at the Bluebird Cafe in Yamato, and assaulting the officer by pouring a drink on him.353 The findings were that Oswald spilled the drink accidentally, but when the sergeant shoved him away, Oswald invited the sergeant outside in insulting language.354 Oswald admitted that he was rather drunk and had invited the sergeant outside but did not recall insulting him.355 He was sentenced to be confined at hard labor for 28 days and to forfeit $55; 356 in addition, suspension of the previous sentence of confinement was withdrawn.357 He was in confinement until August 13.358 Meanwhile, a previously granted extension of oversea duty was canceled,359 and he was given ratings of 1.9 in conduct and 3.4 in proficiency.360

On September 14, Oswald sailed with his unit for the South China Sea area; the unit was at Ping Tung, North Taiwan on September 30, and returned to Atsugi on October 5.361 On October 6, he was transferred out of MACS-1 and put on general duty, in anticipation of his return to the United States.362 He spent several days thereafter in the Atsugi Station Hospital.363 On October 31, he received his last oversea ratings: 4.0 in both conduct and proficiency.364

Oswald appears generally to have been regarded by his fellows overseas as an intelligent person who followed orders and did his work well, but who complained frequently.365 He did not associate much with other marines and continued to read a great deal.366 Paul Murphy testified that Oswald could speak "a little Russian" while he was overseas.367 Powers believed that Oswald became more assertive in Japan and thought that he might have had a Japanese girl friend.368 He departed from Yokosuka on board the USNS Barbet on November 2, and arrived in San Francisco 13 days later.369 On November 19, he took 30 days' leave.370

On December 22, Oswald was assigned to Marine Air Control Squadron No. 9 (MACS-9) at the Marine Corps Air Station at El Toro, where he had been briefly before he went overseas.371 He was one of about seven enlisted men and three officers who formed a "radar crew," engaged primarily in aircraft surveillance.372 This work probably gave him access to certain kinds of classified material, some of which, such as aircraft call signs and radio frequencies, was

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changed after his defection to Russia.373 For part of his time at El Toro, Oswald may have been assigned to clerical or janitorial tasks on the base.374 Some of his associates believed rumors,375 incorrect according to official records,376 that he had lost his clearance to work on radar crews; one recalled hearing that Oswald had once had clearance above the "confidential" level and had lost it because he "had poured beer over a staff NCO's head in an enlisted club in Japan, and had been put in the brig." 377

The officer in command of the radar crew, Lt. John E. Donovan, found him "competent in all functions," and observed that he handled himself calmly and well in emergency situations.378 Donovan thought Oswald was not a leader but that he performed competently on occasions when, as the senior man present, he served as crew chief.379 This estimate was generally shared by his fellows, most of whom thought that he performed his assigned duties adequately but was deficient in disciplinary matters and such things as barracks inspection.380 One of them recalled that after a number of bad inspections, the other members of Oswald's quonset hut complained about him and secured his transfer to another hut.381 He was thought to be an intelligent person, somewhat better educated and more intellectually oriented than other men on the base.382 A few of the men thought it more accurate to describe him as someone who wanted to appear intelligent.383 He had a pronounced interest in world affairs, in which he appears to have been better informed than some of the officers, whose lack of knowledge amused and sometimes irritated him; he evidently enjoyed drawing others, especially officers, into conversations in which he could display his own superior knowledge.384

It seems clear from the various recollections of those who knew him at El Toro that by the time Oswald returned to the United States, he no longer had any spirit for the Marines; the at udes which had prompted his enlistment as soon as he was eligible were entirely gone, and his attention had turned away from the Marines to what he might do after his discharge. While no one was able to predict his attempt to defect to Russia within a month after he left the Marines, the testimony of those who knew him at El Toro in contrast to that of his associates in Japan, leaves no doubt that his thoughts were occupied increasingly with Russia and the Russian way of life. He had studied the Russian language enough by February 25, 1959, to request that he be given a foreign language qualification test; his rating was "poor" in all parts of the test.385 Most of the marines who knew him were aware that he was studying Russian; 386 one of them, Henry J. Roussel, Jr., arranged a date between Lee and his aunt, Rosaleen Quinn, an airline stewardess who was also studying Russian.387 (Miss Quinn thought that Oswald spoke Russian well in view of his lack of formal training; she found the evening uninteresting.388 Donovan, with whom she had a date later, testified that she told him that Oswald was "kind of an oddball.") 389 He read, and perhaps subscribed to, a newspaper, possibly printed in Russian, which his associates connected with his Russian bent.390

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Most of those who knew him were able to recount anecdotes which suggest that he was anxious to publicize his liking for things Russian, sometimes in good humor and sometimes seriously. Some of his fellows called him "Oswaldskovich," apparently to his pleasure.391 He is said to have had his name written in Russian on one of his jackets;392 to have played records of Russian songs "so loud that one could hear them outside the barracks"; 393 frequently to have made remarks in Russian 394 or used expressions like "da" or "nyet," 395 or addressed others (and been addressed) as "Comrade";396 to have come over and said jokingly, "You called?" when one of the marines played a particular record of Russian music.397

Connected with this Russophilia was an interest in and acceptance of Russian political views and, to a lesser extent, Communist ideology. Less obvious to his fellows generally,398 it nevertheless led him into serious discussions with some of them. Donovan, who was a graduate of the School of Foreign Service of Georgetown University,399 thought Oswald was "truly interested in international fairs" 400 and "very well versed, at least on the superficial facts of a given foreign situation." 401 He recalled that Oswald had a particular interest in Latin America 402 and had a good deal of information about Cuba in particular.403 Oswald expressed sympathy for Castro but, according to Donovan, "what he said about Castro was not an unpopular belief at that time." 404 Donovan believed that Oswald subscribed to the Russian newspaper--which Donovan thought was a Communist newspaper--not only in order to read Russian but also because he thought it "presented a very different and perhaps equally just side of the international affairs in comparison with the United States newspapers." 405 Donovan was clear, on the other hand, that he never heard Oswald "in any way, shape or form confess that he was a Communist, or that he ever thought about being a Communist." 406

Private Kerry Thornley described himself as a close acquaintance, but not a good friend, of Oswald, whom he met in the spring of 1959; he later wrote an unpublished novel in which he drew heavily on his impressions of Oswald.408 Thornley generally corroborates Donovan's testimony but thought Oswald definitely believed that "the Marxist morality was the most rational morality to follow" and communism, "the best system in the world." 409 Thornley thought this belief was "theoretical," a "dispassionate appraisal" which did not indicate "any active commitment to the Communist ends"; he described Oswald as "idle in his admiration for communism." 410 He recalled discussions about Marxism in which Oswald criticized capitalism and praised the Soviet economic system.411 Thornley testified that his association with Oswald ended when, in response to Oswald's criticism of a parade in which they both had to march, he said "Well, comes the revolution you will change all that." Oswald, he said, looked at him "like a betrayed Caesar" and walked away.412 Thornley attributed Oswald's decision to go to Russia to a growing disillusionment with the United States, especially its role in the Far East, and a conviction that communism

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would eventually prevail.413 He was surprised by the decision but expected Oswald to adjust to Russian life and remain in Russia permanently

Another marine, Nelson Delgado, met Oswald soon after the latter arrived at El Toro.415 They were about the same age and had similar interests; Oswald enjoyed trying to speak Spanish with Delgado, who spoke it fluently.416 Delgado regarded him as a "complete believer that our way of government was not quite right," but did not think he was a Communist.417 Their discussions were concerned more with Cuba than Russia.418 They both favored the Castro government and talked--"dreaming," Delgado said--about joining the Cuban Army or Government and perhaps leading expeditions to other Caribbean islands to "free them too." 419 Oswald told Delgado that he was in touch with Cuban diplomatic officials in this count; which Delgado at first, took to be "one of his ... lies," 420 but later believed.421

Oswald's interest in Russia and developing ideological attachment to theoretical communism apparently dominated his stay at El Toro. He was still withdrawn from most of his fellows, although his special interests appear to have made him stand out more there than he had at other posts and to have given him a source for conversation which he had hitherto lacked.422 According to several of the witnesses, names like "Ozzie Rabbit" still clung to him; 423 others recalled no nickname or only shortened versions of his real name.424 His reading acquired direction; books like "Das Kapital" and Orwell's "Animal Farm" and "1984" are mentioned in the testimony concerning this period. He played chess; 426 according to one of his opponents he chose the red pieces, expressing a preference for the "Red Army." 427 He listened to classical music.428 For a short time, he played on the squadron football team.429 According to Donovan, who coached the team, Oswald was not very good; he lacked team spirit and often tried to call the plays, which was not his job.430 Delgado thought Oswald was a mediocre player.431 Donovan did not know whether Oswald quit or was thrown off the team.432 He spent most of his weekends alone, as he had at Keesler, and did not leave the post as often as the other men.433 Delgado once rode with him on the train to Los Angeles but separated from him there; Oswald returned to the base after one night.434 Delgado recalls that on another weekend Oswald accepted his invitation to go to Tijuana; they stayed there for one night.435

At the end of January 1959 and at the end of July, Oswald was given his semiannual ratings, scoring 4.0 in conduct both times, and 4.0 and 4.2 in proficiency.436 (The July ratings were repeated in September, when he was transferred from MACS-9 in preparation for his discharge.)437 On March 9, he was promoted as of March 1, to the rank of private, first class, for the second time.438 He took a series of high school level general educational development tests on March 23 and received an overall rating of "satisfactory." His best scores, in the 76th and 79th U.S. percentiles, were in English composition and physical sciences; his worst was English literature, in which he placed in the 34th percentile.439

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In the spring, Oswald applied to Albert Schweitzer College in Churwalden, Switzerland, for admission to the spring term in 1960; the application is dated March 19.440 Schweitzer is a small school, which specializes in courses in religion, ethics, science, and literature. He claimed a proficiency in Russian equal to 1 year of schooling and that he had completed high school by correspondence with an average grade of 85 percent.442 He listed philosophy, psychology, ideology, football, baseball, tennis and stamp-collecting as special interests, and writing short stories "on contemporary American life" as his vocational interest.443 Jack London, Charles Darwin, and Norman Vincent Peale were listed as favorite authors.444 He claimed membership in the YMCA and the "A.Y.H. Association," and said that he had participated in a "student body movement in school" for the control of juvenile delinquency.445 Asked to give a general statement of his reasons for wanting to attend the college, he wrote:

In order to aquire a fuller understanding of that subject which interest me most, Philosophy. To meet with Europeans who can broaden my scope of understanding. To receive formal Education by Instructers of high standing and character. To broaden my knowlege of German and to live in a healty climate and Good moral atmosphere.446
On the basis of these representations, Oswald's application was approved by the college.447 He enclosed a registration fee of $25 in a letter dated June 19, in which he said that he was "looking forward to a fine stay." 448 Few of the other marines seem to have known about this application. He told Delgado, however, that he planned to attend a Swiss school to study psychology, and Delgado knew that some application had been made.449 Another marine, Richard Call, also knew something of his plans.450

Oswald was obligated to serve on active duty until December 7, 1959 (the date having been adjusted to compensate for the period of confinement).451 On August 17, he submitted a request for a dependency discharge, on the ground that his mother needed his support.452 The request was accompanied by an affidavit of Mrs. Oswald and corroborating affidavits from an attorney, a doctor, and two friends, attesting that she had been injured at work in December 1958, and was unable to support herself.453 Oswald had previously made a voluntary allotment of part of his salary to his mother, under which arrangement she received $40 in August, and had submitted an application for a "Q" allotment (dependency allowance) in her behalf of $91.30; one payment of the "Q" allotment, for the month of August, was made in September.454 On August 28, the Wing Hardship or Dependency Discharge Board recommended that Oswald's request for a discharge be approved; 455 approval followed shortly.456 On September 4, he was transferred from MACS-9 to the H. & H. Squadron,457 and on September 11, he was released from active duty and transferred to the Marine Corps Reserve, in which he was expected to

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serve until December 8, 1962.458 He was assigned to the Marine Air Reserve Training Command at the Naval Air Station in Glenview, Ill.459

Almost exactly 1 year later, on September 13, 1960, Oswald was given an "undesirable discharge" from the Marine Corps Reserve,460 based on:

reliable information which indicated that he had renounced his U.S. citizenship with the intentions of becoming a permanent citizen of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. Further, that pe ioner brought discredit to the Marine Corps through adverse newspaper publicity, which was generated by the foregoing action, and had thereby, in the opinion of his commanding officer, proved himself unfit for retention in the naval service.461
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SOVIET UNION
On September 4, the day on which he was transferred out of MACS-9 in preparation for his discharge, Oswald had applied for a passport at the Superior Court of Santa Ana, Calif. His application stated that he planned to leave the United States on September 21 to attend the Albert Schweitzer College and the University of Turku in Finland, and to travel in Cuba, the Dominican Republic, England, France Germany, and Russia.462 The passport was routinely issued 6 days later.463

Oswald went directly home after his discharge, and arrived in Fort Worth by September 14.464 He told his mother that he intended to get a job on a ship or possibly in the "export-import business." 465 If he stayed in Fort Worth, he said, he would be able to earn only about $30 per week; on a ship, he would earn "big money" and be able to send substantial amounts home.466 Three days after he arrived in Fort Worth, he left for New Orleans.467 While he was in Fort Worth he had registered his dependency discharge and entry into the Marine Reserve at the Fort Worth Selective Service Board,468 and visited his brother Robert and his family.469 He also gave his mother $100.470

On September 17, Oswald spoke with a representative of Travel Consultants, Inc., a New Orleans travel bureau; he filled out a "Passenger Immigration Questionnaire," on which he gave his occupation as "shipping export agent" and said that he would be abroad for 2 months on a pleasure trip. He booked passage from New Orleans to Le Havre, France, on a freighter, the SS Marion Lykes, scheduled to sail on September 18, for which he paid $220.75.471 On the evening of September 17, he registered at the Liberty Hotel.472

The Marion Lykes did not sail until the early morning of September 20.473 Before its departure, Oswald wrote his mother a letter, which was her last news of him until she read stories of his defection in Fort Worth newspapers:

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Dear Mother:
Well, I have booked passage on a ship to Europe, I would of had to sooner or later and I think it's best I go now. Just remember above all else that my values are very different from Robert's or your's. It is difficult to tell you how I feel, Just remember this is what I must do. I did not tell you about my plans because you could harly be expected to understand.

I did not see aunt Lilian while I was here. I will write again as soon as I land.

Lee 474

The Marion Lykes carried only four passengers.475 Oswald shared his cabin with Billy Joe Lord, a young man who had just graduated from high school and was going to France to continue his education. Lord testified that he and Oswald did not discuss politics but did have a few amicable religious arguments, in which Oswald defended atheism. Oswald was "standoffish," but told Lord generally about his background, mentioning that his mother worked in a drugstore in Fort Worth and that he was bitter about the low wages which she received. He told Lord that he intended to travel in Europe and possibly to attend school in Sweden or Switzerland if he had sufficient funds.476 The other two passengers were Lt. Col. and Mrs. George B. Church, Jr., who also found Oswald unfriendly and had little contact with him. Oswald told them that he had not liked the Marine Corps and that he planned to study in Switzerland; they observed some "bitterness" about his mother's difficulties, but did not discuss this with him. No one on board suspected that he intended to defect to Russia.477

Oswald disembarked at Le Havre on October 8. He left for England that same day, and arrived on October 9.478 He told English customs officials in Southampton that he had $700 and planned to remain in the United Kingdom for 1 week before proceeding to a school in Switzerland. But on the same day, he flew to Helsinki, Finland, where he registered at the Torni Hotel; on the following day, he moved to the Klaus Kurki Hotel.479

Oswald probably applied for a visa at the Russian consulate on October 12, his first business day in Helsinki.480 The visa was issued on October 14. It was valid until October 20 and permitted him to take one trip of not more than 6 days to the Soviet Union.481 He also purchased 10 Soviet "tourist vouchers" which cost $30 apiece.482 He left Helsinki by train on the following day, crossed the Finnish-Russian border at Vainikkala, and arrived in Moscow on October 16.483

He was met at the Moscow railroad station by a representative of "Intourist," the state tourist agency, and taken to the Hotel Berlin, where he registered as a student.484 On the same day he met the Intourist guide assigned to him during his stay in Russia, a young woman named Rima Shirokova. They went sightseeing the next day. Almost immediately he told her that he wanted to leave

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the United States and become a citizen of the Soviet Union. According to Oswald's "Historic Diary," she later told him that she had reported his statement to Intourist headquarters, which in turn had notified the "Passport and Visa Office" (probably the Visa and Registration Department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the MVD 485). She was instructed to help Oswald prepare a letter to the Supreme Soviet requesting that he be granted citizenship. Oswald mailed such a letter that same day.486 (The "Historic Diary" is Oswald's handwritten account of his life in Russia.487 The earlier entries were written after the events which they describe; later, in Minsk, he probably kept a contemporaneous record of his experiences. 488 The Commission has used the diary, which Oswald may have written with future readers in mind, only as Oswald's record of his private life and personal impressions as he sought to present them and has relied wherever possible on official do ents, correspondence, and the testimony of witnesses.)

The diary records that when Oswald told Rima Shirokova that he intended to defect she was "flabbergassted," but agreed to help.489 She was "politly sympathetic but uneasy" when he told her that he wanted to defect because he was "a Communist, ect." 490 As an Intourist guide, Rima toured parts of Moscow with Oswald in the next few days. His primary concern, however, appeared to be his effort to become a Soviet citizen, and she also aided him in his dealings with the Soviet Government.491 He thought that Rima felt sorry for him and tried to be a friend because he was "someth. new." 492 On his 20th birthday, 2 days after he arrived in Russia, she gave him Dostoevski's "The Idiot," 493 in which she had written: "Dear Lee, Great congratulations! Let all your dreams come true! 18.X 1959" 494

On October 19, Oswald was probably interviewed in his hotel room by a man named Lev Setyayev, who said that he was a reporter for Radio Moscow seeking statements from American tourists about their impressions of Moscow,495 but who was probably also acting for the KGB.496 Two years later, Oswald told officials at the American Embassy that he had made a few routine comments to Setyayev of no political signifiance. The interview with Setyayev may, however, have been the occasion for an attempt by the KGB, in accordance with regular practice, to assess Oswald or even to elicit compromising statements from him; the interview was apparently never broadcast.497 (As discussed in ch. VI of this report, the Commission is aware that many of the Soviet officials with whom Oswald came into contact were employees of the KGB, the agency which has primary jurisdiction for the treatment of defectors.)

On the following day, Rima Shirokova told him that the "Pass. and Visa Dept." wanted to see him,498 and on the morning of October 21, he was interviewed by an official concerning his application for citizenship. The official offered little information and no encouragement; he told Oswald only that he would check to see if the visa could

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be extended. Oswald returned to the Hotel Berlin.499 That afternoon, he was notified that his visa had expired and that he had to leave Moscow within 2 hours.500

Oswald responded to the unfavorable decision by cutting himself above his left, wrist, in an apparent suicide attempt. Rima Shirokova found him unconscious in his hotel room and had him taken to the Botkinskaya Hospital. His diary states: "Poor Rimmea stays by my side as interrpator (my Russian is still very bad) far into the night, I tell her 'Go home' (my mood is bad) but she stays, she is 'my friend.'" 501

For 3 days Oswald was confined in the psychiatric ward of the hospital. He was examined by a psychiatrist, who concluded that he was not dangerous to other people and could be transferred to the "somatic" department. Hospital records containing the results of the examination 502 state that Oswald came to Russia in order to apply for citizenship, and that "in order to postpone his departure he inflicted the injury upon himself." 503 They note that Oswald understood some Russian and, presumably based on information which he provided, that he had "graduated from a technical high school in radio technology and radio electronics." 504 The record states: "He claims he regrets his action. After recovering he intends to return to his homeland." 505

Oswald resented being in the psychiatric ward and told Rima Shirokova that he wanted a transfer.506 She visited him at the hospital frequently and his diary records that "only at this moment" did he "notice [that] she is preety." 507 Another entry for the hospital period says: "Afternoon I am visited by Roza Agafonova of the hotel tourist office, who askes about my health, very beautiful, excelant Eng., very merry and kind, she makes me very glad to be alive." 508 These entries reflect an at ude gentler and friendlier than his at ude before the suicide attempt, when he seemed to be coldly concerned only with his status in Russia. Once Oswald was out of the psychiatric ward, he found the hospital more pleasant. The new ward, which he shared with 11 other patients, was "airy," and the food was good. His only complaint, according to his diary, was that an "elderly American" patient was distrustful of him because he had not registered at the American Embassy and because he was evasive about the reasons for his presence in Moscow and confinement in the hospital.509

He was released from the hospital on October 28,510 and, accompanied by Rima Shirokova, was driven to the Hotel Berlin in an Intourist car. After he said goodby to Lyudmila Dmitrieva, head of the In-tourist office at the Berlin, and to Roza Agafonova, another Intourist employee at the hotel, he checked out of the Berlin and registered at the Metropole, 511 a large hotel under the same administration as the Berlin.512 The Government had undoubtedly directed him to make the change. His visa had expired while he was in the hospital, and his presence in Russia was technically illegal; he had received no word that the decision that he must leave had been reversed. Later that day, however, Rima told him that the "Pass and Registration Office" wished

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to talk to him about his future.513 According to the diary, when Oswald appeared at the office he was asked whether he still wanted to become a Soviet citizen and he replied that he did; he provided his Marine Corps discharge papers for identification. He was told that he could not expect a decision soon, and was dismissed. During this interview, Oswald was apparently questioned about the interview which preceded his hospitalization, which led him to conclude that there had been no communication between the two sets of officials.514 That evening he met Rima, on whom he vented his frustration at being put off by the authorities.515

Oswald ate only once on the following day; he stayed near the telephone, fully dressed and ready to leave immediately if he were summoned. He remained in his room for 3 days, which seemed to him "like three years," 516 until October 31, when he decided to act. He met Rima Shirokova at noon and told her that he was impatient, but did not say what he planned to do; she cautioned him to stay in his room "and eat well." 517 She left him after a short while and, a few minutes later, he took a taxi to the American Embassy, where he asked to see the consul. (See Commission Exhibits Nos. 24, 912, 913, pp. 264, 263, 261.) When the receptionist asked him first to sign the tourist register, he laid his passport on the desk and said that he had come to "dissolve his American citizenship." Richard E. Snyder, the Second Secretary and senior consular official,518 was summoned, and he invited Oswald into his office.519

Oswald's meeting with Snyder, at which Snyder's assistant, John A. McVickar, was also present, is more fully discussed in appendix XV to the Commission's report. Oswald declared that he wanted to renounce his American citizenship; he denounced the United States and praised the Government of the Soviet Union. Over Oswald's objections, Snyder sought to learn something of Oswald's motives and background and to forestall immediate action. Oswald told him that he had already offered to tell a Soviet official what he had learned as a radar operator in the Marines. The interview ended when Snyder told Oswald that he could renounce his citizenship on the following Monday, 2 days later, if he would appear personally to do so. During the interview, Oswald handed to Snyder a note 520 which suggests that he had studied and sought to comply with section 349 of the Immigration and Nationality Act, which provides for loss of American citizenship.521 The note contains paragraphs which read like inartistic attempts to cast off citizenship in three of the ways specified by the statute. The attempts failed but there is no reason to doubt that they were sincere. Snyder has testified that he believed that Oswald would immediately have formally renounced his citizenship had he been permitted to do so.522

The interview lasted for less than an hour. Oswald returned to his hotel angry about the delay but "elated" by the "showdown" and sure that he would be permitted to remain after his "sign of ... faith" in the Russians.523 Soon after he returned to the hotel, he was

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approached by A. I. Goldberg, a reporter for the Associated Press, whom the Embassy had told about Oswald's actions. Oswald refused to speak to him.524 He answered a few questions for two other reporters, R. J. Korengold and Miss Aline Mosby, but again refused to be interviewed.525 Thereafter, the news services made repeated unsuccessful attempts to interview him, which he thought was an indirect form of pressure from the Embassy to return to the United States.526

On the day after Oswald's meeting with Snyder, his family read in the newspapers about his appearance at the Embassy and tried to contact him. Mrs. Oswald testified that she was shocked at her son's decision to defect but, respected his motives for doing so; later she suspected that he had been forcibly removed to Russia.527 She placed a telephone call to him,528 but he either refused to speak to her 529 or cut her off very quickly.530 So too, on November 2, he rejected the Embassy's efforts to deliver or read on the telephone a telegram from his brother Robert.531 A call from Robert was either canceled before it was completed or was refused.532 Robert's telegram, along with a message asking Oswald to contact, him immediately, which Robert had asked the State Department to deliver,533 was finally sent to Oswald from the Embassy by registered mail.534

A few days later, the Embassy received a letter from Oswald dated November 3 which requested that his citizenship be revoked.535 The letter stated that he had appeared at the Embassy "for the purpose of signing the formal papers to this effect" and protested against the "conduct of the official" who had refused him "this legal right." Oswald noted that his application for Soviet citizenship was pending and said that if it were granted he would ask the Soviet Government "to lodge a formal protest" on his behalf.536 The Embassy replied on November 9 that Oswald could renounce his citizenship by appearing at the Embassy and executing the necessary papers.537

Oswald's diary describes the period from November 2 to November 15, during which he continued to isolate himself, as "days of utter loneliness." 538 On November 8, he wrote to his brother:

Dear Robert
Well, what shall we talk about, the weather perhaps? Certainly you do not wish me to speak of my decision to remain in the Soviet Union and apply for citizenship here, since I'm afraid you would not be able to comprehend my reasons. You really dent know anything about me. Do you know for instance that I have waited to do this for well over a year, do you know that I ... [phrase in Russian] speak a fair amount of Russian which I have been studing for many months.

I have been told that I will not have to leave the Soviet Union if I do not care to. this than is my decision. I will not leave this country, the Soviet Union, under any conditions, I will never return to the United States which is a country I hate.

Someday, perhaps soon, and than again perhaps in a few years, I will become a citizen of the Soviet Union, but it is a very legal

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process, in any event, I will not have to leave the Soviet Union and I will never ... [word missing].

I recived your telegram and was glad to hear from you, only one word bothered me, the word "mistake." I assume you mean that I have made a "mistake" it is not for you to tell me that you cannot understand my reasons for this very action.

I will not speak to anyone from the United States over the telephone since it may be taped by the Americans.

If you wish to corespond with me you can write to the below address, but I really don't, see what we could take about if you want to send me money, that I can us, but I do not expect to be able to send it back.

LEE 589
Oswald's statement that he had been told that he could remain in Russia was not true. According to his diary, he was not told until later that he could remain even temporarily in Russia,540 and only in January was he told the he could remain indefinitely.541 The Embassy tried to deliver a typed copy of a telegram from his brother John on November 9; Oswald refused to answer the knock on his door, and the message was then sent to him by registered mail.542

Toward the end of this waiting period, probably on November 13, Aline Mosby succeeded in interviewing Oswald.543 A reporter for United Press International, she had called him on the telephone and was told to come right over, Oswald's explanation being that he thought she might "understand and be friendly" because she was a woman.544 She was the first person who was not a Soviet citizen to whom he granted an interview since his meeting with Snyder at the Embassy on October 31. Miss Mosby found him polite but stiff; she said that be seemed full of confidence, often showing a "small smile, more like a smirk," and that he talked almost "non-stop." Oswald said to her that he had been told that he could remain in the Soviet Union and that job possibilities were being explored; they thought it probably would be best, he said, to continue his education. He admitted that his Russian was bad but was confident that it would improve rapidly. He based his dislike for the United States on his observations of racial prejudice and the contrast between "the luxuries of Park Avenue and workers' lives on the East Side," and mentioned his mother's poverty; he said that if he had remained in the United States he too would have become either a capitalist or a worker. "One way or another." he said, "I'd lose in the United States. In my own mind, even if I'd be exploiting other workers. That's why I chose Marxist ideology."

Oswald told his interviewer that he had been interested in Communist theory since he was 15, when "an old lady" in New York handed him "a pamphlet about saving the Rosenbergs." But when Mosby asked if he were a member of the Communist Party he said that he had never met a Communist and that he "might bare seen" one only once, when he saw that "old lady." He told her that while

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he was in the Marine Corps he had seen American imperialism in action, and had saved $1,500 in secret preparation for his defection to Russia. His only apparent regrets concerned his family: his mother, whom he had not told of his plans, and his brother, who might lose his job as a result of the publicity.545

The interview lasted for about 2 hours. According to Oswald's own account, he exacted a promise from Miss Mosby that she would show him the story before publication but she broke the promise; he found the published story to contain distortions of his words.546 Miss Mosby's notes indicate that he called her to complain of the distortions, saying in particular that his family had not been "poverty-stricken" and that his defection was not prompted by personal hardship but that was "a matter only of ideology."

According to the diary, Oswald was told in mid-November that he could remain temporarily in Russia "until some solution was found with what to do" with him. 548 Armed with this "comforting news," 549 he granted a second interview, again to a woman, on November 16.550 Miss Priscilla Johnson of the North American Newspaper Alliance knocked on the door of his room at the Metropole, and Oswald agreed to come to her room at the hotel that evening. This interview lasted about 5 hours, from 9 p.m. until about 2 in the morning. During the interview he frequently mentioned the fact that he would be able to remain in Russia, which gave him great pleasure, but he also showed disappointment about the difficulties standing in the way of his request for Soviet citizenship. He repeated most of the information he had given Aline Mosby and again denied having been a member of the Communist Party or even ever having seen a Communist in the United States. When Miss Johnson asked him to specify some of the socialist writers whose works he had read during the past 5 years, he could name only Marx and Engels; the only le he could recall was "Das Kapital." They talked for a long while about Communist economic theory, which Miss Johnson thought was "his language"; she became convinced that his knowledge of the subject was very superficial.551 He commented that the Russians treated his defection as a "legal formality," neither encouraging nor discouraging it.552 When she suggested that if he really wished to renounce his American citizenship he could do so by returning to the Embassy, he said that he would "never set foot in the Embassy again," since he was sure that he would be given the "same run-around" as before. He seemed to Miss Johnson to be avoiding effective renunciation, consciously or unconsciously, in order to preserve his right to reenter the United States.553

For the rest of the year, Oswald seldom left his hotel room where he had arranged to take his meals, except perhaps for a few trips to museums. He spent most of his time studying Russian, hours a day" his diary records. The routine was broken only by another interview at the passport office; occasional visits from Rima Shirokova; lessons in Russian from her and other Intourist guides; and a New Year's visit from Roza Agafonova, who gave

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him a small "Boratin" clown as a New Year's present.554 He replied to a letter from Robert in a letter quoted at length in chapter VII of this report which contains his most bitter statements against the United States.555 Robert received a third letter on December 17, in which Oswald said that he would not write again and did not wish Robert to write to him. The letter concluded:

I am starting a new life and I do not wish to have anything to do with the old life.

I hope you and your family will always be in good health.

Lee 556
His mother mailed him a personal check for $20 dated December 18. It was returned to her on January 5 with the notation that he could not "use this check, of course"; he asked her to send him $20 in cash and added that he had little money and needed "the rest," presumably a reference to the $100 he had given her in September. Mrs. Oswald later sent him a money order for about $25.557

On January 4, Oswald was summoned to the Soviet Passport Office and given Iden y Do ent for Stateless Persons No. 811479.558 He was told that he was being sent to Minsk,559 an industrial city located about 450 miles southwest of Moscow and with a population in 1959 of about 510,000.560 His disappointment that he had not been granted Soviet citizenship was balanced by relief that the uncertainty was ended; he told Rima Shirokova that he was happy.561 On the following day, he went to a Government agency which the Russians call the "Red Cross"; it gave him 5,000 rubles (about 500 new rubles, or $500 at the official exchange rate).562 He used 2,200 rubles to pay his hotel bill and 150 rubles to purchase a railroad ticket to Minsk. 563

Oswald arrived in Minsk on January 7. He was met at the station by two "Red Cross" workers who took him to the Hotel Minsk. Two Intourist employees, both of whom spoke excellent English, were waiting for him.564 One of them, a young woman named Roza Kuznetsova, became his close friend and attended his 21st birthday party in October 1960.565 (See Commission Exhibit No. 2609, p. 271.) On the following day, Oswald met the "Mayor," who welcomed him to Minsk, promised him a rent-free apartment, and warned him against "uncultured persons" who sometimes insulted foreigners.566

Oswald reported for work at the Belorussian Radio and Television Factory on January 13.567 Two days earlier he had visited the factory and met Alexander Ziger, a Polish Jew who had emigrated to Argentina in 1938 and went to Russia in 1955. Ziger was a department head at the factory; he spoke English, and he and his family became good friends of Oswald and corresponded with him after his return to the United States.568 The factory, a major producer of electronic parts and systems, employed about 5,000 persons.569 Oswald's union card described him as a "metal worker"; 570 Marina testified that he fashioned parts on a lathe.571 As Oswald later described it, the shop in

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which he worked, called the "experimental shop," 572 employed 58 workers and 5 foremen. It was located in the middle part of the factory area in a 2-story building made of red brick. The workday began at 8 o'clock sharp. Work was assigned according to "pay levels," which were numbered from one to five plus a top "master" level. A worker could ask to be tested for a higher level at any time.573

Oswald had hoped to continue his education in Russia, and was disappointed by his assignment to a factory.574 His salary varied from 700 to perhaps as high as 900 rubles per month ($70-$90) Although high compared with the salaries of certain professional groups in Russia, which in some areas have not grown proportionately with the wages of factory workers,576 his salary was normal for his type of work.577 It was supplemented, however, by 700 rubles per month, which he received from the "Red Cross," and, according to Oswald, his total income was about equal to that of the director of the factory.578 In August he applied for membership in the union; he became a dues-paying member in September.580

Undoubtedly more noteworthy to most Russians than his extra income was the attractive apartment which Oswald was given in March 1959. It was a small flat with a balcony overlooking the river,581 for which he paid only 60 rubles a month.582 (See Commission Exhibit No. 2606, p. 271.) Oswald describes it in his diary as "a Russian-dream." 583 Had Oswald been a Russian worker, he would probably have had to wait for several years for a comparable apartment, and would have been given one even then only if he had a family.584 The "Red Cross" subsidy and the apartment were typical of the favorable treatment which the Soviet Union has given defectors.585

Oswald's diary records that he enjoyed his first months in Minsk. His work at the factory was easy and his coworkers were friendly and curious about life in the United States; he declined an invitation to speak at a mass meeting. He took Roza Kuznetsova, his interpreter and language teacher,586 to the theater, a movie, or an opera almost every night, until he moved into his apartment and temporarily lost contact with her. He wrote in his diary, "I'm living big and am very satisfied." 587 In March or April, he met Pavel Golovachev, a co-worker at the factory, whom Oswald described as intelligent and friendly and an excellent radio technician. (See Commission Exhibit No. 2609, p. 271.) Oswald helped Golovachev with English.588 They became friends,589 and corresponded after Oswald returned to the United States until at least as late as September 1963.590

The spring and summer passed easily and uneventfully. There were picnics and drives in the country, which Oswald described as "green beauty." 591 On June 18, he obtained a hunting license and soon afterward purchased a 16-gage single-barrel shotgun. His hunting license identifies him as "Aleksy Harvey Oswald." (He was called "Alec" by his Russian friends, because "Lee" sounded foreign to them and was difficult for them to pronounce.)592 He joined a local chapter of the Belorussian Society of Hunters and Fishermen, a hunting club sponsored by his factory, and hunted for small game in the

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farm regions around Minsk about half a dozen times in the summer and fall. The hunters spent the night in small villages and often left their bag with the villagers; Oswald described the peasant life which he saw as crude and poor.593 Sometime in June, he met. Ella German, a worker at the factory, of whom he later said he "perhaps fell in love with her the first minute" he saw her.594 (See Commission Exhibit No. 2609, p. 271.)

At the same time, however, the first signs of disillusionment with his Russian life appeared. He noted in his diary that he felt "uneasy inside" after a friend took him aside at a party and advised him to return to the United States.595 Another entry compared life in Minsk with military life:

I have become habituatated to a small care which is where I dine in the evening. The food is generaly poor and always eactly the same, menue in any care, at any point in the city. The food is cheap and I don't really care about quiality after three years in the U.S.M.C.596
In an entry for August-September, he wrote that he was becoming "increasingly concious of just what sort of a society" he lived in.597

He spent New Year's Day at the home of Ella German and her family. They ate and drank in a friendly atmosphere, and he was "drunk and happy" when he returned home. During the walk back to his apartment he decided to ask Ella to marry him. On the following night, after he had brought her home from the movies, he proposed on her doorstep. She rejected him, saying that she did not love him and that she was afraid to marry an American. She said that the Polish intervention in the 1920's had led to the arrest of all people in the Soviet Union of Polish origin and she feared that something similar might happen to Americans some day. Oswald was "too stunned to think," and concluded that she had gone out with him only because she was envied by the other girls for having an American as an escort.598 But in one of the entries in the diary he appears to have attributed her failure to love him to "a state of fear which was always in the Soviet Union." 599 His affection for Ella German apparently continued for some time; 600 he had his last formal date with her in February and remained on friendly terms with her as long as he was in Russia.601

After he returned to the United States, Oswald often commented on Russian life. He discussed the Soviet systems of public education and medical care.603 He observed to one acquaintance that everyone in Russia was trained to do something,604 and discussed with another the system of regular wage and salary increases.605 His most frequent criticisms concerned the contrast between the lives of ordinary workers and the lives of Communist Party members. He told an acquaintance in Dallas that the working class in the Soviet Union made just about enough to buy clothing and food and that only party members could afford luxuries.606 On another occasion, he remarked

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that if he had as much money as some of the "managers," he could have visited the Black Sea resorts.607 He complained about the lack of freedom in Russia; 608 the lack of opportunity to travel; 609 inadequate housing; 610 and the chronic scarcity of food products.611 To one acquaintance, he observed that the party members were all "opportunists," who "shouted the loudest and made the most noise," but who were interested only in their own welfare.612

He expressed similar views in a manuscript which he worked on in Russia 613 and probably intended to publish; soon after he returned to the United States, he hired a stenographer to prepare a typed draft from his notes.614 Oswald described the manuscript, which amounted to 50 typed pages, as "a look into the lives of work-a-day average Russians."615

The manuscript describes the factory in which Oswald worked and suggests that political considerations of which Oswald disapproved dominated its operation. He attributed the lack of unemployment to the shortage of labor-saving machinery and the heavy load of bureaucracy, which kept "tons of paper work" flowing in and out of the factory and required a high foreman-worker ratio.616 In addition, he wrote, there was "a small army of examiners, committees, and supply checkers and the quality-control board."

He described life in Russia, including life at the factory, as centered around the "Kollective." The head of the Kollective in his shop, Comrade Lebizen, saw to it that everyone maintained shop discipline, attended party meetings, and received all the new propaganda as it came out. He hung the walls of the shop with signs and slogans of the Communist Party. Meetings of the Kollective were "so numerous as to be staggering." In a single month, there were scheduled one meeting of the professional union, four political information meetings, two young Communist meetings, one meeting of the production committee to discuss ways of improving work, two Communist Party meetings, four meetings of the "School of Communist Labor," and one sports meeting. All but one of them were compulsory for Communist Party members and all but three were compulsory for everyone.618 (Marina Oswald testified that her husband did not attend the courses in Marxism and Leninism given in the factory for party members and those who wished to become party members.)619 They were scheduled so as not to interfere with work, and lasted anywhere from 10 minutes to 2 hours. Oswald said that no one liked the meetings, which were accepted "philosophically"; at the political meetings especially, everyone paid strict attention, and party members were posted in the audience to watch for the slightest sign that one's attention might relax, even for a moment.620

Oswald wrote that the "spontaneous" demonstrations on Soviet holidays or for distinguished visitors were almost as well organized as the Kollectivist meetings at the factory.621 He noted that elections were supervised to ensure that everyone voted, and that they voted for the candidates of the Communist Party. The manuscript touches on other aspects of Soviet life--as the housing shortage and the corrup-

[monosylab1k]

Page 701

tion which it evoked, the "rest-homes" where workers had their vacations, television and the omnipresent radio, and Russian reading habits.622 This writing also may include only what Oswald thought might be acceptable.

On January 4, 1961, I year after he had been issued his "stateless" residence permit, Oswald was summoned to the passport office in Minsk and asked if he still wanted to become a Soviet citizen. He replied that he did not, but asked that his residence permit be extended for another year.623 The entry in his diary for January 4-31 reads: "I am stating to reconsider my disire about staying. The work is drab. The money I get has nowhere to be spent. No nightclubs or bowling allys, no places of recreation acept the trade union dances. I have had enough." 624

The American Embassy in Moscow had not heard from Oswald after it received his letter of November 3, 1959.625 On February 13, 1961, it received an undated letter from him which had been mailed in Minsk about a week earlier. He asked for the return of his passport and stated that he wanted to return to the United States if he could "come to some agreement [with the American Government] concerning the dropping of any legal proceedings" against him. He noted that he had not become a Soviet citizen and was living in Russia with "nonpermanent type papers for a foreigner," and said that he did not appear personally because he could not leave Minsk without permission. The letter concluded: "I hope that in recalling the responsibility I have to America that you remember yours in doing everything you can to help me, since I am an American citizen." 626 In this letter, Oswald referred to a previous letter which he said had gone unanswered; there is evidence that such a letter was never sent.627

The Second Secretary, Richard Snyder, answered on February 28 that Oswald would have to appear at the Embassy personally to discuss his return to the United States.628 In the meantime, Oswald's mother, who in January had inquired at the Department of State about his whereabouts,629 had been notified of his letter.630 A second letter from Oswald, posted on March 5, reached the Embassy on March 20; it reiterated that he was unable to leave Minsk without permission and asked that "preliminary inquiries ... be put in the form of questionnaire" and sent to him.631 His diary entry for this period records his "state of expectation about going back to the U.S.," and adds that a friend had approved his plans but warned him not to discuss them with others.632 (The Soviet authorities had undoubtedly intercepted and read the correspondence between Oswald and the Embassy and knew of his plans.633 Soon after the correspondence began, his monthly payments from the "Red Cross" were cut off.)634 Having informed Washington,635 the Embassy wrote to Oswald on March 24, stating again that he would have to come to Moscow.636 Later, the Department of State decided that Oswald's passport should be returned to him only if he appeared at the Embassy for it and the Embassy was satisfied, after exploring the matter with him, that he had not renounced his citizenship.637

Page 702

Sometime in the second week of March, Miss Katherine Mallory, who was on tour in Minsk with the University of Michigan symphonic band, found herself surrounded by curious Russian citizens. A young man who identified himself as a Texan and former marine stepped out of the crowd and asked if she needed an interpreter; he interpreted for her for the next 15 or 20 minutes. Later he told her that he despised the United States and hoped to stay in Minsk for the rest of his life. Miss Mallory is unable to swear that her interpreter was Oswald, but is personally convinced that it was he.638

A few days later, probably on March 17, Oswald attended a trade union dance with a friend, Erik ovyets, at the Palace of Culture for Professional Workers in Minsk.639 The dance followed a lecture by a Russian woman who had recently returned from a trip to the United States.640 Marina Nikolayevna Prusakova arrived too late to hear the lecture 641 but was at the dance. Oswald noticed her and asked Yuriy Merezhinskiy, the son of the lecturer and a friend of both Oswald and Marina, to introduce him to her. Oswald asked her to dance. According to the diary, they liked each other immediately and he obtained her telephone number before she left.642 Marina testified that she told Oswald that she might see him at another dance, but did not give him her telephone number.643 Oswald was smitten.644

Marina Prusakova was 19 years old when she met Oswald. (See Commission Exhibit No. 1395, p. 270.) She was born on July 17, 1941, at Severodvinsk (formerly Molotovsk),Arkhangel Oblast', Russia.645 A few years later, her mother, Klavdiya Vasilievna Prusakova, married Aleksandr Ivanovich Medvedev, who became the only father Marina knew.646 While she was still a young girl, Marina went to Arkhangel'sk, Arkhangel Oblast', to live with her maternal grandparents, Tatyana Yakovlevna Prusakova and Vasiliy Prusakov. Her grandfather died when Marina was about 4 years old; she continued to live with her grandmother for some time.647 When she was not more than 7, she moved to Zguritva, Moldavian SSR (formerly called Bessarabia) to live with her mother and stepfather, who was an electrical worker.648 In 1952, the family moved to Leningrad,649 where her stepfather obtained a job in a power station.650 Marina testified that neither he nor her mother was a member of the Communist Party.651

In Leningrad, Marina attended the Three Hundred and Seventy-Fourth Women's School. After she had completed the seventh grade at the school in 1955,652 she entered the Pharmacy Teknikum for special training, which she had requested on the ground that her mother was ill and Marina might need to have a specialty in order to support herself. While she was st the Teknikum, she joined the Trade Union for Medical Workers 653 and, in her last year there, worked part time in the Central Pharmacy in Leningrad. She graduated from the Teknikum with a diploma in pharmacy in June 1959.

Marina's mother had died in 1957, during Marina's second year at the Teknikum; she continued to live with her stepfather, but had little contact with him. She testified that she did not get along with

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her stepfather, whom she displeased by her fresh conduct; she said that she was not easily disciplined 654 and was a source of concern to him.655 Because of the friction between them, Marina regarded her childhood as an unhappy one.

After her graduation, Marina was assigned to a job preparing and packing orders in a pharmaceutical warehouse in Leningrad; as a new employee she had the right to leave this job within 3 days after the assignment,656 and she did so after the first day. She took no job for the next 2 months, at the end of which she went to live in Minsk with an aunt and uncle, the Prusakova, who had no children. She had known them since she was a child and there was a mutual affection between her and them.657 Her uncle, a member of the Communist Party,658 was assigned to the Ministry of Internal Affairs and headed the local bureau concerned with lumber. The Prusakova had one of the best apartments in a building reserved for MVD employees.659

Marina was 18 when she arrived in Minsk. She had boyfriends in Leningrad but was not interested in marriage. In October 1960 she started work in the drug section of the Third Clinical Hospital where she earned about 450 rubles per month;660 at about the same time she became a member of the local Komsomol, the Communist youth organization.661 Her friends were mostly students, whose social life consisted of meeting in cafes to sip coffee, read newspapers, gossip, and carry on discussions. The group of friends "ran together," and Marina did not attach herself to a particular boyfriend. She enjoyed this life, which she had been leading for about 7 months when she met Oswald at the dance at the Palace of Culture in March 1961.662

When Marina met Oswald, she thought he was from one of the Russian-speaking Baltic countries because he spoke with an accent; later that same evening she learned that he was an American.663 She met him again at another dance a week later. 664 They danced together most of the evening, at the end of which he walked home with her. They arranged to meet again the following week. 665 Before the scheduled time, Oswald called to say that he was in the hospital and that Marina should visit him there. 666 Medical records furnished to the Commission by the Russian Government show that Oswald was admitted to the Clinical Hospital--Ear, Nose, and Throat Division, on Thursday, March 30, 1961.667 Marina visited him often,668 taking advantage of her uniform to visit him outside regular visiting hours, which were only on Sunday. 669 On Easter Sunday, the first Sunday after his admission to the hospital, she brought him an Easter egg.670 On a subsequent visit, he asked her to be his fiancee, and she agreed to consider it.671 He left the hospital on April 11.672

During these visits, Marina apparently discussed with Oswald his reasons for coming to Russia and his current status. According to her later account, he told her that he had surrendered his American do ents to the Embassy in Moscow and had told American officials that he did not intend to return to the United States. He did not say definitely that he was no longer an American citizen, but said in answer

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to a question about his citizenship that he could not return to the United States.673

Oswald visited Marina regularly at her aunt and uncle's apartment; they were apparently not disturbed by the fact that, he was an American and did not disapprove of her seeing him. He continued to ask her to marry him and, according to her recollection, she accepted his proposal on April 20; 674 Oswald's diary puts the date 5 days earlier.675 Marina testified that she believed that Oswald could not return to, the United States when she agreed to marry him, and that she had not married him in hope of going to the United States.676

After filing notice of their intent to marry at the registrar, obtaining the special consent necessary for an alien to marry a citizen, and waiting the usual 10 days, they were married on April 30.677 The diary entry for the wedding day reads:

two of Marinas girl friends act as bridesmaids. We are married. At her aunts home we have a dinner reception for about 20 friends and neboribos who wish us happiness (in spite of my origin and accept [accent?] which was in general rather disquiting to any Russian since for are very rare in the soviet Union even tourist. After an evening of eating and drinking in which ... [Marina's uncle] started a fright [fight?] and the fuse blow on an overloaded circite we take our leave and walk the 1-5 minutes to our home. We lived near each other, at midnight we were home.678
They both took 3 days off from their jobs, which they spent in Minsk.679

Oswald wrote in his diary for May 1, 1 day after the wedding: "In spite of fact I married Marina to hurt Ella I found myself in love with Marina." 680 The next entry, marked simply "May," reads in part:

The trasistion of changing full love from Ella to Marina was very painfull esp. as I saw Ella almost every day at the factory but as the days & weeks went by I adjusted more and more [to] my wife mentaly ... She is maddly in love with me from the very start. Boat rides on Lake Minsk walks through the parks evening at home or at Aunt Valia's place mark May." 681
And in June: "A continuence of May, except that; we draw closer and closer, and I think very little now of Ella." 682

Sometime within the first month or two after they were married Oswald told his wife that he was anxious to return to the United States. The diary says that he told her "in the last days" of June and that she was "slightly startled" but encouraged him to do as he wished.683 Marina's recollection is that she learned of his plan between May and July. Embassy records show that Oswald notified the Embassy in a letter received on May 25 that he was married and his wife would

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seek to accompany him to the United States.684 At about this time, the Oswalds began to make inquiries in Soviet offices about exit visas. 685

While these preparations were being made, the Oswalds apparently enjoyed their new life.686 They ate most of their meals in cares or at restaurants where they worked.687 For amusement, they went boating, attended the opera, concerts, the circus, and films; occasionally, they gathered with a group of friends for a cooperative meal at someone's apartment.688 His Russian improved, but he retained an accent and never learned to speak grammatically or to write well.689 He read the English language edition of the Daily Worker and books, also in English, on Marxism and Leninism; he also read some Russian newspapers.690

Before he married Marina (and presumably before February, when he had begun his efforts to return to the United States) Oswald had applied for admission to the Patrice Lumumba Friendship University in Moscow. He received a letter dated May 3 apologizing for the delay in responding to his application and turning it down on the ground that the university had been established exclusively for students from the underdeveloped countries of Asia, Africa, and Latin America. 691 Oswald expressed his disappointment at having been turned down to Marina.692

Oswald reopened his correspondence with his family on May 5, with a friendly letter to his brother Robert. He said nothing about, his contacts with the American Embassy, but mentioned that he had married, and that he had a job as a "metal-smith" and was living well. He asked his brother for their mother's address, and encouraged him to come to Minsk for a visit.693 Robert answered the letter quickly. On May 31, Oswald wrote again and expressed his pleasure at having heard from Robert after so long. Apparently in response to an offer to send him whatever he needed, Oswald wrote that he needed nothing and thanked Robert for the thought; he suggested, however, that Marina might like a small wedding present. At the end of the letter he said that he did not know whether he would ever return to the United States; he said that before he could return he would have to obtain the permission of the Soviet Union for him and Marina to leave and insure that no charges would be lodged against him in the United States. In this letter, he mentioned that he was in touch with the Embassy in Moscow.694 At about this time, Oswald wrote also to his mother. 695

On May 25, the Embassy received a letter mailed in Minsk about 10 days before, in which Oswald asked for assurances that he would not be prosecuted if he returned to the United States, and informed the Embassy that he had married a Russian woman who would want to accompany him.696 The Embassy communicated this development to Washington 697 and did not answer Oswald immediately. In addition, he had no word since March concerning the return of his passport. Impatient for action,698 he appeared without warning at the Embassy on July 8; it was a Saturday and the offices were closed.699 He used the house telephone to reach Snyder, who came

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to the office, talked with him briefly, and suggested that he return on the following Monday.700 Oswald called Marina and asked her join him in Moscow. She arrived on Sunday, July 9, 701 a room at the Hotel Berlin,702 where he had stayed when he first arrived in Russia.

Oswald returned to the Embassy on Monday. Marina waited outside during his interview with Snyder,703 who asked to see Oswald's Soviet papers and questioned him closely about his life in Russia and possible expatriating acts. Oswald stated that he was not a citizen of the Soviet Union and had never formally applied for citizenship, that he had never taken an oath of allegiance to the Soviet Union, and that he was not a member of the factory trade union organization. He said that he had never given Soviet officials any confidential information that he had learned in the Marines, had never been asked to give such information, and "doubted" that he would have done so had he been asked.704 Some of Oswald's statements during this interview were undoubtedly false. He had almost certainly applied for citizenship in the Soviet Union 705 and, at least for a time, been disappointed when it was denied.706 He possessed a membership card in the union organization.707 In addition, his assertion to Snyder that he had never been questioned by Soviet authorities concerning his life in the United States is simply unbelievable.

Oswald showed anxiety, already displayed in his letters, that he might be prosecuted and imprisoned if he returned to the United States. Snyder told him informally that he did not know any grounds on which he would be prosecuted but that he could give no assurances in this regard.708 Snyder testified that Oswald seemed to have matured while he was in Russia and did not show the bravado and arrogance which characterized his first contacts with the Embassy. Oswald told him that he had "learned a hard lesson the hard way" and had acquired a new appreciation of the United States and the meaning of freedom.709

Since Oswald's passport would expire on September 10, 1961,710 before which date he probably would not be able to obtain Russian exit papers, he filled out an application for its renewal.711 On a questionnaire attached to the application,712 he reiterated his oral statements that he had obtained only a residence permit in the Soviet Union and was still an American national. On the basis of Oswald's written and oral statements, Snyder concluded that he had not expatriated himself and returned his passport, stamped valid only for direct travel to the United States,713 to him. Accompanied by his wife,714 Oswald came to the Embassy again on the following day,715 to initiate procedures for her admission to the United States as an immigrant; they had a routine interview with McVickar, Snyder's assistant.716 Three days later, they returned to Minsk.717

On the same day, Oswald wrote to his brother. He told Robert that he had his passport again and that he and Marina were doing everything possible to leave the Soviet Union. Apparently referring to his initial reappearance at the Embassy in quest of his passport, he

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wrote: "I could write a book about how many feeling have come and gone since that day." The letter closed with an affectionate greeting to his brother and his family.718 The letter's tone of firm purpose to return to the United States in the face of heavy odds reflected Oswald's at ude thereafter.

As soon as they returned to Minsk, the Oswalds began to work with local authorities for permission to leave the country.719 His diary entry for July 16 through August 20 reads,

We have found out which blanks and certificates are nessceary to apply for a exit visa. They number about 20 papers; birth certificates, affidavit, photos, ect. On Aug 20th we give the papers out they say it will be 3.5 months before we know wheather they let us go or not. In the meantime Marina has had to stade 4 differant meeting at the place of work held by her boss's at the direction of "someone" by phone. The Young Comm. leauge headquttes also called about her and she had to go see them for 1-1/2 hours. The purpose (expressed) is to disuade her from going to the U.S.A. Net effect: Make her more stubborn about wanting to go. Marina is pregnet. We only hope that the visas come through soon.720
In a letter dated July 15, he reported their efforts to the Embassy, and said that he would keep it informed "as to the overall picture." The letter mentioned that Marina was having difficulties at work because of her decision to leave but added that such "tactics" were "quite useless" and that Marina had "stood up well, without getting into trouble." 721 For August 21 through September 1, the diary reads:

I make repeated trips to the passport & visa office, also to Ministry of For. Affairs in Minsk, also Min. of Internal Affairs, all of which have a say in the granting of a visa. I extrackted promises of quick attention to us.722
For September through October 18, "No word from Min. ('They'11 call us.')." 723

Marina testified that when the news of her visit to the American Embassy in July reached Minsk, she was dropped from membership in "Komsomol," the Communist Youth Organization, 724 and that "meetings were arranged" at which "members of the various organizations" attempted to dissuade her from leaving the Soviet Union.725 Her aunt and uncle did not speak to her for "a long time." 726 Paul Gregory, to whom Marina taught Russian in the United States, testified that she once referred to this period of her life in Minsk as "a very horrible time." 727

Oswald wrote to the Embassy again on October 4, to request that the U.S. Government officially intervene to facilitate his and his wife's applications for exit visas.728 He stated that there had been "systematic and concerted attempts to intimidate [Marina] ... into with-

Page 708
drawing her application for a visa" which had resulted in her being hospitalized for a 5-day period on September 22 for "nervous exhaustion." 729 Marina has denied that she was hospitalized for a nervous disorder 730 and he made no mention of it in his diary or letters to his family; he probably lied to the Embassy. The Embassy replied to his letter on October 12, saying that it had no way of influencing Soviet conduct on such matters and that its experience had been that action on applications for exit visas was "seldom taken rapidly." 731

In October 1961 Marina took her annual vacation. 732 She and Oswald agreed that she should get a "change of scenery," 733 and she spent about 3 weeks with an aunt in Khar'kov. It is possible that they were not getting along well together during this period. 734 A dairy entry after her return indicates that they were having some quarrels and that she was wavering in her decision to go to the United States, which Oswald attributed to anxiety about their applications for visas and the fact that she was pregnant; he in turn dreaded the approach of the "hard Russian winter." 735 He noted in his dairy that he was lonely while she was gone, but that he and his friend "Erich," presumably Erik ovyets, went to some dances and other public amusements.736 On his 22nd birthday he went alone to see his favorite opera, "The Queen of Spades." 737 Marina sent him a gold and silver cup, inscribed "To my dear husband on his birthday, 18/x/61" and other gifts, for which he wrote to thank her.738 She returned on November 12, in Oswald's words, "radient, with several jars of preserses for me from her aunt." 739

Sometime after Marina's return Oswald applied for an interview with Col. Nicolay Aksenov, an official in the local MVD, in an effort to expedite their application for exit visas; he was told by the colonel's subordinates that they were competent to handle the matter. Oswald then insisted that Marina seek an interview; she agreed reluctantly. The interview was granted; 740 Marina thought that this might have been due to the fact that her uncle was also a high-ranking official in the Minsk MVD, but she did not believe that he would personally have presumed on his official position to obtain special treatment.741 Colonel Aksenov questioned her about her reasons for wanting to go to the United States and, noticing that she was pregnant, suggested that she at least delay her departure so that her child could be born in Russia, but did not otherwise try to discourage her. He finally told her that there were many others seeking visas and that she and her husband would have to wait their turn.742

Throughout this period, Oswald continued to correspond with his mother and brother. His letters contained the usual chatter among members of a family and occasional references to the progress of the visa applications.743 He wrote to the Embassy on November 1, saying that if, as he anticipated, his residence permit were renewed in January for another year, it would be over his protest. 744 On November 13 the Embassy replied, telling Oswald that retention of his Soviet passport, which was of the kind issued to persons considered to be stateless, or an extension of it, would not prejudice his claim to Ameri-

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can citizenship. The letter added that he could discuss the renewal of his American passport whenever he appeared in person at the Embassy to do so.745

Late in December, Oswald wrote a letter to Senator John G. Tower of Texas, which was received in Washington near the end of January. He stated that he was an American citizen and that the Soviet Government refused to permit him and his wife to leave the Soviet Union. He asked Senator Tower to raise "the question of holding by the Soviet Union of a citizen of the U.S., against his will and expressed desires." The letter was referred to the State Department and no further action concerning it was taken.746 On December 25, Marina was called to the Soviet Passport Office and told that exit visas would be granted to her and her husband; she was surprised, having doubted that she would ever be permitted to leave. Oswald wrote to the Embassy on December 27 that they would be given visas and asked that his passport be extended without another trip to Moscow; he added, however, that he would come to Moscow if this would expedite the processing of his application. In his diary, he wrote, "It's great (I think?)." 747 Before the year ended, Marina went on maternity leave from her job.748 They spent New Year's Eve at a dinner party given by the Zigers.749

Oswald wrote to his mother on January 2, 1962, and told her that he and his wife expected to arrive in the United States sometime around March. He asked her to contact the local Red Cross and request that it put his case before the International Rescue Committee or some other group which aids immigrants to the United States. He told her that he would need about $800 and that she should insist on a gift rather than a loan; he told her not to send any of her own money.750 Despite his instructions, she requested a loan from the Red Cross.751 On January 13, Oswald wrote to the International Rescue Committee himself; he asked for $800 with which to purchase two tickets from Moscow to Texas.752 He wrote to the Committee again on January 26, this time asking for $1,000.753

In the meantime, letters of Oswald 754 and the American Embassy,755 both dated January 5, crossed in the mail. The Embassy's letter suggested that since there might be difficulties in obtaining an American visa for Marina, he consider returning alone and bringing her over later. He replied on the 16th that he would not leave Russia without her.756 In his letter, Oswald requested that the U.S. Government loan him the money for his and Marina's airplane tickets or arrange a loan from another source. The Embassy replied on January 15 that Marina had not yet obtained an American visa and that no evidence had yet been submitted that she would not become a public charge in the United States.757 It suggested that Oswald's mother or some other close relative file an affidavit of support in Marina's behalf. Before receiving this letter, Oswald wrote out such a do ent himself 758 and mailed it to the Embassy.759

On January 28, after receiving the Embassy's letter, he wrote that his own affidavit should be sufficient, since he had been away from

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the United States for more than 2 years and could not be expected to obtain an affidavit from someone else.760 But on the same day, he wrote to his mother asking that she file an affidavit of support with the Immigration and Naturalization Service.761 On January 24, the Embassy acknowledged receipt of his affidavit, but again suggested that he obtain one from someone else.762

Late in January, Oswald received a letter from his mother telling him that he had been given a dishonorable discharge from the Marines.763 (The discharge had actually been "undesirable," a less derogatory characterization.) 764 This apparently revived his fear of prosecution, and on January 30, he wrote to his brother for more information.765 On the same day he wrote also to John B. Connally, Jr., then Governor of Texas, who Oswald believed was still Secretary of Navy. The letter read:

I wish to call your attention to a case about which you may have personal knowlege since you are a resident of Ft. Worth as I am.

In November 1959 an event was well publicated in the Ft. Worth newspapers concerning a person who had gone to the Soviet Union to reside for a short time, (much in the same way E. Hemingway resided in Paris.)

This person in answers to questions put to him by reporteds in Moscow criticized certain facets of american life. The story was blown up into another "turncoat" sensation, with the result that the Navy department gave this person a belated dishonourable discharge, although he had received an honourable discharge after three years service on Sept. 11, 1959 at El Toro, Marine corps base in California.

These are the basic facts of my case.

I have and allways had the full sanction of the U.S. Embassy, Moscow USSR. and hence the U.S. government. In as much as I am returning to the U.S.A. in this year with the aid of the U.S. Embassy, bring with me my family (since I married in the USSR) I shall employ all means to right this gross mistake or injustice to a boni-fied U.S. citizen and ex--service man. The U.S. government has no charges or complaints against me. I ask you to look into this case. and take the neccessary steps to repair the damage done to me. and my family. For information I would direct you to consult the American Embassy, Chikovski St. 19/21, Moscow, USSR.766

Connally referred the letter to the Department of the Navy,767 which sent Oswald a letter stating that the Department contemplated no change in the undesirable discharge. 768 On March 22, Oswald wrote to the Department insisting that his discharge be given a further, full review.769 The Department promptly replied that it had no authority to hear and review pe ions of this sort and referred Oswald to the Navy Discharge Review Board.770 Oswald filled out

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the enclosed application for review in Minsk but did not mail it until he returned to the United States.771

The Department of State had notified Oswald's mother that it would need $900 to make the travel arrangements for her son and daughter-in-law.772 On February 1, Oswald sent his mother a brief letter rejecting her suggestion that she try to raise money by telling the newspapers about his financial plight.773 Five days later, the Embassy Oswald wrote to his mother again on February 9, reminding her to file an affidavit of support and asking that she send him clippings from the Fort Worth newspapers about his defection to Russia, a request which he later repeated to his brother. He told her that he wanted to know what had been written about him, so that he could be "forewarned."

Oswald took Marina to the hospital on the morning of February 15. A baby girl was born at about 10 a.m.776 He had gone on to the factory where news of the birth awaited him on his arrival.777 In accordance with regular hospital practice,778 he did not see the baby until Marina left the hospital.779 He was excited by the child,780 who was named "June Lee" in accordance with the Russian custom and law that a child's second name must be the father's first name or a variation of it. He had wanted to name his child "June Marina," and protested the application of the law to her, since he had a United States passport. His diary contains the wry comment, "Po-Russki." 781 His coworkers at the factory gave the Oswalds "one summer blanket, 6 light diapers, 4 warm diapers, 2 chemises, 3 very good warm chemises, 4 very nice suits and two toys" for the baby.782 Marina came home on February 23.783

There was less urgency about the departure for the United States after June Lee was born.784 Oswald wrote to his mother,785 and brother,786 that he would probably not arrive for several months. The Embassy received a letter on March 3, in which Oswald applied for a loan of $800; 787 the Embassy replied that it was authorized to loan him only $500.788 It had in the meantime decided that his own affidavit of support for Marina would be sufficient under the cir stances.789 On March 15, he received notification from the Immigration and Naturalization Service that Marina's application for a visa had been approved.790 By March 28, he had received an affidavit of support in Marina's behalf from his mother's employer, Byron K. Phillips, 791 which he filed although it was no longer necessary to do so.792 A few days before, Marina, still on maternity leave, had quit her job. 793 Discussions with the Embassy to complete financial and travel arrangements continued in April and May.794 In a letter to Robert on April 12, Oswald wrote that only "the American side" was holding up their departure, but added that the winter being over, he didn't "really ... want to leave until the beginning of fall, since the spring and summer ... [in Russia] are so nice." 795

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On May 10, the Embassy wrote that everything was in order and suggested that Oswald come to the Embassy with his family to sign the final papers.796 At his request,797 he was discharged from the factory on about May 18.798 His work had apparently never been very good. Marina testified that he was rather lazy and resented having to take orders.799 This estimate is confirmed by a report of the plant director and personnel department chief, filed on December 11, 1961, which was apparently a routine assessment of his work. The report noted that he did not, "display the initiative for increasing his skill" in his job, that he was "over-sensitive ... to remarks from the foremen, and ... careless in his work"; Oswald took "no part in the social life of the shop" and kept "very much to himself." 800

Oswald picked up his Soviet, exit visa on May 22; 801 at about this time, he also had an interview with an official of the MVD to obtain final clearance for his departure. 802 He wrote to Robert that he and his family would leave for Moscow on the following day and depart for England 10 to 14 days later. He expected to cross the Atlantic by ship, probably docking in New Orleans. Returning to a point which he had made in an earlier letter to his mother, he commented that he knew from the newspaper clippings what Robert had said about him when he left for Russia; he thought that Robert had talked too much at that time, and asked that Robert say nothing to the newspapers now. 803

The Oswalds arrived in Moscow by May 24 804 and on that date filled out various do ents at the American Embassy; 805 Marina was given her American visa.806 Final arrangements for their emigration were made with Soviet officials. 807 On June 1, Oswald signed a promissory note at the Embassy for a repatriation loan of $435.71.808 He and his family boarded a train for Holland,809 which passed through Minsk that night.810 They crossed the Soviet frontier at Brest on June 2. Two days later, they departed from Holland on the SS Maasdam. 811 Onboard ship, the Oswalds stayed by themselves; Marina testified that she did not often go on deck because she was poorly dressed and Oswald was ashamed of her.812

Probably while he was on board the Maasdam Oswald wrote some notes on ship stationery, which appear to be a summary of what he thought he had learned by living under both the capitalist and Communist systems. The notes reflect his unhappy and deepening feeling of disillusionment with both the Soviet Union and the United States. Oswald observed that although reform groups may oppose the government in power, they always declare that they are for their people and their country, and he asked what "would happen if somebody was to stand up and say he was utterly opposed not, only to the governments, but to the people, too the entire land and complete foundations" of his society. He condemned existing political groups and proposed the formation of a third choice between communism and capitalism. neither of which was acceptable to him. "I have lived," he said, under both systems I have sought the answers and although it would

Page 713

be very easy to dupe myself into believing one system is better than the other, I know they are not." In these notes, he acknowledged that his "Red Cross" subsidy had been paid by the Soviet Government rather than the international organization, and said, "I shall never sell myself intentionlly, or unintentionlly to anyone again." (Commission Exhibit No. 25, p. 273.) It was probably also onboard ship that Oswald wrote two sets of answers to questions which he anticipated about his decision to go to Russia. and later to return to the United States. Although the sets of answers are somewhat similar, but the tone of one is apologetic, while the other suggests that Oswald went to Russia to study the Soviet system, but remained a loyal American and owed no apologies.814

The Maasdam landed at Hoboken, N.J., on June 13.815 The Oswalds were met by Spas T. Raikin, a representative of the Traveler's Aid Society, which had been contacted by the Department of State; Raikin had the impression that Oswald was trying to avoid meeting anyone. He told Raikin that he had only $63 and had no plans either for that night or for travel to Fort Worth, and accepted the society's help, according to Raikin, "with confidence and appreciation."816 They passed through the immigration office without incident,817 and Raikin helped them through customs.818

The society referred the Oswalds to the New York City Department of Welfare, which helped them find a room at the Times Square Hotel.819 Oswald told both Raikin and representatives of the welfare department that he had been a marine stationed at the American Embassy in Moscow, had married a Russian girl, renounced his citizenship, and worked in Minsk; he soon found out, he said, that the Russian propaganda was inaccurate but had not been able to obtain an exit visa for his wife and child for more than 2 years. He said also that he had paid the travel expenses himself.820

The welfare department called Robert Oswald's home in Fort Worth. His wife answered and said that they would help. She contacted her husband who sent $200 immediately.821 Oswald refused to accept the money and insisted that the department itself should pay the fare to Texas; he threatened that they would go as far as they could on $63 and rely on local authorities to get them the rest of the way. In the end he accepted the money.822 On the afternoon of June 14, the Oswalds left New York by plane for Fort Worth.823

Return to Top

FORT WORTH, DALLAS, NEW ORLEANS

Oswald had originally indicated that he and his family would stay with his mother in Vernon, Tex.824 His decision to stay with Robert Oswald in Fort Worth apparently had been prompted by his brother's invitation in a letter to him in Russia.825 Oswald listed only his brother as a relative on an "Intake Interview" form which he prepared for the New York Department of Welfare.826

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Robert took his wife and children to Love Field, the Dallas airport, to meet Lee and Marina and their baby, June Lee.827 He testified that the most noticeable change in his brother's appearance was that he had become rather bald; he seemed also to be somewhat thinner than he had been in 1959. Robert thought that his brother had picked up "something of an accent" but, except for these changes was "the same boy" whom he had known before.828 Lee commented on the absence of newspaper reporters and seemed to Robert to be disappointed that none had appeared.829 Later on, Lee was anxious to avoid publicity.830

Robert drove the Oswalds to his home at 7313 Davenport Street.831 For a few days, Lee seemed tense,832 but the brothers got along well,833 and to Robert it was "more or less ... [as if Lee] had not been to Russia"; they were "just together again." 834 They did not discuss politics, according to Robert because of a "tacit agreement" between them.835 Lee indicated to his brother that he hoped to have his undesirable discharge from the Marines corrected.836 Robert and his wife "took to Marina and June," and enjoyed showing Marina "things that she had never seen before." 837 Marina rested and took care of her baby, and when she could, helped in the household.838 She testified that, apart from a trip to the library, Lee spent about a week "merely talking." 839

On June 18, 4 days after he arrived in Fort Worth, Oswald went to the office of Mrs. Pauline Virginia Bates, a public stenographer whose name he had found in the telephone directory,840 and asked her to type a manuscript from the "scraps of paper," on which he had recorded his impressions of the Soviet Union.841 Intrigued by his tale that he had just returned from the Soviet Union and had smuggled his notes out of that country, she agreed to type the notes for $1 per page or $2 an hour, 50 cents less than her usual hourly rate.842 On that day and the succeeding 2 days, Mrs. Bates spent 8 hours typing for Oswald while he remained in her office helping her with the notes and translating portions of them which were in Russian.843 At the end of each session he collected his notes and as much of the manuscript as she had done and took them away with him.844 On June 20, he gave Mrs. Bates $10 for the 10 completed pages; he told her that he had no more money and refused to accept her offer to postpone pay-merit or continue the work for nothing.845

Oswald told Mrs. Bates that there was an engineer in Fort Worth who wanted to help him publish his notes.846 On June 19,847 he had called Peter Gregory, a petroleum engineer who was born in Siberia and taught Russian at the Fort Worth Public Library as a "civic enterprise." 848 He asked if Gregory could give him a letter testifying to his ability to read and speak Russian, so that he could obtain work as an interpreter or translator. Gregory suggested that Oswald come to his office, where Gregory opened a Russian book at random and asked Oswald to read from it. Oswald read well, and Gregory gave him the letter he wanted.849 Gregory and Oswald had lunch together and discussed Oswald's life in the Soviet Union,850 but, according to Gregory's testimony, nothing was said about publishing Oswald's

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manuscript.851 About a week later, Gregory and his son Paul, a college student, visited the Oswalds at Robert Oswald's home and arranged for Marina to give Paul lessons in Russian during the summer.852

On June 26, Oswald was interviewed by FBI agents in Fort Worth.853 One of the agents who interviewed him described him as tense and "drawn up"; he said that Oswald "exhibited an arrogant at ude ... and [was] inclined to be just a little insolent." 854 Oswald declined to say why he had gone to Russia, saying that he refused to "relive the past." 855 He said that he had not attempted to obtain Soviet citizenship, had not been approached by Soviet officials for information about his experiences in the Marines, and had not offered them such information. Marina's Soviet passport required her to notify the Soviet Embassy in Washington of her address in this country, and Oswald told the agents that he planned to contact the Embassy for this purpose within a few days.856 He promised to notify the FBI if he were contacted by Soviet agents "under su ious cir stances or otherwise."857 Oswald told his brother about the interview, saying that it had been "just fine." 858

Oswald and his family remained with Robert for about a month.859 While they were there his mother moved to Fort Worth from Crowell, Tex.,860 and sometime in July they moved into her apartment at 1501 West Seventh Street.861 Mrs. Oswald testified that she had visited them at Robert's house in June 862 and moved to Fort Worth because she thought that the house was too crowded and wanted to help them.863 Mrs. Oswald described the period when her son and his family lived with her as "a very happy month"; according to her testimony, she and her son and daughter-in-law got along well. She mentioned that she not only helped Marina keep house and care for the baby but also aided her son in his efforts to find employment.864 Marina testified, however, that Lee did not get along well with his mother and that he decided after several weeks that they should move to their own apartment.855 He did not file a change-of-address card at the post office when the family moved to West Seventh Street, as he did when they made their next move,866 so he may have contemplated from the beginning that they would stay with his mother for only a short while. Around the middle of August,867 the Oswalds moved to a one-bedroom furnished apartment at 2703 Mercedes Street, for which they paid $59.50 in advance for 1 month's rent.868

In the third week in July, Oswald had obtained a job as a sheet metal worker with the Louv-R-Pak Division of the Leslie Welding Co.,869 a manufacturer of louvers and ventilators,870 to which he had been referred by the Texas Employment Commission.871 On his application for employment, filled out several days before, he wrote falsely that he had experience as a sheet metal worker and machinist in the Marines and had been honorably discharged.872 He usually worked 8 or 9 hours a day, for which he was paid $1.25 an hour.873 Marina testified that Oswald did not like his work,874 but he was regarded as a good employee 875 and remained with the company until October,

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when he quit.876 On the job, he kept to himself and was considered uncommunicative.877

Mrs. Oswald visited her son and his family at their apartment and tried to help them get settled; she testified that she bought some clothes for Marina and a highchair for the baby but that Oswald told her that he did not want her to buy "things for his wife that he himself could not buy." 878 Finally, Oswald apparently decided that he did not want his mother to visit the apartment anymore and he became incensed when his wife permitted her to visit despite his instructions.879 After he moved to Dallas in October, Oswald did not see his mother or communicate with her in any way until she came to see him after the assassination.880 Witnesses have described the Mercedes Street apartment as "decrepit" and very poorly furnished; 881 there was no telephone service.882 Acquaintances observed that Marina and the baby were poorly clothed, that the Oswalds had little food, and that at first there was not a bed for the baby.883

On August 16, the FBI again interviewed Oswald. This interview took place in the back seat of a car in front of his home and covered substantially the same material as the previous interview. Oswald again denied having made any deal with representatives of the Soviet Union. He protested his undesirable discharge from the Marines, and stated that his wife was registered at the Soviet Embassy. He still refused to discuss why he had gone to the Soviet Union, but he was less hostile than he had been during the previous interview.884 According to his wife, however, he was very upset by the interest the FBI showed in him.885

The Oswalds became acquainted with a growing number of people of the Russian-speaking community in the Dallas-Fort Worth area, who were tied together socially by a common origin, language, and religion. The group was not restricted to people from Russia but was composed primarily of people from Eastern European countries.886 The Oswalds' initial contact with this group was through Peter Gregory. Marina gave conversational Russian lessons to Paul Gregory 2 days a week during August and early September, for which she was paid $35. Most of the lessons took place at the Mercedes Street apartment and Oswald was generally present.887 In addition, Paul Gregory occasionally took the Oswalds shopping; after they became friendly, he had a number of discussions with Oswald, some of them politically oriented.888

Sometime around August 25, Peter Gregory invited the Oswalds and several members of the Russian community to his house for dinner. One of the guests was George Bouhe, a Dallas accountant and a leader of the Russian community. He was very interested in meeting and conversing with Marina, because she had spent much of her life in Leningrad, which was his birthplace.889 Also present was Mrs. Anna Meller, the Russian- born wife of a Dallas department store employee.890 Near the end of August, the Oswalds met Declan Ford, a consulting geologist in the Dallas area, and his Russian-born wife at Mrs. Meller's home. The Oswalds were also introduced to Mrs.

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Elena Hall, who was born in Tehran, Iran, of Russian parentage. She worked in a dental laboratory and at this time was divorced from her former husband John Hall, whom she subsequently remarried. In order to obtain dental aid for Marina, George Bouhe had brought her to Mrs. Hall's house.891 In early September, the Oswalds met Alexander Kleinlerer, another member of the Russian group, who was then courting Mrs. Hall.892 Mrs. Max Clark was introduced to Marina during this period by George Bouhe and Anna Meller. Max Clark met the Oswalds at a later time.893 At about the same time, they were visited by George De Mohrenschildt, a petroleum engineer born in Russia.894 who had heard of them from one of the Russian-speaking group.895 Later on, the Oswalds met his wife, Jeanne, and his daughter and son-in-law, Gary and Alexandra Taylor.896

Most of the members of the Russian community were interested in the Oswalds not only because they needed help, but also because they could provide the latest information about what was happening in Russia.897 Some members of the group were at first apprehensive about them because the apparent ease with which they had left Russia seemed su ious.898 Nevertheless, many of the group provided small amounts of money, groceries, clothing, and furniture for the Oswalds; George Bouhe, Anna Meller, and Elena Hall were the primary contributors, although others provided help in the form of transportation and groceries.899 These acquaintances occasionally visited the Oswalds, and the Oswalds in turn visited some of them in Dallas.900

It was evident that Oswald did not appreciate the help of the Russian community.901 At least once he flew into a rage and shouted that he did not need any of the things that people were giving to him.902 Some felt that he resented the gifts because he could not give his wife what the others were providing;903 he apparently was critical of them also because he felt that they were overly concerned with improving themselves economically.904

Oswald became increasingly unpopular with his Russian-speaking acquaintances, partly because of his resentment of their assistance.905 Alexander Kleinlerer stated that none of them cared for Oswald "because of his political philosophy, his criticism of the United States, his apparent lack of interest in anyone but himself and because of his treatment of Marina."906 Some of them believed that Oswald was mentally disturbed.907 However, they felt sorry for Marina and the child and continued to help.908

On a weekend afternoon early in October, the Oswalds were visited by his mother and a number of people from the Russian community, including George Bouhe, Anna Meller, the Halls, the De Mohrenschildts, and the Taylors.909 Oswald had apparently decided to look for a new job, and discussed his lack of job prospects and the fact that his rent was overdue.910 He was advised to seek employment in the Dallas area.911 Elena Hall invited Marina to move into her house in Fort Worth until Oswald found a job in Dallas. She accepted the proposal, and Mrs. Hall moved Marina. her daughter June, and the

[monosylab1k]

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Oswalds' few household goods in a pickup truck belonging to the dental laboratory where she was employed.912

Oswald worked at the Leslie Welding Co. on Monday, October 8, but failed to appear on the following day. He was already in Dallas.913 He falsely told his wife that he had been discharged,914 and told George Bouhe that the job had been a temporary one.915 Sometime later, the company received an undated letter from him stating that he had "moved permanently to Dallas," and asking that the wages due him be forwarded to him at box 2915 in Dallas.916 He did not tell his mother that he was leaving Fort Worth.917

While they were in Fort Worth, the Oswalds were having marital problems.918 Several people noted that Marina had a blackened eye when they visited her at the Mercedes Street apartment.919 She told her mother-in-law and George Bouhe that her husband had struck her, but said to Anna Meller that she had walked into a door.920 It seems clear that Oswald had in fact hit her.921 People observed friction between the Oswalds on various occasions,922 although their disputes became more apparent later. Marina has written that this was a difficult period for them and that her husband was "very irritable" and sometimes some completely trivial thing would "drive him into a rage." 923

She testified that:

... immediately after coming to the United States Lee changed. I did not know him as such a man in Russia. ... He helped me as before, but he became a little more of a recluse ... He was very irritable, sometimes for a trifle ... 924
She has denied, however, that their separation was the result of quarrels between them.925

Marina spent the first few weeks after Oswald's departure at Elena Hall's house in Fort Worth, except for a brief stay at Gary Taylor's house in Dallas after one of her appointments at the Baylor Dental Clinic.926 While she was in Dallas, Mrs. De Mohrenschildt brought her to the clinic on October 8, October 10, and October 15; 927 George Bouhe had given Mrs. De Mohrenschildt the money to cover the expense of Marina's dental care.928

Even before Oswald went to Dallas, some of his acquaintances were helping him in his effort to find a job there.929 George De Mohrenschildt directed him to Samuel B. Ballen, a Dallas financial consultant, but no employment resulted.930 George Bouhe recommended that Oswald go to the Texas Employment Commission in Dallas; and Anna Meller had her husband ask Mrs. Helen Cunningham, a counselor in the clerical and sales division of the Dallas office of the employment commission, to help Oswald find a job.931 Oswald first came into the office of the employment commission on October 9. He was reluctant to accept industrial employment, and was placed in the clerical category and turned over to Mrs. Cunningham for counseling. He

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indicated that he had an interest in writing. The results of general ap ude tests which he had taken at the Fort Worth employment office had been transmitted to the Dallas office, and indicated that he had some ap ude in this direction and for clerical work. It was noted on his application form that he had "outstanding verbal-clerical potential." He demonstrated ability to perform many skilled and semi-skilled jobs, and there was some indication that he could do college work. Mrs. Cunningham gave him three special tests: for general clerical work, work as an insurance claims examiner, and drafting work. He scored high on all three. His application form indicated that he did not have a driver's license, and noted: "well-groomed and spoken, business suit, alert replies--expresses self extremely well." He told Mrs. Cunningham that he hoped to develop qualifications for responsible junior executive employment by a work-study program at a local college but that this must be delayed because of his immediate financial needs and responsibilities.932

Mrs. Cunningham concluded that although Oswald would be classified for clerical work, she should try to get him any available job, since he badly needed money. He was referred to an architect for an opening as a messenger but was not hired. On October 11, he was referred to Jaggars-Chiles-Stovall Co., a graphic arts company, in response to a call from John Graef, head of the photographic department of the company, who had told the employment commission that he needed a photoprint trainee. Oswald was enthusiastic about his prospects and apparently made a good impression; Graef picked him over several other applicants.933 On the following day he began working in his new position as a trainee making prints of advertising material. He worked a 40-hour week at approximately $1.35 per hour; his take-home pay varied from $49 to $74 a week.934 According to his wife, "he liked his work very much." 935

Oswald moved into the YMCA on October 15, and stayed there until October 19, paying $2.25 a night.936 He had used the Taylors' address and telephone number as a place where he could be reached,937 but on October 9 had also rented post office box 2915 under his own name at the main post office on Ervay Street.938 On October 10, he filed a change-of-address form indicating that mail for 2703 Mercedes Street should be forwarded to the box.939 Marina has written that Oswald wrote her letters and telephoned her during the separation.940

On October 16, Mrs Hall brought Marina and June to Dallas to have June baptized. Marina apparently did this surrep iously, because her husband opposed baptism; they did not contact him in Dallas, but left birthday gifts for him at the Taylors. Oswald did not appear very disturbed when he found out about the baptism.941

Two days later, Mrs. Hall had an automobile accident and went to the hospital, where she remained until October 26; Marina remained in the Hall house. Mrs. Max Clark and Alexander Kleinlerer, a friend of Mrs. Hall, checked up to make sure that she was getting

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along without too much trouble.942 After Oswald left the YMCA on October 19, he moved to a room or apartment somewhere in Dallas,943 which has not been located.944 It seems likely, however, that during that time he spent several weekends with Marina at the Hall house.945

Four days after Mrs. Hall returned from the hospital, she left for New York to visit friends. By the time she returned, Marina had moved to a three-room apartment at 604 Elsbeth Street in Dallas, which Oswald had rented on Saturday, November 3; 946 the landlady stated that he had looked at the apartment about a week before. The monthly rent was $68, in addition to which he had to pay several dollars a month for utilities. He paid the rent plus a $5 deposit on November 3,947 but probably spent that night with Marina at the Hall house. On Sunday the Taylors helped the Oswalds move their belongings to the Elsbeth Street apartment with a rented trailer.948 Oswald had asked Kleinlerer to help them move, and Kleinlerer also was present when they departed.949

Soon after the Oswalds were reunited, their marital difficulties started again. While they were moving to Elsbeth Street, Kleinlerer noticed that Oswald slapped his wife for not having the zipper on her dress completely closed.950 They argued over his refusal to allow her to smoke.951 There was a quarrel also when he told the landlady that Marina was from Czechoslovakia; he was angered when Marina, who disapproved of this deception, told the landlady the truth.952

Although several people tried to help Marina improve her scanty knowledge of English, Oswald discouraged this,953 perhaps because he wanted to keep up his Russian.954 Some witnesses testified that she commented about his sexual abilities.955 He apparently continued to beat her, and once she suggested to George De Mohrenschildt that she should "get away" from Oswald. When De Mohrenschildt criticized Oswald's conduct, Oswald replied, "It is my business."956 Marina testified that when they moved into the Elsbeth Street apartment, her husband became "nervous and irritable" and was very angry over "trifles." 957 She said that it was sometimes her fault that he beat her,958 for example when she wrote to an old boyfriend in Russia that she wished she had married him; the letter was returned for postage due, and Oswald read it.959

Because of this quarreling, a few of their acquaintances felt that Marina would be better off alone. George Bouhe offered to help her if she promised to leave Oswald permanently.960 Finally, in early November, Marina, helped by the De Mohrenschildts, moved into Anna Meller's house with the intention not to return to Oswald. He was apparently quite upset and did not want Marina to leave him.961

Oswald did not visit his wife at Anna Meller's house,962 and for a short time did not even know where she was.963 According to Marina, he called her after she moved and they met at De Mohrenschildt's house. He asked her to return home. She insisted that he stop quarreling and that he change his ways. He said that he could not change. Marina would not agree to return home with him and he left.964

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Marina was uncomfortable at the Meller house, where there was very little room. She moved to Katherine Ford's house 965 where she apparently stayed from November 11 to 17. She indicated that she had decided never to return to her husband; 966 it was Mrs. Ford's impression that Marina was going to stay at other people's houses until a permanent place could be found for her.967 When Mr. Ford returned from a business trip on November 17, Marina and June moved to the home of Mrs. Frank Ray, where they spent the day. Mrs. Ray, the wife of a Dallas advertising man, was also of Russian origin. Since Mrs. Ray had no baby bed, Marina returned to the Fords that evening. On the next day, however, Marina moved her belongings to the Rays' house. That same day, Oswald called and asked to visit his wife, whom he had called and written. Mr. Ray picked him up and took him to Marina.968

Marina testified that at this meeting Oswald professed his love for her. She stated: "I saw him cry ... [he] begged me to come back, asked my forgiveness, and promised that he would try to improve, if only I would come back." 969 On another occasion she said: "... he cried and you know a woman's heart--I went back to him. He said he didn't care to live if I did not return? 970 That same day she decided to return to him. Mr. Ray packed her belongings and took her back to the Elsbeth Street apartment.971

Members of the Russian community who had taken care of Marina so that she would not have to live with Oswald felt that their efforts had been in vain. George Bouhe was so irritated that he never again tried to help either of the Oswalds.972 Contacts between them and members of the Russian community diminished markedly.973 Oswald did not care for most of these people and made his feelings apparent.974 Even the De Mohrenschildts, whom he liked most, saw much less of them.975 Lydia Dymitruk, another Russian born woman in the Dallas-Fort Worth area, testified that she saw the Oswalds on only one occasion, and did not care to see them again. She drove Marina and June, who had a high fever, to the hospital; Oswald told the hospital that he was unemployed in order to avoid paying for June's treatment and later left Mrs. Dymitruk without thanking her.976 Mrs. Ford testified that Marina had told her that she contemplated suicide during this period because Oswald was treating her badly and she had no friends; she felt that she had "no way out." 977 Marina acknowledged to the Commission that she had such thoughts.978

In an effort to renew family ties, Robert Oswald wrote to Lee and John Pic on November 17, inviting them and their families to Thanksgiving dinner. Lee accepted the invitation. He and Marina traveled to Fort Worth by bus on Thanksgiving Day, and John Pic and Robert met them at the station.979 Pic had not seen his half-brother for 10 years. He observed, as many others have also attested, that Lee seemed to be a good father and to take an active interest in June.980 After dinner, Marina phoned Paul Gregory, who later drove the Oswalds to his house for sandwiches and then took them to the bus station for the return trip to Dallas.981 Thereafter, Robert spoke to his

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brother once by telephone and received a post card and a letter from him, but he eventually lost contact with Lee and did not see him again until after the assassination.982

Despite his disillusionment with Soviet life, Oswald kept up his interest in Russia. He wrote to the Soviet Embassy in Washington for information on how to subscribe to Russian periodicals and for "any periodicals or bulletins which you may put out for the benefit of your citizens living, for a time, in the U.S.A." 983 He subsequently subscribed to several Russian journals.984 In December 1962, the Soviet Embassy received a card in Russian, signed "Marina and Lee Oswald," which conveyed New Year's greetings and wishes for "health, success and all of the best" to the employees at the Embassy.985 The Oswalds continued to correspond with acquaintances in Russia.986

Soon after his return to this country, Oswald had started to correspond with the Communist Party, U.S.A., and the Socialist Workers Party. He subscribed to the Worker in August 1962.987 He wrote for additional literature from these organizations, and attempted to join the Socialist Workers Party, which, however, had no branch in Texas.988 He sent samples of his photographic work to the Socialist Workers Party, the Worker, and the Hall-Davis Defense Committee, and offered to aid them in printing and photographic work in connection with posters; these offers were not accepted.989

He continued to read a great deal on a variety of subjects.990 George Bouhe testified that Oswald's fare consisted of books by Marx, Lenin, "and similar things." 991 Marina said that he read books of a historical nature, including H. G. Wells' two volume "Outline of History," and biographies of Hitler, Kennedy, and Khrushchev.992

Despite the Oswalds' break with the Russian community, De Mohrenschildt, knowing that they would be alone during the Christmas season, asked the Fords whether he could bring the Oswalds to a party celebrating the Russian Christmas at the Fords' home; the Fords assented. The party was attended by many members of the Russian community.993 Oswald spoke at length with Yaeko Okui, a Japanese woman who had been brought to the party by Lev Aronson, first cellist of the Dallas Symphony Orchestra; 994 she told Federal investigators that she never saw Oswald again.995 The Oswalds were not invited to three other Russian Christmas season gatherings which occurred during the next few days.996

Marina visited the De Mohrenschildts several times after Christmas.997 They invited both Lee and Marina to a small dinner party in February 1963; also present were Everett Glover, a chemist employed in Dallas, and his roommate Volkmar Schmidt.998 On February 22, Glover had a gathering at his house, one of the purposes of which was to permit his friends, many of whom were studying Russian, to meet the Oswalds.999 They were the objects of much attention.1000 Marina conversed at length with another guest named Ruth Paine, who had recently separated from her husband, Michael Paine, a research engineer at the Bell Helicopter plant in Fort Worth. Mrs. Paine, who was studying Russian, obtained Marina's address 1001 and

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shortly thereafter wrote Marina asking to see her. Marina responded by inviting Mrs. Paine to visit her.1002

The Oswalds moved out of their Elsbeth Street apartment on March 3, 1963, to an upstairs apartment several blocks away at 214 West Neely Street. Oswald inquired about the apartment in response to a "For Rent" sign; the rent was $60 per month, not including utilities.1003 They moved without assistance, carrying their belongings in their hands and in a baby stroller.1004 Marina preferred the Neely Street apartment because it had a porch and was, she felt, more suitable for June.1005

Aware of Oswald's difficulties in obtaining employment, George Bouhe had advised him as early as October 1962 to attend a night school in Dallas.1006 On January 14, Oswald enrolled in a typing course in the night school of Crozier Technical High School, and started attending on January 28. The class ran from 6:15 to 7:15 p.m. on Mondays, Tuesday, and Thursdays. Although Oswald reviewed a typing textbook at home, he attended the course irregularly and stopped going altogether on about March 28.1007

Ruth Paine and Marina started to exchange visits in March. Mrs. Paine invited the Oswalds for dinner, and on April 20 she took them on a picnic. When Oswald was not present, the two women frequently discussed their respective marital problems, and Marina disclosed to Mrs. Paine that she was pregnant.1008 Marina wrote of these meetings:

One day we were invited to a friend's house, where I met Ruth Paine, who was studying Russian here in America and wanted to improve her conversational knowledge. We began to see each other. Ruth would come to see me with her children. This was very good for both me and for June. She was growing up alone and becoming terribly wild, so the company of other children was good for her. Sometimes we went out on picnics at a nearby lake. Lee loved to fish, and we would look and rejoice if he caught a little fish. Several times we went to visit Ruth who lived in Irving.1009
Using the name of A. J. Hidell, Oswald had ordered a Smith & Wesson .38 revolver from Los Angeles on a form which he dated January 27. On March 12, he ordered a rifle from Klein's Sporting Goods in Chicago under the name of A. Hidell.1010 Oswald used the name "Alek James Hidell" on identification cards which he probably produced at Jaggars-Chiles-Stovall. One of his fellow employees taught him various photographic techniques, which he could have used to prepare not only these cards, but also the samples of his work which he sent to various organizations.1011

Both weapons were shipped on March 20.1012 Oswald kept the rifle in a small storeroom at the Neely Street apartment. He spent long periods of time in the storeroom, which he told Marina she was not to enter.1013 He told her that he intended to use the rifle for hunt-

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ing 1014 and that he practiced with it. She saw him leave with it once, and clean it several times.1015 He also posed for two pictures, taken by Marina in the backyard of the Neely apartment, in which he held his rifle and copies of the Worker and the Militant and the revolver was strapped to his belt. He gave one of the pictures to his wife and asked her to keep it for June.1016

Over the weekend of March 9-10, Oswald photographed the alley which runs behind the home of Gen. Edwin Walker, and probably at about the same time he photographed the rear of Walker's home and a nearby railroad track and right-of-way.1017 He prepared and studied a notebook in which he outlined a plan to shoot General Walker, and he looked at bus schedules.1018 He went to the Walker residence on the evening of April 6 or 7, planning to make his attack. However, he changed his plans, hid his rifle nearby, and determined to act on the following Wednesday, April 10, when a nearby church was planning a meeting which, Oswald reasoned, would create a diversion that would help him escape.1019 On Wednesday, Oswald left a note for Marina telling her what to do if he were apprehended. He retrieved his rifle and fired at Walker, but the bullet narrowly missed Walker's head. Oswald secreted his rifle again and took the bus home.1020

When Oswald told Marina what he had done, she became angry and made him promise never to repeat such an act. She testified that she kept his letter, intending to give it to the authorities if he repeated his attempt. He told Marina that he was sorry he had missed Walker and said that the shooting of Walker would have been analogous to an assassination of Hitler.1021 Several days later, the De Mohrenschildts visited the Oswalds, bringing an Easter present for June. During the visit, Jeanne De Mohrenschildt saw the rifle and told her husband about it. Without any knowledge of the truth, De Mohrenschildt jokingly intimated that Oswald was the one who had shot at Walker. Oswald apparently concluded that Marina had told De Mohrenschildt of his role in the attempt and was visibly shaken.1022

On April 6, Oswald was dropped by Jaggars-Chiles-Stovall because, in his supervisor's opinion, he could not do the work, although he was trying; in addition, he did not get along with his fellow employees.1023 The fact that he brought a Russian newspaper to work may also have been of some significance.1024 Marina testified that her husband, who had always worried about his job security at Jaggars-Chiles-Stovall,1025 was quite upset by the loss of his job since he had liked the work.1026

Oswald again resorted to the Texas Employment Commission.1027 On April 8, he informed the Commission that he was seeking employment but was referred to no employers. He stated that he had been laid off at Jaggars-Chiles-Stovall due to lack of work." 1028 On April 12, he made a claim for unemployment benefits; 4 days later the commission mailed him a determination disapproving his claim because of insufficient wage credits.1029

For a while after the Oswalds moved into the Neely Street apartment they got along well,1030 but they soon began to quarrel.1031

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Oswald was apparently still preventing Marina from learning English,1032 and there is some indication that he continued to beat her.1033 Since February, he had been urging her to return to Russia.1034 Marina wrote several letters to the Russian Embassy requesting a visa to return to Russia.; 1035 she testified, however, that Oswald forced her to write them, and that she never wanted to return to Russia.1036

When Ruth Paine visited the Oswalds at their apartment on April 24, she was surprised to learn that Oswald was packed and ready to leave for New Orleans by bus. He explained that he had been unable to find employment in or around Dallas, and that Marina had suggested that he go to New Orleans since he had been born there.1037 Marina has testified that the real reason behind her suggestion was that she wanted to get him out of town because of the Walker incident.1038 Mrs. Paine offered to drive Marina to New Orleans at a later date, and also to have Marina and June stay with her rather than at the apartment in the meantime. Oswald helped the women pack Mrs. Paine's car, and the two women moved everything from the Neely Street apartment to the Paine house in Irving.1039

When he arrived at the bus station in New Orleans, Oswald telephoned his aunt, Lillian Murret, to ask if he could stay at her home at 757 French Street while he looked for employment. She had been unaware that he had returned from Russia or that he was married and had a child and was surprised to hear from him. She said that she did not have room to accommodate three guests, but that since he was alone he was welcome.1040

Oswald had been born in New Orleans, and on his return showed great interest in finding out what had happened to the other members of his father's family. He visited the cemetery where his father was buried and called all the Oswalds in the telephone book. By this method he located one relative, Mrs. Hazel Oswald of Metairie, La., the widow of William Stout Oswald, his father's brother. He visited her at her home; she gave him a picture of his father and told him that as far as she knew the rest of the family was dead.1041

On April 26, Oswald began his search for employment. He went to the employment office of the Louisiana Department of Labor and stated that he was qualified as a commercial photographer, shipping clerk, or "darkroom man." The interviewer noted on Oswald's application card: "Will travel on limited basis. Will relocate. Min. $1.25 hr. Neat. Suit. Tie. Polite." 1042 Although the employment commission made a few referrals, Oswald relied primarily upon newspaper advertisements, and applied for a number of positions.1043 Mrs. Murret testified that he would spend the day job hunting, return to her home for supper, watch television, and go to bed.1044

On April 29, he filed a request for reconsideration of the employment commission's disapproval of his unemployment compensation claim. His complaint that he had not been credited for his employment at Jaggars-Chiles-Stovall was ruled valid on May 8, and he was granted maximum benefits of $369, payable at the rate of $33 per week. He filed interstate claims on May 7 and 15, and received

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$33 in response to the latter; the former claim was filed before the expiration of the prescribed wailing period.1045 Not only had Oswald in fact been working since May 10, but he included on his claim sheet, as concerns with which he had sought work, fic ious employers and employers whom he apparently had not contacted.1046

Oswald wrote to Marina: "All is well. I am living with Aunt Lillian. She has very kindly taken us in. I am now looking for work. When I find it I will write you." 1047 And on May 3, he wrote to Marina and Ruth Paine: "Girls, I still have not found work, but I receive money from the unemployment office in the amount 15 to 20 dollars. They were mistaken in the Dallas office when they refused, but I straightened everything out. Uncle 'Dyuz' offered me a loan of $200.00 if needed. Great, eh?!" 1018

On May 9, responding to a newspaper advertisement, Oswald completed an application for employment with William B. Reily Co., Inc., at 640 Magazine Street, an enterprise engaged in the roasting, grinding, canning, bagging, and sale of coffee. On his application form, Oswald listed as references in addition to John Murret, "Sgt. Robert Hidell" and "Lieut. J. Evans," both apparently fic ious names.1049 His application was approved and he began work on May 10, at the rate of $1.50 per hour. His task was the lubrication of the company's machinery.1050 Oswald did not enjoy this work,1051 and told his wife and Mrs. Paine that he was working in commercial photography.1052

Also on May 9, Oswald obtained an apartment at 4905 Magazine Street with the help of Myrtle Evans, who had known him when he was a child. The rent was $65 a month. Oswald moved in on May 10,1053 after telephoning Marina on the ninth and asking her to come to New Orleans. Ruth Paine testified that the invitation elated Marina: "Papa nas lubet"--"Daddy loves us," she repeated again and again. Mrs. Paine drove Marina and June to New Orleans; they left Dallas on May 10, spent the night in Shreveport, and arrived on the 11th. Mrs. Paine stayed with the Oswalds for 8 days; the three of them, with June and Mrs. Paine's children, toured the French Quarter. On May 14, Mrs. Paine left New Orleans to return to her home.1054

The Murrets and the Oswalds exchanged visits from time to time; Marina testified that the Murrets were very good to them.1055 Mrs. Murret's daughter, Marilyn, took the Oswalds on an outing.1056 But, according to Marina's testimony, aside from Ruth Paine and Ruth Kloepfer and her daughters, the Murrets were the only social visitors the Oswalds had.1057 Ruth Kloepfer was a clerk of the Quaker Meeting in New Orleans whom Ruth Paine had written in the hope that she might know some Russian-speaking people who could visit Marina. Mrs. Kloepfer herself visited the Oswalds but made no attempt to direct any Russian-speaking people to them.1058

On July 19, Oswald was dismissed by Reily because of inefficiency and inattention to his work. He had spent many of his working hours next door at the Crescent City Garage, where he read gun magazines and discussed guns with one of the owners, Adrian Alba.1059 On the

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following Monday, July 22, Oswald again visited the Louisiana employment office to seek new employment and file a claim for unemployment compensation. Thereafter, he collected unemployment compensation weekly and, although apparently making some effort to obtain another job, again listed a number of fic ious job applications on his unemployment compensation claim forms.1060 He soon gave up his search for employment, and began to spend his days at home reading.1061 He received another setback on July 25, when he was notified that in response to the request for review which he had made in 1962, his undesirable discharge from the Marine Corps had been affirmed.1062

During this period, Oswald began to evidence thoughts of returning to the Soviet Union or going to Cuba. On June 24 he applied for a new passport, which he received on the following day.1063 Apparently at Oswald's request,1064 Marina wrote to the Russian Embassy, expressing a desire to return to Russia and indicating that she would be accompanied by her husband. She explained that she wanted to return because of family problems, including the impending birth of her second child.1065 Accompanying her letter was a letter written by Oswald dated July 1, in which he asked the Embassy to rush an entrance visa for his wife and requested that his visa be considered separately.1066 Marina believed that Oswald was really planning to go only to Cuba.1067 She testified that "his basic desire was to get to Cuba by any means, and that all the rest of it was window dressing for that purpose." 1068

During the early days of the New Orleans period, the Oswalds' marriage was more harmonious than it had been previously. Marina wrote:

... our family life in New Orleans was more peaceful. Lee took great satisfaction in showing me the city where he was born. We often went to the beach, the zoo, and the park. Lee liked to go and hunt crabs. It is true, that he was not very pleased with his job ... We did not have very much money, and the birth of a new child involved new expenses ... As before, Lee spent a great deal of time reading.1069
Marina testified, however, that after they had been in New Orleans for a while, Oswald became depressed and that she once found him alone in the dark crying.1070 She wrote to Ruth Paine that his "love" had ceased soon after Mrs. Paine had left New Orleans.1071 Mrs. Paine testified, however, that she had noticed friction between the Oswalds before she left.1072 On July 11, Mrs. Paine wrote Marina that if Oswald did not wish to live with her any more and preferred that she return to the Soviet Union, she could live at the Paines' house. Although Mrs. Paine had long entertained this idea, this was the first time she explicitly made the invitation. She renewed the invitation on July 12, and again on July 14; she attempted to overcome any feeling which Marina might have that she would be a burden by stating that

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Marina could help with the housework and help her learn Russian, and that she would also provide a tax advantage.1073

Marina replied that she had previously raised the subject of a separation and that it had led to arguments. She stated that she was happy and that for a considerable period of time Oswald had been good to her. She attributed this improved at ude to the fact that he was anticipating their second child. Marina turned down Mrs. Paine's invitation but said that she would take advantage of it if things became worse.1074 Mrs. Paine replied that she was taking a trip north to visit her parents and would visit Marina in New Orleans about September 18. She also suggested that Marina come to her house for the birth of the baby.1075

On July 6, Eugene Murret, a cousin of Oswald who was studying to be a Jesuit Priest in Mobile, Ala., wrote and asked if Oswald could come to Mobile and speak at the Jesuit House of Studies about "contemporary Russia and the practice of Communism there." Oswald accepted, and on July 27 he and his family, joined by some of the Murrets, traveled to Mobile; Charles Murret paid the expenses. Oswald spoke concerning his observations in Russia and conducted a question and answer period; he impressed his listeners as articulate. He indicated that he had become disillusioned during his stay in Russia, and that in his opinion the best political system would be one which combined the best points of capitalism and communism.1076 While he left his listeners with the impression that he was an atheist, he avoided a direct discussion of religion. The group returned to New Orleans on July 28.1077

In late May and early June, Oswald had apparently begun to formulate plans for creating a New Orleans branch of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee. Using the name "Lee Osborne" he ordered a number of printed circulars demanding "Hands off Cuba" in large letters, and application forms and membership cards for the proposed chapter.1078 On August 5, he visited a store managed by Carlos Bringuier, a Cuban refugee and avid opponent of Castro and the New Orleans delegate of the Cuban student directorate. Oswald indicated an interest in joining the struggle against Castro. He told Bringuier that he had been a marine and was trained in guerrilla warfare, and that he was willing not only to train Cubans to fight Castro but also to join the fight himself. The next day Oswald returned to the store and left his "Guidebook for Marines" for Bringuier.1079

On August 9, Bringuier saw Oswald passing out Fair Play for Cuba leaflets. Bringuier and his companions became angry and a dispute resulted. Oswald and the three Cuban exiles were arrested for disturbing the peace.1080 Oswald spent the night in jail and was interviewed the next day by a lieutenant of the New Orleans Police Department. At Oswald's request, an FBI agent also interviewed him. Oswald maintained that he was a member of the New Orleans branch of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee which, he claimed, had 35 members. He stated also that he had been in touch with the president of that organization, A. J. Hidell.1081 Oswald was in fact the

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only member of the "New Orleans branch," which had never been chartered by the National Fair Play for Cuba Committee.1082 Later that day Oswald was released on bail, and 2 days later he pleaded guilty to the charges against him and paid a $10 fine. The charges against the Cuban exiles were dismissed.1083 Marina testified that the arrest upset Lee and that he "became less active, he cooled off a little" after it.1084

On August 16, Oswald, assisted by at least one other person who was a hired helper, again passed out Fair Play for Cuba literature, this time in front of the International Trade Mart. That night, television newscasts ran pictures of Oswald's activities.1085 (This hindered Oswald's subsequent attempts to obtain employment in New Orleans.) 1086 Bringuier sent one of his friends to Oswald's home to pose as a Castro sympathizer and attempt to obtain information about Oswald, but Oswald apparently saw through the ruse.1087

William Stuckey, a radio broadcaster with a program called "Latin Listening Post," had long been looking for a member of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee to appear on his program. He learned about Oswald from Bringuier, and visited Oswald on August 17. Later that day, Stuckey recorded an interview with Oswald which was cut to about 5 minutes and played back on the show that evening.1088 Two days later, Stuckey asked the news director of the station if he could run the entire tape, but the director felt that a debate with a local opponent of Castro would be of greater public interest. Consequently, Stuckey arranged for a debate between Oswald and Bringuier on a 25-minute daily public affairs program called "Conversation Carte Blanche," which took place on August 21.1089 Oswald defended the Castro regime and discussed Marxism. He was put on the defensive when his defection to Russia was brought up,1090 and Stuckey later testified that he thought that the program had finished the Fair Play for Cuba Committee in New Orleans.1091 However, Stuckey also testified that Oswald seemed to be a clean-cut and intelligent person who conducted himself very well during the interviews and debates.1092

Oswald wrote several times to V. T. Lee, then national director of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee, telling him, sometimes in exaggerated terms, of his activities.1093 He wrote also to the Communist Party and asked whether, in view of his prior defection, he should "continue to fight, handicapped as it were, by ... [his] past record, [and] compete with anti-progressive forces, above-ground or ... should always remain in the background, i.e., underground." 1095 The Party replied that "often it is advisable for some people to remain in the background, not underground." 1095 And although Oswald wrote four letters to V. T. Lee during the summer,1096 there is no evidence that Oswald heard from him after May 29.

Ruth Paine arrived in New Orleans on September 20, and spent three nights with the Oswalds. During this stay, Mrs. Paine found relations between them much improved. Nonetheless, it was decided that Marina would go back with her to Irving for the birth of the

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baby. Marina and Mrs. Paine toured Bourbon Street while Oswald stayed home and did some packing for Marina's return to Texas.1097 On Sunday, September 22, Oswald and Mrs. Paine finished loading the station wagon with the Oswalds' household belongings.1098

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MEXICO CITY

Marina Oswald testified that sometime in August her husband first told her of his plan to go to Mexico and from there to Cuba, where he planned to stay; he had given up a plan to hijack an airplane and fly directly to Cuba, which plan Marina consistently opposed.1099 On September 17, he obtained from the Mexican consulate general in New Orleans a "Tourist Card," FM-8 No. 24085, good for one journey into Mexico for no longer than 15 days. Typed in the blank, "Appelidos y nombre" was "Lee, Harvey Oswald," "Fotogrofo"; the intended destination was shown as Mexico City.1100 (The comma between "Lee" and "Harvey" seems to have been an error.)1101 On the application Oswald stated that he was employed at "640 Rampart"; he was in fact unemployed.1102 (See Commission Exhibits Nos. 2478, 2481, p. 300.)

Marina and June departed with Mrs. Ruth Paine for Irving on the morning of September 23.1103 Before she left, Oswald told Marina that she should not tell anyone about his impending trip to Mexico.1104 Marina kept this secret until after the assassination.1105 On the previous day, Oswald's landlord had seen Mrs. Paine's car being packed and had asked Oswald whose rent was about 15 days overdue, whether he was leaving. Oswald told him that Marina was leaving temporarily but that he would remain.1106 A neighbor testified that on the evening of September 24, he saw Oswald, carrying two pieces of luggage, hurriedly leave the Magazine Street apartment and board a bus.1107 Though uncertain of the exact date, a city busdriver recalls that at the same time of day and at the same location he picked up a man who was carrying two suitcases of different sizes and helped him place them so that they would not disturb the other passengers. The driver remembers that the man asked directions to the Greyhound bus station. He discharged the passenger at an intersection where he could board a Canal Street car and transfer to another bus which would go past the Greyhound and Continental Trailways stations.1108 The landlord found Oswald's apartment vacant on September 25.1109

Oswald appears to have taken with him a Spanish-English dictionary; 1110 his address book; 1111 his 1963 passport and old passport; 1112 his correspondence with the Communist Party and with the Soviet Embassy in Washington, some of which was in Russian; 1113 proof of his marriage; 1114 newspaper clippings concerning his arrest and his interest in the activities of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee 1115 (activities which, Marina testified, he had undertaken because he thought that they would help him when he got to Cuba); 1116 evidence that he

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was the "Director" of the New Orleans chapter of the Committee; 1117 and various other cards, such as a work card, which he had obtained in Russia.1118 He took also several sheets of notepaper on which he had written a summary of important events in his life which he presumably intended to call to the attention of Cuban and Soviet officials in Mexico City to convince them to let him enter Cuba. On these sheets he had recorded facts about his Marine service, including the dates of his enlistment and discharge, the places where he had served, and the diplomas that he had received from military school. Recorded also were notes on his stay in the Soviet Union, his early interest in Communist literature, his ability to speak Russian, his organization of the New Orleans chapter of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee, his contact with police authorities in connection with his work for the Committee, and his experience in "street agitation," as a "radio speaker and lecturer," and as a photographer.1119 The two pieces of luggage which Oswald took with him were a small, blue, zipper bag 1120 and a large, olive-colored bag,1121 both made of cloth. He carried the smaller bag with him throughout the trip, but, at least from Nuevo Laredo to Mexico City, checked the larger one through to his destination.1122

Oswald remained in New Orleans until September 25. His precise whereabouts on the night of September 24 are uncertain, but in view of his limited finances, he probably returned to the apartment to sleep after checking his luggage at a bus station or spent the night at an inexpensive hotel or roominghouse. Some time after 5 a. m. on September 25, he collected a Texas unemployment compensation check for $33 at his New Orleans post office box. He cashed the check between 8 a.m. and noon at a store about six blocks from his apartment on Magazine Street.1123 This gave him about $200 for the trip to Mexico.1124

He left New Orleans by bus,1125 probably on Continental Trailways Bus No. 5121, departing New Orleans at 12:20 p.m. on September 25, and scheduled to arrive in Houston at 10:50 p.m.; that bus is the only one on which Oswald could have left New Orleans after noon on September 25 1126 and arrived in Houston before midnight.1127 Sometime in the evening he called the home of Horace Elroy Twiford, a member of the Socialist Labor Party who had received Oswald's name from the party's headquarters in New York and sent him a copy of its official publication, the "Weekly People." 1128 Mrs. Twiford, who answered the telephone,1129 believes that the call was made locally, before 10 p.m. It may have been made from Beaumont or some other stop on the route; however, in view of the bus schedule, it probably was made in Houston later than Mrs. Twiford remembered.1130 Oswald told Mrs. Twiford that he was a member of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee and that he hoped to see her husband for a few hours that evening before he flew to Mexico. He wanted also to find out how Twiford had obtained his name and address. Mrs. Twiford told Oswald that her husband, a merchant seaman, was at sea but would be happy to see him at some other time; she offered to take a message.

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Oswald said that he could not await her husband's return because he was flying to Mexico.1131 The Twifords have stated that they had no other contact with Oswald.1132

An employee of the U.S. Selective Service System has stated that an individual calling himself "Harvey Oswald" appeared at her office in Austin, Tex., immediately after lunch on September 25, and discussed with her the possibility of rectifying his undesirable discharge from the Marine Corps.1133 Despite the employee's reputability and apparent sincerity, all of the information which she furnished with respect to Oswald's appearance and conversation could have been derived from news media, consciously or unconsciously, by the time she told the FBI her story. Other persons in Austin who, according to the employee's testimony, should also have observed Oswald failed to corroborate her testimony.1134 No other evidence tending to show that Oswald was in Austin at this time has been discovered.

The telephone call which Oswald made to the Twifords on the evening of September 25, indicates that he was either in Houston or on his way there when he made it, since the purpose of the call was to make an appointment to see Twiford in Houston that evening. Oswald could not have left New Orleans on September 25, been in Austin 521 miles away by early afternoon, and returned 162 miles to Houston by night unless he traveled by air; airline records contain no indication that Oswald was on such flights.1135 It is very unlikely that he had with him enough money beyond what he needed for the trip to Mexico City to take such flights, and the poor state of his finances at this time plus his well-established frugality make it extremely unlikely that he would have considered it worthwhile to do so even if he could. There is no evidence that Oswald was in such a hurry to reach Mexico that he would have felt it necessary to travel by airplane rather than a less expensive means of travel. He took a bus from Houston to Mexico City, lived very inexpensively there, and took a bus back to Dallas; there is no apparent reason why he would have interrupted such an inexpensive trip to fly to Austin and then to Houston. He told a passenger whom he met on the next leg of his trip that he had come from New Orleans, and made no reference to Austin.1136

On September 26, Oswald boarded Continental Trailways bus No. 5133 in Houston and departed at 2:35 a.m. for Laredo, Tex., via Corpus Christi and Alice.1137 Two British tourists, Dr. and Mrs. John B. McFarland, who boarded No. 5133 in Houston, noticed Oswald when they awoke at about 6 a.m. Oswald told them that he was going to Cuba via Mexico City, and they inferred from conversation with him that he had left New Orleans early in the afternoon of September 25 and that he was going to Cuba via Mexico City. He said also that he was secretary of the New Orleans branch of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee and that he hoped to see Fidel Castro in Cuba. The bus was scheduled to arrive in Laredo at approximately 1:20 p.m.1138

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Oswald crossed the border from Laredo to Nuevo Laredo, Mexico, between 1:30 and 2 p.m.1139 From Nuevo Laredo, he traveled to Mexico City aboard bus No. 516 of the Flecha Roja Bus Line, which departed at 2:15 p.m. and was scheduled to arrive in Mexico City at 9:45 a.m. on the following day; he held baggage claim check No. 320435.1140 He was seen on the bus by the McFarlands and by two Australian girls who boarded the bus on the evening of September 26 at Monterrey.1141 He occupied the seat next to an elderly Englishman, who told the girls that the young man sitting next to him apparently had been to Mexico before.1142 The man next to Oswald was probably Albert Osborne, a native of the British Isles who has worked as an itinerant preacher in the Southern United States and Mexico for many years. Osborne denied that he sat beside Oswald; but in view of his inconsistent and untrue responses to Federal investigators concerning matters not directly related to Oswald, the Commission believes that his denial cannot be credited. It appeared to the other passengers on the bus that Osborne and Oswald had not previously met; extensive investigation has revealed no other contact between them.1143

In the course of the 20-hour bus trip, Oswald initiated two conversations with the Australian girls, during which he mentioned his visit to Russia and recommended the Hotel Cuba in Mexico City as a clean and cheap" hotel; he told them, apparently falsely, that he had stayed there on previous occasions. He said that when he had seen them board the bus with their heavy suitcases, he had been under the impression that they were Mexican and had therefore asked the man next to him how to say "How can I help you?" in Spanish. From this they inferred that Oswald did not speak Spanish, an impression which is shared by every witness who met Oswald on his trip and is supported by notations which he made on do ents that he carried.1144 He got off the bus at every stop and ate large meals, always eating by himself; the girls thought he ate so much because he could not make himself understood in Spanish and had to order by pointing at the menu.1145 The bus arrived in Mexico City 15 minutes late, at 10 a.m.1146 Oswald left the bus station by himself and had no known further contact with any of the people with whom he had spoken on the bus.1147

Oswald registered at the Hotel del Comercio within an hour of his arrival in Mexico City. He stayed there throughout his visit.1148 The hotel, located not far from the commercial heart of the city and within four blocks of the bus station, is one of a group of hotels located near the intercity bus terminals and has perhaps the best appearance of the group.1149 It is known by personnel in other hotels that the owner of the Hotel del Comercio can understand and speak a little English.1150 Oswald registered as "Lee, Harvey Oswald," and gave his occupation as "photo." 1151 He had room 18 which cost $1.28 per day.1152

After he had registered, Oswald turned promptly to the task of obtaining permission to enter Cuba. Mexican officials would not permit a U.S. citizen without a Cuban visa to board a plane for Cuba

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even if he had an American passport, but would permit passage if he had a visa even though the passport proscribed travel to Cuba.1153 Oswald had a 1963 American passport (stamped invalid for travel to Cuba)1154 but had neither a regular Cuban visa nor an intransit visa which would permit a short stay in Cuba on his way to Russia or some other country. His address book contained the telephone number and address of a Cuban airline, but there is evidence that he never visited its office.1155

He visited the Cuban Embassy on Friday, September 27 and spoke with Senora Silvia Tirado de Duran, a Mexican citizen employed there. Senora Duran later made a signed statement to the Mexican police that Oswald:

... applied for a visa to Cuba in transit to Russia and based his application on his presentation of his passport in which it was recorded that, he had been living in the latter country for a period of three years, his work permit from that same country written in the Russian language and letters in the same language, as well as proof of his being married to a woman of Russian nationality and being the apparent Director in the city of New Orleans of the organization called "Fair Play for Cuba" with the desire that he should be accepted as a "friend" of the Cuban Revolution ... 1156
He apparently also stated that he was a member of the Communist Party and displayed do ents which he claimed to be evidence of his membership.1157 He said that he intended to go to Cuba on September 30 and to remain there for 2 weeks, or longer if possible, and then go on to Russia.1158 Senora Duran took down the relevant date and filled out the appropriate application. Oswald left the Embassy but was to return in the afternoon.1159

Then, or possibly even before his initial visit to the Cuban Embassy Oswald went to the Soviet Embassy where he spoke with either Pavel Antonovich Yatskov or Valeriy Vladimirovich Kostikov.1160 They are both consular officials serving also as agents of the KGB.1161 Oswald later said that he had dealt with "Kostin," 1162 undoubtedly a reference to Kostikov. He was unable to obtain a Soviet visa then. Marina said that the officials at the Soviet Embassy "refused to have anything to do with him." 1163

Oswald returned to the Cuban Embassy later that afternoon, this time bringing with him passport photographs which he may have obtained in the United States.1164 Senora Duran telephoned the Soviet Embassy to inquire about the status of Oswald's Russian visa and was told that there would be a delay of about 4 months.1165 Oswald became "highly agitated and angry," particularly when he learned that he could not obtain an intransit visa to Cuba before he acquired a Russian visa. Senora Duran called the Cuban consul, then Eusibio Azque, to speak to him. The discussion between Oswald and Azque developed into a heated argument, which ended when Azque told Oswald that in

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his opinion people like Oswald were harming the Cuban Revolution and that so far as Azque was concerned, he would not give Oswald a visa.1166 Senora Duran wrote her name and the phone number of the Embassy on a piece of paper which she gave to Oswald in case he wished to contact her again. He copied this information into his address book.1167 Senora Duran forwarded the Cuban visa application to Havana ;1168 the Cuban Ministry of Foreign Affairs replied on October 15 that the visa could be issued only after Oswald had obtained a Russian visa.1169 (See Commission Exhibit, No. 2564, p. 303.)

Oswald contacted the Russian and Cuba Embassies again during his stay in Mexico.1170 He had no greater success than he had before. Marina testified that when he returned to Texas, he was convinced that his trip had been a failure and disappointed at having been unable to go to Cuba.1171 A month later, in a painstakingly composed 1172 letter to the Soviet Embassy in Washington, Oswald ascribed his failure to "a gross breach of regulations" on the part of the Cuban Embassy. "Of corse," he wrote, "the Soviet Embassy was not at fault, they were, as I say unprepared."

The hotel maid said that Oswald generally was gone by the time she arrived at 9 a.m. The night watchman said he usually returned at about midnight,1174 which is not unusual, in view of the late hour at which Mexico City's evening activities begin. He ate several lunches at a small restaurant immediately adjacent to the hotel, coming to the restaurant shortly after 2 p.m., and ordering food by pointing to the menu, apparently with some consideration of cost; he spent between 40 and 48 cents for each meal. He ate the soup of the day, rice, and either meat or eggs, but refused dessert and coffee; the waitress concluded that Oswald did not realize that the items which he refused were included in the price of the lunch.1175 He was seen with no other person either at his hotel or at the restaurant.1176 A hotel guest stated that on one occasion he sat down at a table with Oswald because there was no empty table in the restaurant, but that neither spoke to the other because of the language barrier.1177

Although the Soviet and Cuban Embassies are within two blocks of each other, they are some distance from Oswald's hotel.1178 He must, therefore, have traversed a substantial portion of the city on more than one occasion. Marina testified that he told her that he had seen a bullfight,1179 which would normally have been on Sunday afternoon, and that he had visited museums 1180 and done some sightseeing.1181 He apparently also saw one or more motion pictures, either American with Spanish sub les or Mexican with English sub les.1182 From notations in his Spanish-English dictionary and on his guide map of Mexico City, it appears that Oswald intended to attend a jai alai game 1183 but he almost certainly did not do so.1184

He purchased several postcards depicting bullfights and tourist attractions, which he brought back to Marina.1185 She had told him be-

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fore he left that she would like Mexican silver bracelets as a souvenir, and he brought her a silver bracelet inscribed with her name.1186 Marina suspected, almost certainly correctly, that the bracelet, of Japanese origin, did not come from Mexico.1187 No such jewelry is known to be sold in or around Mexico City, because of a high duty 1188 but the bracelet is of a type commonly sold in 5-and-10-cent stores in Dallas.1189 Oswald did not buy the Mexican phonograph records which Marina had requested, despite the notation, "records," which he had placed in his dictionary.1190

On Monday, September 30, Oswald began to prepare for his return to the United States. He appeared at the Agencia de Viages, Transportes Chihuahuenses,1191 and purchased international exchange orders costing $20.30 for travel on a Transportes del Norte bus from Mexico City to Laredo and by Greyhound bus directly from Laredo to Dallas. The travel agency made a reservation for him on Transportes del Notre bus No. 332, departing Mexico City at 8:30 a.m. on October 2. The seat, No. 12, was reserved in the name of the travel agency, which recorded the reservation in the name of "H. O. Lee." 1192 The employee who made the reservation testified that he probably wrote the name that way because he was copying from Oswald's tourist card, which read "Lee, Harvey Oswald." 1193 (The manifest for Transportes Frontera bus No. 340, leaving Mexico City for Monterrey and Nuevo Laredo at 1 p.m. on Wednesday, October 2, 1963, contains the name "Oswld" [sic], which apparently was added to the manifest after the trip; 1194 in any event, Oswald did not take bus 340.) 1195

On October 1, Oswald paid his hotel bill through that night.1196 The hotel night watchman remembers helping Oswald obtain a taxicab at about 6:30 or 7 on the following morning.1197 Transportes del Norte bus No. 332 left as scheduled at about 8:30 a.m.; at Monterrey the passengers were shifted to a relief bus, No. 373, scheduled to depart for Laredo at 10 p.m. that evening.1193 Fellow passengers recall that Oswald was pulled off the bus by Mexican officials at the border, because of some alleged irregularity in his Mexican tourist papers; one passenger overheard him mumbling complaints about the Mexican immigration officials when he returned to the bus.1199 They remember also that Oswald was hurriedly "gulping" down a banana after the bus reached customs, perhaps because he believed that he could not take fruit into the United States.1200 (Marina has testified that her husband liked bananas and frequently ate them.)1201 One of the passengers testified that Oswald annoyed him by keeping his overhead light on to read after 10 p.m.1202 He may have conversed with an elderly woman on the bus, but he was not traveling with her.1203

At about 1:35 a.m. on October 3, Oswald crossed the International Bridge from Nuevo Laredo into Texas.1204 He traveled from Laredo to Dallas via San Antonio, on Greyhound bus No. 1265, substantially following Interstate Route 35 for the entire trip 1205 leaving Laredo at 3 a.m. and arriving in Dallas at about 2:20 p.m. on the same day.1206

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DALLAS
Oswald did not contact his wife immediately when he returned to Dallas. He went to the office of the employment commission, where he filed an unemployment compensation claim 1207 and announced that he was again looking for work.1208 He spent the night at the YMCA, where he registered as a serviceman in order to avoid paying the membership fee.1209 On the following day, he applied for a job as a typesetter trainee at the Padgett Printing Co. He made a favorable impression on the department foreman, but the plant superintendent called Jaggars-Chiles-Stovall and decided not to hire Oswald because of the unfavorable responses which his inquiries produced.1210 Later that day, Oswald telephoned Marina and asked her to have Mrs. Paine pick him up in Dallas. Marina refused, and he hitchhiked out to the Paine home,1211 where he spent part or all of the weekend.1210 Marina testified that although her husband "changed for the better" and treated her better after his Mexican trip,1213 she did not want to live with him because she was pregnant and thought it would be better "to be with a woman who spoke English and Russian." 1214 On Monday, October 7, Mrs. Paine drove Oswald to the bus station, and he returned to Dallas to look for a job and a place to live.1215

Oswald thought that the YMCA was too expensive for him, and intended to rent a room.1216 He inquired about a room at 1026 North Beckley, where he lived later, but on October 7 there were no vacancies.1217 He next responded to a "For Rent" sign at a rooming house at 621 Marsalis Street. He obtained a room, for which he paid the weekly rent of $7 in advance, and moved in on the same day.1218 He immediately resumed his job-hunting, relying partially on referrals by the employment commission.1219 He spent much of the time when he was not looking for work in his room.1220 He telephoned his wife daily.1221 She wrote: "Lee called twice a day, was worried about my health and about June." 1222 On Friday, Oswald told his landlady, Mrs. Mary Bledsoe, that he was going to Irving for the weekend but would return the following week. She refused to rent the room to him for another week because she didn't like him.1223

Oswald spent the weekend of October 12-13 at Mrs. Paine's home, during which time she gave him a driving lesson.1224 He told her that he had received the last of the unemployment checks due him, and that it had been smaller than the previous ones. Mrs. Paine testified that Oswald was extremely discouraged because his wife was expecting a baby, he had no job prospects in sight, and he no longer had any source of income.1225

On Monday, Mrs. Paine drove Oswald into Dallas, since she had other business there.1226 He picked up his bag from Mrs. Bledsoe's roominghouse 1227 and later that day rented a room at 1026 North Beckley Avenue from Mrs. A. C. Johnson for $8 a week. He registered as O. H. Lee and moved in immediately.1228 Oswald felt that this room was more comfortable than the previous one, particularly

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because he had television and refrigerator privileges.1229 He apparently continued to spend most of his evenings in his room.1230 He borrowed books from the library 1231 and had subscriptions to various periodicals, including Time, the Worker, the Militant, and some Russian periodicals.1232

On that Monday, Mrs. Paine mentioned the Oswalds' financial and employment problems to neighbors whom she was visiting. Mrs. Linnie Mac Randle, who was also present, remarked that she thought that her younger brother, Buell Wesley Frazier, who worked at the Texas School Book Depository, had said that there was a job opening there. When Marina heard of this, she asked Mrs. Paine to call the Depository to see if there was an opening.1233 Mrs. Paine called Roy S. Truly, superintendent of the Depository, who indicated that he would talk to Oswald if he would apply in person.1234 When Oswald telephoned the Paine house on Monday evening, Mrs. Paine told him about this possibility.1235 On the next day, Oswald was interviewed by Truly and hired in a temporary capacity. He began work on Wednesday, October 16. His duties were to fill book orders; his hours were 8 a.m. to 4:45 p.m., for which he received $1.25 an hour.1236

Both the Oswalds were elated with the new job,1237 although it apparently required little skill or experience 1238 and he indicated that he still hoped to obtain a better job.1239 He did a satisfactory job at the Depository,1240 but he kept to himself and very few of his fellow employees got to know him.1241

During his first week at work, Oswald became acquainted with Frazier, with whom he arranged to ride to Irving on weekends.1242 On Friday, October 18, Frazier drove him from work to the Paine home; 1243 since it was his birthday, Marina and Ruth Paine had arranged a small celebration.1244 On Sunday, he stayed with June and the Paine children, while Mrs. Paine drove Marina to Parkland Hospital where she gave birth to a second daughter, Rachel.1245 He went to work on Monday, but that evening visited Marina in the hospital and spent the night in Irving.1246 Marina wrote:

Monday evening Lee visited me in the hospital. He was very happy at the birth of another daughter and even wept a little. He said that two daughters were better for each other--two sisters. He stayed with me about two hours.1247
Oswald returned to Dallas the next morning.1248

Oswald wrote to Arnold Johnson of the Communist Party, U.S.A., that on the evening of October 23, he had attended an "ultra right" meeting headed by Gen. Edwin A. Walker.1249 Two evenings later, he accompanied Michael Paine to a meeting of the American Civil Liberties Union, held at Southern Methodist University.1250 At this meeting, a statement was made to the effect that members of the John Birch Society should not be considered anti-Semitic; Oswald rose and stated that at the meeting which he had attended 2 days earlier, he had heard a number of anti-Semitic and anti-Catholic statements.

Page 739

Later in the evening, Oswald became involved in a discussion with several people, including Frank Krystinik, who was employed with Paine at the Bell Helicopter plant. During this conversation, Oswald expressed Marxist views and declared that he was a Marxist, although denying that he was a Communist. He admitted that the United States was superior to the Soviet Union in the area of civil liberties and praised President Kennedy for his work in that connection.1251 Krystinik testified that he got the impression that Oswald did not fully understand the views he was expounding.1252

Throughout that week Oswald telephoned his wife to inquire about her health and that of the baby. He spent the weekend at the Paine home, to which Marina and Rachel had returned during the week.1253 On Friday, November 1, he obtained post office box No. 6225 at the Terminal Annex Post Office Station. He indicated that the box would also be used to receive mail for the Fair Play for Cuba Committee and the American Civil Liberties Union.1254 Once again he spent the weekend in Irving.1255

Throughout this period, the FBI had been aware of the whereabouts of the Oswalds. There was a record in the Dallas office of the FBI that Oswald subscribed to the Worker, engaged in Fair Play for Cuba Committee activities and had traveled to Mexico.1256 An FBI agent visited the Paine home on November and, accompanied by another agent, again on November 5, and spoke briefly with Mrs. Paine. On neither occasion was Oswald present.1257 Ruth Paine noted the agent's name and telephone number and, in accordance with her husband's instructions, Marina noted the license number of the agent's automobile, all of which was subsequently reported to Oswald.1258 Both Mrs. Paine and Marina testified that Oswald was troubled by the FBI's interest in him.1259 He declared that the FBI was "trying to inhibit" his activities,1260 and wrote the Soviet Embassy in Washington:

The Federal Bureu of Investigation is not now interested in my activities in the progressive organization "Fair Play for Cuba Committee" of which I was secretary in New Orleans (state Louisiana) since I no longer reside in that state. However, the F.B.I. has visted us here in Dallas, Texas, on November 1st. Agent James P. Hasty warned me that if I engaged in F.P.C.C. activities in Texas the F.B.I. will again take an "interest" in me.
This agent also 'suggested' to Marina Nichilayeva that she could remain in the United States under F.B.I. 'protection', that is, she could defect from the Soviet Union, of couse, I and my wife strongly protested these tactics by the notorious F.B.I.

Please inform us of the arrival of our Soviet entrance visa's as soon as they come.1261 (See Commission Exhibit 15, p. 311.)

Marina testified that the statements, both by and to the FBI agents, to which her husband referred in this letter, were in fact never made.1262

Page 740

The following Friday, November 8, Oswald as usual drove to the Paine house with Frazier.1263 On Saturday Mrs. Paine took him to the Texas Drivers' License Examining Station, but because it was an election day the station was closed. Oswald stayed at the Paines through Monday, November 11, which was Veterans Day. During the weekend, Mrs. Paine gave Oswald a second driving lesson.

Oswald did not go to Irving on the next weekend. His wife had asked him not to come because Michael Paine, with whom Oswald did not get along, would be there to celebrate his daughter's birthday. Also, she felt that because he had stayed for 3 days the preceding weekend, he would abuse Mrs. Paine's hospitality if he returned so soon. Oswald telephoned Marina on Saturday afternoon and said that he had returned to the drivers' license examining station that morning but had not waited because there was a long line.1265

On Sunday, November 17, at Marina's request, Ruth Paine telephoned Oswald at the Beckley Avenue number, which he had given to Marina. When she asked for him, she was told that no one by that name lived at the address, which greatly surprised her. On the next day, Oswald telephoned his wife. When she indicated that she had been upset by the fact that there had been no Lee Oswald at the number which she had asked Mrs. Paine to call Oswald became angry; he said that he was using a fic ious name and that she should not have called the Beckley Avenue number.1266 He did not telephone on the following day, which was unusual.1267

On the morning of Thursday, November 21, Oswald asked Frazier to take him to Irving when he went home that evening, saying that he wanted to pick up some curtain rods.1268 His arrival was a surprise because he generally asked Mrs. Paine's permission before arriving for a visit.1269 The women thought that he had come to Irving because he felt badly about arguing with his wife about the use of the fic ious name.1270 He said that he was lonely, because he had not come the preceding weekend, and told Marina that he "wanted to make his peace" with her.1271 He spent the time before dinner on the lawn playing with his daughter.1272 However, when he attempted to talk to his wife she would not answer, which upset him. He asked her to live with him in Dallas, and she refused.1273 After supper, Oswald watched television while the women cleaned the house and prepared their children for bed.1274 He retired early in the evening at about 9.1275

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Appendix 14: Analysis of Lee Harvey Oswald's Finances From June 13, 1962, Through November 22, 1963
Introduction
June 1962
July 1962
August 1962
September 1962
October 1962
November 1962
December 1962
January 1963
February 1963
March 1963
April 1963
May 1963
June 1963
July 1963
August 1963
September 1-24, 1963
September 25- October 2, 1963
October 1963
November 1963
The following analysis of Lee Harvey Oswald's receipts and expenditures for the period June 13, 1962, through November 22, 1963, contains a complete record of all funds that he and his wife are reported to have received and disbursed from all known sources. It also contains an estimate for food, clothing, and incidental expenses, which include telephone calls, money order and check cashing fees, postage, local transportation costs, personal care goods and services, local newspapers, and similar small items. Oswald's expenditures for food, clothing, and incidentals were estimated at $100 per month, except for those months in which his wife and children resided with relatives or acquaintances. The estimate reflects Oswald's frugal living habits during this period, as described in chapter VI of this report. The Commission has been advised by the Bureau of Labor Statistics of the U.S. Department of Labor that this estimate is a little higher than would be normal for a family in Oswald's income class residing in the southern region of the United States. (See Commission Exhibit No. 1169.)

Lee Harvey Oswald Receipts and Expenditures
June 13, 1962, to Nov. 22, 1963

June 1962: Receipts Expenditures Balance
On hand on arrival, New York City 1 $63.00
Received from Robert Oswald 2 200.00
Received from Marguerite Oswald 3 10.00
Transportation in New York City 4 $10.35
Plane fare, New York City to Dallas, including luggage 5 201.04
Hotel bill, New York City 6 15.21
Estimated cost of food, clothing, and incidental expenses 7 5.00
Public stenographer 8 10.00
Estimated repayment, Robert Oswald 9 30.00
Total 273.00 271.60
Cash on hand, June 30, 1962 $1. 40

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July 1962: Receipts Expenditures Balance
Net salary 10 46.82
Estimated repayment, Robert Oswald 11 10.00
Subscription for Time magazine 12 3. 87
Total 46. 82 13.87
Cash on hand, July 31, 1962 34.35
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Page 742

August 1962: Receipts Expenditures Balance
Net salary 13 $207.31
Repayment, State Department loan 14 $10. 00
Estimated repayment, Robert Oswald 15 50.00
Rent and utilities 17 71.50
Subscription for the Worker 17 2. 00
Estimated cost of food, clothing, and incidental expenses 18 75.00
Total 207.31 208. 50
Cash on hand, Aug. 31, 1962 $33. 16

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September 1962: Receipts Expenditures Balance
Net salary 19 187.59
Received from Paul Gregory 20 35.00
Rent and utilities 21 71.50
Repayment, State Department loan 22 9.71
Estimated repayment, Robert Oswald 23 50.00
Subscription for the Russian humor magazine "Krokodil" 24 2.20
Estimated cost of food, clothing, and incidental expenses 100.00
Total 222.59 233.41
Cash on hand, Sept. 30, 1962 22.34

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October 1962: Receipts Expenditures Balance
Net salary 25 228. 22
Received from George Bouhe 26 5.00
Repayment, State Department loan 27 10.00
Rent, room in YMCA 28 9.00
Post office box rental 29 4.50
Estimated repayment, Robert Oswald 30 60.00
Estimated cost of food, clothing, and incidental expenses 31 50.00
Total 233.22 133.50
Cash on hand, Oct. 31, 1962 122.06

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November 1962: Receipts Expenditures Balance
Net salary 32 315.71
Rent 33 73.00
Rental of U-Haul Trailer 34 5.00
Repayment, State Department loan 35 10.00
Bus fare, Dallas to Fort Worth and return 36 4.60
Estimated cost of food, clothing, and incidental expenses 37 50.00
Total 315.71 142.60
Cash on hand, Nov. 30, 1962 295.17

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Page 743

December 1962: Receipts Expenditures Balance
Net salary 38 $243.13
Rent 39 $68.00
Post office box rental 40 4.50
Repayment, State Department loan 41 190.00
Subscription for the Militant 42 1.00
Estimated cost of food, clothing, and incidental expenses 100.00
Total 243.13 363.50
Cash on hand, Dec. 31, 1962 $174.80

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January 1963: Receipts Expenditures Balance
Net salary 43 247.12
Rent and utilities 44 75.13
Repayment, State Department loan 45 206.00
Deposit, Smith & Wesson revolver 46 10.00
Fee paid Crozier Tech High School 47 9.00
Subscription for Ogonek, Agitator, Sovetskaya Belorussiya 48 13.20
Estimated cost of food, clothing, and incidental expenses 100.00
Total 247.12 413.33
Cash on hand, Jan. 31, 1963 8.59

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February 1963: Receipts Expenditures Balance
Net salary 49 256.95
Rent and utilities 50 71.64
Subscription for the Worker 51 7.00
Estimated cost of food, clothing, and incidental expenses 100.00
Total 256.95 178.64
Cash on hand, Feb. 28, 1963 86.90

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March 1963: Receipts Expenditures Balance
Net salary 52 327.55
Rent and utilities 53 78.76
Post office box rental 54 4.50
Cost of rifle 55 21.45
Subscription for Time magazine 56 3.82
Balance due on revolver and freight charge 57 21.22
Estimated cost of food, clothing, and incidental expenses 100.00
Total 327.55 229.75
Cash on hand, Mar. 31, 1963 184.70

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Page 744

April 1963: Receipts Expenditures Balance
Net salary 58 $108.86
Income Tax refund 59 57.40
Rent and utilities 60 $62.97
Bus fare from Dallas to New Orleans 61 13.85
Estimated cost of food, clothing, and incidental 100.00
Total 166.26 176.82
Cash on hand, Apr. 30, 1963 $174.14

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May 1963: Receipts Expenditures Balance
Net salary 63 107.44
Unemployment compensation check 64 33.00
Rent and utilities 65 75.00
Subscription for the Militant 66 1.00
Dues and printing--Fair Play for Cuba 67 9.00
Estimated cost of food, clothing, and incidental expenses 68 100.00
Total 140.44 185.00
Cash on hand, May 31, 1963 129.58

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June 1963: Receipts Expenditures Balance
Net salary 69 216.00
Rent and utilities 70 67.85
Post office box rental 71 4.00
Printing--Fair Play for Cuba 72 15.23
New alien registration card 73 5.00
Estimated cost of food, clothing, and incidental expenses 100.00
Total 216.00 192.08
Cash on hand, June 30, 1963 153.50

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July 1963: Receipts Expenditures Balance
Net salary 74 224.97
Rent and utilities 75 72.22
Printing--Fair Play for Cuba 76 3.50
Estimated cost of food, clothing, and incidental expenses 100.00
Total 224.97 175.72
Cash on hand, July 31, 1963 202.75

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August 1963: Receipts Expenditures Balance
Unemployment compensation payments 77 165.00
Rent and utilities 78 73.54
Fine 79 10.00
Distribution, Fair Play for Cuba circulars 80 2.00
Estimated cost of food, clothing, and incidental expenses 100.00
Total 165.00 185.54
Cash on hand, Aug. 31, 1963 182.21

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Page 745

Sept. 1-24, 1963: Receipts Expenditures Balance
Unemployment compensation payments 81 $132.00
Estimated cost of food, clothing, and incidental expenses 82 $100.00
Total 132.00 100.00
Cash on hand, Sept. 24, 1963 $214.21
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Sept. 25- Oct. 2, 1963, Mexican trip: Receipts Expenditures Balance
Estimated transportation cost 84 50.55
Hotel plus estimated food cost 85 18.70
Estimated cost of entertainment and miscellaneous items 86 15.20
Total 84.45
Cash on hand, Oct. 2, 1963 87 129.76

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Oct. 3-31, 1963: Receipts Expenditures Balance
Unemployment compensation payments 88 39.00
Net salary 89 104.41
Rent, rooms and YMCA 90 33.25
Estimated cost of food, clothing, and incidental expenses 91 75.00
Total 143.41 108.25
Cash on hand, Oct. 31, 1963 164.92

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Nov. 1-22, 1963: Receipts Expenditures Balance
Net salary 92 104.41
Room rent 93 24.00
Post office box rental 94 3.00
American Civil Liberties Union dues 95 2.00
Bus and taxi fares Nov. 22, 1963 96 1.23
Estimated cost of food, clothing, and incidental expenses 97 75.00
Total 104.41 105.23
Cash on hand, Nov. 22, 1963 164.10
Grand total, June 13, 1962-Nov. 22, 1963 3,665.89 3,501.79 164.10
Contents of Oswald's wallet 170.00
Cash taken from Oswald when arrested 13.87
Total 98 183.87

[monosylab1k]

Appendix 15: Transactions Between Lee Harvey Oswald and Marina Oswald, and the U.S. Department of State and the Immigration and Naturalization Service of the Department of Justice
Introduction
Issuance of Passport in 1959
Oswald's Attempts to Renounce his U.S. Citizenship
Return and Renewal of Oswald's 1959 Passport
Authorization for Marina Oswald to Enter the United States
Oswald's Letter to Senator Tower
The Loan from the State Department
Oswald's Return to the United States and Repayment of his Loan
Issuance of a Passport in June 1963
Visit to the Russian Embassy in Mexico City
Conclusion
From September 4, 1959, when he applied for his first passport, until shortly before the assassination, Lee Harvey Oswald had numerous dealings with the U.S. Department of State in Washington and with the American Embassy in Moscow. In connection with Marina Oswald's entry into the United States, the dealings also extended to the Immigration and Naturalization Service of the Department of Justice. During the course of these dealings, the Department of State and the Immigration and Naturalization Service were called upon to decide a series of legal and administrative questions which arose under the laws of this country. In order to determine whether Lee Harvey Oswald or his wife received any treatment not accorded others in similar positions, the Commission has examined the manner in which the transactions with the Oswalds were handled and the manner in which the relevant legal questions were resolved. In light of the facts then available and the applicable statutes, regulations, and practices in force at the time, the Commission has found no indication that the treatment accorded the Oswalds was illegal or different in any respect from the treatment that other persons similarly situated would have received.

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ISSUANCE OF PASSPORT IN 1959
On September 4, 1959, while on active duty with the U.S. Marine Corps, Oswald applied for a passport before a clerk of the superior court at Santa Ana, Calif.1 On the application Oswald stated that he intended to leave the United States for 4 months on approximately September 21, 1959, by ship from New Orleans, La., and that the purposes of his trip would be to attend the Albert Schweitzer College in Switzerland 2 and the University of Turku in Finland, and to visit Cuba, the Dominican Republic, England, France, Switzerland, Germany, Finland and Russia as a tourist. With the application, Oswald submitted a statement signed by a Marine officer that he was to be discharged from the Corps on September 11, 1959.3 The passport, No. 1733242, was routinely issued on September 10, 1959.4 At the time, the United States proscribed travel to none of the countries named in Oswald's application.

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OSWALD'S ATTEMPTS TO RENOUNCE HIS U.S. CITIZENSHIP
American officials in Moscow had no knowledge that Oswald was in Russia until October 31, 1959,5 more than 2 weeks after he had arrived, since he failed to register at the U.S. Embassy, as Americans traveling through Russia normally did.6 However, on October 31, 1959, a Saturday, Oswald presented himself at the American Embassy in Moscow.7 He placed his passport on the receptionist's desk and informed her that he had come to "dissolve his American citizenship." 8 She immediately summoned the consul, Richard E. Snyder, who invited Oswald into his office.9 In the room with Snyder was his assistant, John A. McVickar, who observed what ensued.10 Snyder recalled Oswald as "neatly and very presentably dressed," 11 but he also remembered his arrogance. Oswald seemed to "know what his mission was. He took charge in a sense, of the conversation right from the beginning." 12


Oswald stated at once that he was there to renounce his citizenship 13 and that "his allegiance was to the Soviet Union." 14 He said he had already applied for Soviet citizenship.15 He said he knew the provisions of American law on loss of citizenship and did not want to hear them reviewed by Snyder.16 Having taken his passport back from the receptionist, Oswald put it on Snyder's desk.17 Snyder noticed that Oswald had inked out the portion which would have shown his address in the United States.18 Oswald also presented Snyder with a note 19 which he had prepared in advance, which reads:
I Lee Harvey Oswald do herby request that my present citizenship in the United States of america, be revoked.

I have entered the Soviet Union for the express purpose of appling for citizenship in the Soviet Union, through the means of naturalization.

My request for citizenship is now pending before Suprem Soviet of the U.S.S.R.

I take these steps for political reasons. My request for the revoking of my American citizenship is made only after the longest and most serious considerations.

I affirm that my allegiance is to the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics.20
Oswald told Snyder that he had not mentioned his intent to remain in the Soviet Union to the Soviet Embassy in Helsinki at the time he had applied for his tourist visa.21 Oswald's passport, upon which his Soviet visa was stamped, shows that by the 31st of October he had already overstayed his visa, despite a 1-day extension which he had received.22

Oswald gave as his "principal reason" for wanting to renounce his citizenship, "I am a Marxist." 23 He stated that he admired the system and policies of the Soviet Union and desired to serve the Soviet

Page 748

State, and that his intent to defect to the Soviet Union had been formed long before he was discharged from the Marine Corps.24 Shortly after the interview, Snyder observed that Oswald had "displayed all the airs of a new sop re partyliner." 25 At one point, Oswald alluded to hardships endured by his mother as a "worker" and said he did not intend to let this happen to him.26 He stated that his Marine service in Okinawa and elsewhere had given him a chance "to observe American imperialism," and he displayed some resentment at not having been given a higher rank in the Marine Corps.27 Oswald stated to Snyder that he had voluntarily told Soviet officials that he would make known to them all information concerning the Marine Corps and his specialty therein, radar operation, as he possessed.28

Snyder did not permit Oswald to renounce his citizenship at that time. He told Oswald that his renunciation could not be effected on a Saturday, but that if he would return on a day when the Embassy was open for business, the transaction could then be completed.29 Snyder testified that his real reason for delaying Oswald was that he believed, as a matter of sound professional practice, that no one should be permitted to renounce his American citizenship precipitously; such an act has extremely serious consequences, and, once accomplished, it is irrevocable.30 Snyder noticed that Oswald was young, apparently not well educated and obviously in a highly emotional state.31 Snyder testified: "particularly in the case of a minor, I could not imagine myself writing out the renunciation form, and having him sign it, on the spot, without making him leave my office and come back at some other time, even if it is only a few hours intervening." 32 Snyder's decision was also influenced by his familiarity with a recent unfavorable incident in which an American citizen by the name of Petrulli had been allowed to renounce his citizenship hastily, without awareness that Petrulli was mentally ill at the time.33 Snyder was able to persuade Oswald to tell him his home address and the name of his mother, however, by saying that no progress on his renunciation could be made without this information.34 The State Department has advised that Snyder's treatment of Oswald "was in line ... with the general policy of the Department to discourage expatriation of American citizens." 35

The same day, the Embassy sent a telegram to the Department of State, advising that Oswald had appeared there in an attempt to renounce his American citizenship, and setting out most of the details of the interview with Snyder.36 Copies were immediately furnished to the FBI 37 and the CIA.38 The telegram was followed on November 2, 1959, by an Embassy report addressed to the Department of State,39 which concluded:
... in view of the Petrulli case and other considerations, the Embassy proposes to delay action on Oswald's request to execute an oath of renunciation to the extent dictated by developments and subject to the Department's advice.40
Page 749
Copies of this memorandum were also furnished both Federal security agencies.41

After having received the telegram of October 31, 1959,42 but not the Embassy Despatch of November 2, 1959, the State Department on November 2, 1959, sent a telegram to the Moscow Embassy which read in part:

If Oswald insists on renouncing U.S. citizenship, Section 1999 Revised Statutes precludes Embassy withholding right to do so regardless status his application pending Soviet Government and final action taken Petrulli case.43
This telegram, like most of the communications from the Department regarding Oswald, was prepared in the Passport Office and cleared by the Office of Eastern European Affairs and the Office of Soviet Union Affairs.44

Oswald never returned to the Embassy.45 On November 6, 1959, the Embassy received 46 a handwritten letter from Oswald on the stationery of the Metropole Hotel, dated November 8, 1959, which read:
I, Lee Harvey Oswald, do hereby request that my present United States citizenship be revoked.

I appeared in person, at the consulate office of the United States Embassy, Moscow, on Oct. 31st, for the purpose of signing the formal papers to this effect. This legal right I was refused at that time.

I wish to protest against this action, and against the conduct of the official of the United States consular service who acted on behalf of the United States government.

My application, requesting that I be considered for citizenship in the Soviet Union is now pending before the Surprem Soviet of the U.S.S.R.. In the event of acceptance, I will request my government to lodge a formal protest regarding this incident.47
The Embassy immediately informed the Department of the receipt of this letter and advised that it intended to reply to Oswald by letter telling him that, if he wished, he could appear at the Embassy on any normal business day and request that the necessary expatriation do ents be prepared.48 On the same day, November 6, the Embassy sent Oswald a letter so advising him.49 From then until November 30 the Embassy attempted to communicate with Oswald on several occasions to deliver messages from his relatives in the United States urging him to reconsider, but he refused to receive the messages or talk to anyone from the Embassy.50 The messages were therefore sent to him by registered mail.51

On November 16, 1959, Priscilla Johnson, an American newspaper-woman stationed in Moscow, interviewed Oswald at the Metropole

Page 750

Hotel.52 On November 17, 1959, she informed the Embassy of her interviews and the information was recorded in a file memorandum.53 Oswald told Miss Johnson that he was scheduled to leave Moscow within a few days. She thought that Oswald "may have purposely not carried through his original intent to renounce [citizenship] in order to leave a crack open." 54 The Embassy accordingly informed the Department of State about 2 weeks later that Oswald had departed from the Hotel Metropole within the last few days.55 According to his "Historic Diary" 56 and other records available to the Commission,57 however, Oswald probably did not in fact leave Moscow for Minsk until about January 4, 1960. Miss Johnson's report of her interview with Oswald was the last information about him which the U.S. Government was to receive until February 13, 1961 58

On March 6, 1960, Oswald's mother asked Representative James C. Wright, Jr., of Texas to help her locate her son. The Congressman forwarded her inquiry to the Department of State which in turn sent it to the Embassy.59 In response, the Embassy in Moscow informed the Department on March 28, 1960, that they had no contact with Oswald since November 9, 1959.60 The Embassy went on to say that it had no evidence that Oswald had expatriated himself "other than his announced intention to do so." It believed, therefore, that since Oswald was presumably still an American citizen, the American Government could properly make inquiry concerning him through a note to the Soviet Foreign Office. The Embassy went on to suggest, however, that it would be preferable if Oswald's mother wrote a letter to her son which could then be forwarded by the Department to the Soviet Government.61

The Department replied on May 10, 1960, that no action should be taken in the case other than on a request voluntarily submitted by member of Oswald's family.62 On June 22, a second communication was dispatched, asking whether the Embassy had been able to contact Oswald.63 On July 6, 1960, the Embassy replied that it had received no further communication with anyone on the subject of Oswald and that in view of the Department's memorandum of May 10, 1960, intended to take no further action in the matter.64 Mrs. Oswald apparently took no steps to follow up on her original inquiry.

Under the procedures in effect in 1960, a "refusal sheet" was prepared in the Department of State Passport Office whenever cir stances created the possibility that a prospective applicant would not be en led to receive an American passport.65 The records section of the Passport Office, on the basis of the refusal sheets would prepare what was known as a lookout card 66 and file it in the lookout file in the Passport Office. Whenever anyone applied for a passport from any city in the world, his application was immediately forwarded to this office, and his name and date of birth checked against the lookout file. If a lookout card was found, appropriate action, including the possible refusal of a passport, was taken.68 Passport Office procedures

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also provided that the lookout card would be removed from a prospective applicant's file whenever facts warranted an unquestioned passport, grant. 69

On March 25, 1960, the Passport Office had made up a "refusal sheet" on Lee Harvey Oswald, typed across which was the explanation that Oswald "may have been naturalized in the Soviet Union or otherwise ... expatriated himself." 70 An Operations Memorandum stating the reasons for which the card had been prepared was drawn up on March 28 and also put on file 71 and a copy sent to the Embassy. It advised the Embassy to take no further action on the Oswald case unless it came into possession of evidence upon which to base the preparation of a certificate of loss of nationality. Included in the operations memorandum was the following:
An appropriate notice has been placed in the lookout card section of the Passport Office in the event that Mr. Oswald should apply for do entation at a post outside the Soviet Union. 72
Despite these indications that a lookout card was prepared, the Department of State on May 18, 1964, informed the Commission that "investigations, to date, failed to reveal any other indication or evidence that a lookout card was ever prepared, modified or removed." No such card was ever located, and certain file entries indicate that such a card was never prepared. 73

The State Department has advised the Commission that as of October 1959 the Department had "developed information which might reasonably have caused it to prepare ... a lookout card for Lee Harvey Oswald." 74 The Passport Office employee who prepared the refusal sheet, for Oswald has suggested as a possible explanation of the failure to prepare a lookout card that between the day she prepared the refusal sheet and the time the records section would normally have prepared the lookout card, Oswald's file was temporarily pulled from its place because the Department received some additional correspondence from the Embassy. When the file was returned, she suggested, it may have been assumed that the card had already been prepared. 75

Had a lookout card been prepared on the ground of possible expatriation, it would have been removed and destroyed after the decision was made in 1961 that Oswald had not expatriated himself and thus prior to the time that he applied for a second passport in June 1963. Hence, the Department's apparent failure to prepare a lookout card on Oswald had no effect on its future actions. As of February 20, 1964, the Department issued additional regulations regarding the manner in which the lookout file is to be handled. 76 On March 14, 1964, a category was established for returned defectors, so that these persons automatically have lookout cards in their files, and on July 27, 1964, the Office of Security of the Department of State issued a procedural study of the lookout-card system, with recommendations. 77
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RETURN AND RENEWAL OF OSWALD'S 1959 PASSPORT

Negotiations Between Oswald and the Embassy

On February 1, 1961, as a result of a visit by Oswald's mother to the Department of State on January 25, 1961,78 the Department sent a request to the Moscow Embassy as follows:

The Embassy is requested to inform the [Soviet] Ministry of Foreign Affairs that Mr. Oswald's mother is worried as to his present safety, and is anxious to hear from him.79

The inquiry went to the Embassy by diplomatic pouch and was received in Moscow on February 10 or 11.80 On February 13, before the Embassy had acted on the Department's request,81 the Embassy received an undated letter from Oswald postmarked Minsk, February 5. The letter stated:
Since I have not received a reply to my letter of December 1960, I am writing again asking that you consider my request for the return of my American passport.

I desire to return to the United States, that is if we could come to some agreement concerning the dropping of any legal proceedings against me. If so, than I would be free to ask the Russian authorities to allow me to leave. If I could show them my American passport, I am of the opinion they would give me an exit

They have at no time insisted that I take Russian citizenship. I am living here with non-permanent type papers for a foreigner.

I cannot leave Minsk without permission, therefore I am writing rather than calling in person.

I hope that in recalling the responsibility I have to america that you remember your's in doing everything you can to help me since I am an american citizen.82
Despite Oswald's reference to his letter of December 1960, there is no indication that he had written to the Embassy previously.83 Furthermore, his diary refers to his February 1 letter as his "first request" concerning his return to the United States.84

On February 28, 1961, the Embassy wrote Oswald that he would have to come to Moscow to discuss the passport and expatriation matters.85 Then on March 20, 1961, a second letter from Oswald, dated March 12, was received by the Embassy. It read:
In reply to your recent letter. I find it inconvenient to come to Moscow for the sole purpose of an interview.

In my last letter I believe I stated that I cannot leave the city of Minsk without permission.
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I believe there exist in the United States also a law in regards to resident foreigners from Socialist countries, traveling between cities.

I do not think it would be appropriate for me to request to leave Minsk in order to visit the American Embassy. In any event, the granting of permission is a long drawn out affair, and I find that there is a hesitation on the part of local officials to even start the process.

I have no intention of abusing my position here, and I am sure you would not want me to.

I see no reasons for any preliminary inquires not to be put in the form of a questionnaire and sent to me.

I understand that personal interviews undoubtedly make to work of the Embassy staff lighter, than written correspondence, however, in some cases other means must be employed.86
After receiving the first letter postmarked February 5, the Embassy on February 28 forwarded a despatch to the Department informing it of Oswald's letter and its reply to Oswald. At that time, the Embassy also inquired of the Department whether Oswald would be subject to prosecution on any grounds if he should return to the United States and, if so, whether Oswald should be so informed. The Department was also asked whether there was any objection to returning Oswald's 1959 passport to him by mail, since that might facilitate his application for a Soviet exit visa.87 Upon receiving Oswald's March 20 letter, the Embassy again consulted with Washington. The Embassy proposed that it write Oswald repeating that he must come to Moscow if he wanted to discuss reentering the United States and pointing out that the Soviet government did not object to such visits by American citizens.88 Such a letter was mailed to Oswald on March 24.89

In the meantime, the State Department was considering the Embassy despatch of February 28, 1961. 70 Although a different, response was originally recommended by a staff member in the Passport Office,91 the Department instructed the Embassy on April 13 that for security reasons Oswald's passport should be given to him only if he personally appeared at the Embassy and that even then he was to receive the do ent only after a full investigation had been made and the Embassy was satisfied that he had not, renounced his American citizenship. Also, he was to present evidence that he had made arrangements to depart from the Soviet Union to travel to the United States, and his passport was to be stamped valid for direct return to the United States only. The Department also told the Embassy that Oswald could not be advised whether or not he would be prosecuted for any possible offenses should he return to the United States.92 Matters remained in this posture for over a month. During the interim, Oswald met and married Marina Nikolaevna Prusakova.93

On May 26, 1961, the Embassy sent a despatch to the Department 94 advising that on May 25, 1961, it had received a letter from Oswald

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postmarked Moscow, May 16, 1961.95 In his latest letter Oswald said he wanted "to make it clear"" that he was asking for full guarantees that he would not be prosecuted "under any cir stances" should he return to the United States. Oswald went on to say that if the Embassy could not give him these assurances, he would "endeavor to use my relatives in the United States, to see about getting something done in Washington" He also informed the Embassy that he was married to a Russian woman who would want to accompany him back to his native country, and he once again repeated his reluctance to come to Moscow. The Embassy suggested that it reply to Oswald by repeating that the question of citizenship could only be made on the basis of a personal interview, and by advising Oswald of the requirements and procedures pertaining to his wife's immigration. The despatch noted that Oswald's letter referred to his present Soviet internal passport in which he claimed to be designated as "without citizenship," and observed: "It would appear on this basis that Oswald has not yet expatriated himself under Section 349(a)(1) of the Immigration and Nationality Act." The Embassy inquired whether the Department considered Oswald en led "to the protection of the United States Government while he continues to reside abroad under present cir stances in the absence of reasonable evidence that he has committed an expatriating act?"

The Department answered the despatch under date of July 11, 1961. It said that it was not entirely clear what the description "without citizenship" means, i.e., "whether he is without Soviet citizenship or without any citizenship." The instructions continued:
In any event in the absence of evidence showing that Mr. Oswald has definitely lost United States citizenship he apparently maintains that technical status. Whether he is en led to the protection of the United States pending any further developments concerning his precise status is a matter which will be left to the Embassy's discretion in the event an emergency situation should arise. In a situation of this kind, not of an emergency nature, the facts should be submitted to the Department.

It is noted that the Embassy intends to seek the Department's prior advice before granting Mr. Oswald do entation as a United States citizen upon any application he may submit.

The Embassy's careful attention to the involved case of Mr. Oswald is appreciated ... 96
However, on Saturday, July 8, 1961, before the Embassy had received the response from Washington, Oswald appeared without warning at the Embassy in Moscow. Snyder came down to meet Oswald after Oswald called him on the house telephone, and after a brief talk, asked Oswald to return on Monday, July 10.97 Later that day Oswald telephoned his wife and told her to come to Moscow, which she did the next day.98 Oswald returned alone to the American Embassy on Monday, where Snyder questioned him about his life in Russia.

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According to a memorandum which Snyder prepared shortly afterwards:
Twenty months of the realities of life in the Soviet Union have clearly had a maturing effect on Oswald. He stated frankly that he learned a hard lesson the hard way and that he had been completely relieved about his illusions about the Soviet Union ... Much of the arrogance and bravado which characterized him on his first visit to the Embassy appears to have left him.99
Oswald told Snyder that despite the statement he had given him in October 1959, he had never applied for Soviet citizenship, but only for permission to reside in the Soviet Union. He presented his Soviet internal passport, which described him as without citizenship of any kind. Oswald said that he had been employed since January 13, 1960, as a metal worker in the research shop in the Byelorussian Radio and Television Factory in Minsk. He claimed that he had taken no oath of allegiance of any kind, and that he had not been required to sign any papers in connection with this employment. He added that he was not a member of the factory trade union organization. Oswald said that he was earning 90 rubles ($90) a month and that he had saved about 200 rubles ($200) toward travel expenses to the United States. He denied that he had made any derogatory statements concerning the United States to radio, press, or TV in the Soviet Union, and he denied that he had turned over any information to the Russians as he had threatened to do in the 1959 interview with Snyder.100

During the course of the interview Oswald filled out an application for renewal of his American passport.101 The renewal application was required since Oswald's existing passport would expire on September 10, 1961,102 and it was extremely unlikely that he would be able to obtain the requisite Soviet departure do ents before that time. The renewal application contained a printed statement which set forth, in the disjunctive, a series of acts which, if committed by the applicant, would either automatically disqualify him from receiving a passport on the ground that he had lost his American citizenship, or would raise a question whether he might be so disqualified. The printed statement was preceded by two phrases, "have," and, "have not," the first phrase being printed directly above the second. One carbon copy of the application indicates Oswald signed the do ent after the second phrase, "have not," had been typed over, thereby apparently admitting that he had committed one or more of the acts which would at least raise a question as to whether he had expatriated himself. Snyder was not able to remember with certainty to which of the acts listed on the statement Oswald's mark was intended to refer, but believed it may have been to "swearing allegiance to a foreign state." 103 He points out that the strikeout of "have not" may also have been a clerical error.104 On the actual signed copy of the application kept in the

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files of the Moscow Embassy, which is not a carbon copy of the copy sent to the Department, the strikeout is slightly above the "have;" therefore, since the "have" is itself printed above the "have not," the strikeout may have been intended to obliterate the "have." 105

In any event, Oswald filled out the supplementary questionnaire which was required to be completed if the applicant admitted he had performed one or more of the possibly expatriating acts. He signed the questionnaire under oath.106 Snyder testified that it was routine for any kind of "problem case" to fill out the supplementary questionnaire.107 The Passport Office employee who processed the Oswald case in Washington testified that she routinely regarded the questionnaire rather than the application itself as the controlling do ent for expatriation purposes, so that she probably paid no attention to the strikeout.108

The pertinent questions included on the questionnaire, with Oswald's answers, read as follows:
2.(a) Are you known or considered in your community to be a national of the country in which you are residing? No. (Yes or No)

(b) If your answer to 2(a) is "No," explain why not. On my do ent for residence in the USSR my nationality is American.

3.(a) Have you ever sought or obtained registration as a national of a foreign country, applied for or obtained a passport, certificate, card do ent or other benefit therefrom in which you were described as a national of a country other than the United States? No. (Yes or No)

(b) If your answer to 3(a) is "Yes," did you voluntarily seek or claim such benefits? (Yes or No) If "No," please explain. I received a do ent for residence in the USSR but I am described as being "Without citizenship."

4.(a) Have you ever informed any local or national official of a foreign state that you are a national of the United Stares? No.***

(b) If your answer to 4(a) is "No," explain why not. On my do ent for residence in the USSR, my nationality is American.

6.(a) Have you ever taken an oath or made an affirmation or other formal declaration of allegiance to a foreign state? No.***

8. Have you ever accepted, served in, or performed the duties of any office, post or employment under the government of a foreign state or political subdivision thereof? No... I do not regard factory employment as state employment, as is meant in the question above.109
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On the basis of these answers, and on the basis of the statements Oswald made orally during the interview, Snyder concluded that Oswald had not lost his citizenship. Snyder therefore handed him back his passport. Pursuant to the instructions from Washington, it was stamped, "This passport is valid only for direct travel to the United States." 110

In a despatch dated July 11, 1961,111 the Embassy informed the Department of State of its conclusion that Oswald had not lost his American citizenship and requested that, if Washington agreed with the conclusion, "the Embassy be authorized to renew Oswald's passport at its discretion." The despatch, with which Oswald's application and supplemental questionnaire 112 were enclosed, informed the Department that Oswald was questioned at length at the Embassy and that no evidence was revealed of any act which might be considered as having caused the loss of his American citizenship.

The Embassy added in the despatch--
It is our intention not to renew it [the passport] without the Department's prior approval of the enclosed renewal application, and then only upon evidence of a present need for the renewal in connection with his efforts to return to the United States.113
Oswald appeared at the Embassy once again on July 11, 1961, this time accompanied by Marina, in order to complete the papers necessary to obtain permission for his wife to enter the United States.114 In a letter dated July 16, 1961, Oswald informed the American Embassy about his and Marina's application to the Soviet officials for permission to leave Russia, and described the harassment which Marina was allegedly undergoing because of her attempts to leave the country.115

Based upon Snyder's recommendation and the information in its files, the passport Office on August 18, 1961, concluded that Oswald had not expatriated himself.116 Therefore, on that date, the Department of State sent a despatch to the Embassy in Moscow stating that they concurred in the Embassy's recommendation of July 11, 1961, with respect to Oswald's citizenship:
We concur in the conclusion of the Embassy that there is available no information and/or evidence to show that Mr. Oswald has expatriated himself under the pertinent laws of the United States.

The renewal of Mr. Oswald's passport, issued on September 10, 1959, is authorized upon his referenced application if no adverse reason is known, to take place upon his presentation of evidence that he needs such renewal in connection with his efforts to return to the United States as indicated in the final sentence on page 2 of Despatch 29. As requested in the final paragraph of the Despatch the Embassy may perform this citizenship function for Mr. Oswald at its discretion.
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Any passport renewal granted to Mr. Oswald should be limited to his passport needs and, as stated in the second paragraph of the Department's A-173, April 13, 1961 his passport should be made valid for direct return to the United States. The additional precaution set forth in the same paragraph should be observed and his passport should be delivered to him on a personal basis only. When available, a report of his travel data should be submitted, as well as a report of any intervening developments.117
On October 12, 1961, the Embassy wrote the Department to inform it of four letters it had received from Oswald dated July 15, August 8, and October 4, and an undated letter received in August. With reference to these letters, the despatch noted:
... that Oswald is having difficulty in obtaining exit visas for himself and his Soviet wife, and that they are subject to increasing harassment in Minsk. In replying to Oswald's latest letter, the Embassy pointed out that it has no way of influencing Soviet action on exit visas. It informed him that the question of his passport renewal could be discussed with him personally at the Embassy. In answer to Oswald's question, the Embassy notified him that the pe ion to classify his wife's status had not yet been approved.118
The Department on December 28, 1961, informed the Embassy that the Passport Office approved the manner of the Embassy's reply to Mr. Oswald with respect "to his receiving further passport facilities." 119 After a further exchange of correspondence between Oswald and the Embassy, dealing primarily with Oswald's difficulties in obtaining the necessary Soviet clearance, his impatience in receiving American approval for Marina's entry into the United States, and his efforts to obtain a repatriation loan,120 the passport problem was finally concluded on May 24, 1962, when the Embassy renewed Oswald's passport for 30 days, stamped it valid for direct return to the United States only and handed it to him.121 A week later he used it to return to the United States.122

The decision that Oswald was en led to a new passport because he had not expatriated himself was made for the Embassy by the consul, Richard E. Snyder.123 For the Department it was made initially by Miss Bernice L. Waterman, a worker in the Passport Office for 36 years, and was then approved by her area chief, by the head of the Foreign Operations Division, and by the Legal Division of the Passport Office.124 Snyder and Miss Waterman have both testified that they reached their decisions independently and without influence from any other person.125 The Director of the Passport Office and the Legal Adviser to the State Department both stated that after a review of the record they concluded that Oswald had not expatriated himself and that Snyder and Waterman, therefore, acted correctly.126

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Legal Justification for the Return and Reissue of Oswald's Passport

Since he was born in the United States, Oswald was an American citizen.127 However, Congress has provided that by performing certain acts, a person may forfeit his American citizenship. Thus Oswald would have become expatriated while in Russia if he obtained naturalization in the Soviet Union, renounced U.S. nationality, took an oath of allegiance to the Soviet Union, or voluntarily worked for the Soviet Government in a post requiring that the employee take an oath of allegiance.

Naturalization in a foreign state.--Section 349(a)(1) of the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1952 provides that a U.S. citizen shall lose his nationality by "obtaining naturalization in a foreign state upon his own application ... " 128 Although Oswald applied for Soviet citizenship, he never received it.129 Thus, Oswald did not expatriate himself under section 349 (a) ( 1 ).

Formal renunciation of U.S. nationality.--Section 349 (a) (6) of the act provides that a U.S. citizen shall lose his citizenship by:
... making a formal renunciation of nationality before a diplomatic or consular officer of the United States in a foreign state, in such form as may be prescribed by the Secretary of State.130
In accordance with this statute, the Secretary has promulgated regulations prescribing the manner in which renunciation is to be effected.131 The regulations provide, among other things, that 4 copies of the renunciation form are to be executed and the original and one copy sent to the Department. The Department must then approve the form and advise the appropriate consular official, who may then furnish a copy of the form to the person to whom it relates. The form itself requires the person to subscribe it in the presence of a consular official, and it must also be signed by this official.132

Though in 1959 Oswald clearly stated to officials at the American Embassy, both orally and in writing, that he desired to renounce his U.S. citizenship, he at no time took the steps required by the statute and regulations to effect his renunciation. Oswald did not execute the proper forms, he did not sign his letter of October 31 or November 3, 1959, in the presence of a consular official, and neither letter was signed by such an official.133 Because section 349 (a) (6) in terms requires compliance with the form prescribed by the Secretary of State, Oswald did not expatriate himself under that section.

Oath of allegiance to a foreign state.--Section 349(a)(2) of the act provides that a U.S. citizen shall lose his nationality by:
... taking an oath or making an affirmation or other formal declaration of allegiance to a foreign state or a political subdivision thereof.134

[monosylab1k]

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In his letter of October 31, 1959, Oswald wrote: "I affirm that my allegiance is to the union of Soviet Socialist Republics." 135 Both in this letter and in his letter of November 3, 1959, he stated that his application for citizenship in the Soviet Union was pending before the Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R.136

Oswald's letters no doubt were intended to express allegiance to the Soviet Union in a manner inconsistent with continued allegiance to the United States, as the statute has been held to require.137 However, since 1940, it has been well established that in order for an oath of allegiance to a foreign state to work an expatriation from the United States, it must, be given to an official of the foreign state, and not to a party unconnected with the foreign state.138 This requirement can be viewed as a necessary corollary of the broader, but less clearly established, principle that the oath must be taken in accord with the requirements of the foreign state.139 Although Lee Harvey Oswald wrote that his allegiance was to the Soviet Union,140 there is no indication that he had ever actually taken an oath or declaration or that any such oath was taken before an official of the Soviet Government. He, therefore, did not expatriate himself under section 349 (a) (2).

Employment under the government of a foreign state.--Section 349(a) (4) of the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1952 provides that a U.S. citizen shall lose his nationality by:
(a) accepting, serving in, or performing the duties of any office, post, or employment under the government of a foreign state or a political subdivision thereof, if he has or acquires the nationality of such foreign state; or (b) accepting, serving in, or performing the duties of any office, post of employment under the government of a foreign state or a political subdivision thereof, for which office, post, or employment an oath, affirmation, or declaration of allegiance is required... 141
While Oswald was employed in a state-owned factory in Minsk, he did not acquire Russian nationality, and there is no indication that he had to take any oath when he obtained this employment.142 Furthermore, prior judicial decisions indicate that merely working in a government-owned factory does not result in expatriation even if an oath was required to be taken in connection with such employment.143 Several cases decided under an earlier but similar statutory provision held that where a person took a government job in order to subsist, such employment, was considered involuntary since it was based on economic duress, and thus it did not result in expatriation.144 Thus, Oswald did not expatriate himself under section 349 (a) (4).

The Commission therefore concludes that Lee Harvey Oswald had not expatriated himself by any acts performed between October 16, 1959, and May 1962, and concurs in the opinion of the State Department that his passport was properly returned to him in July 1961 and properly reissued in May 1962.

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AUTHORIZATION FOR MARINA OSWALD TO ENTER THE UNITED STATES

Negotiations Between Oswald and the Embassy

On July 11, 1961, Oswald and his wife appeared at the Embassy in Moscow before John A. McVickar.145 Together they executed papers to set in motion the procedures for her admittance to the United States as a nonquota immigrant under the provisions applicable to the wife of an American citizen.146 The interview was routine. McVickar asked Marina whether she was a member of any Communist organization and she replied that she was a member of the Trade Union of Medical Workers 147 but she denied she was or ever had been a member of the Komsomol,148 the Communist youth organization, or any other Communist organization.149 Marina Oswald has since admitted to the Commission that at one time she was a member of the Komsomol, but was expelled, according to her testimony, when it was learned that she intended to accompany her husband to the United States.150 The Embassy forwarded the papers pertaining to her application to the State Department on August 28, 1961.151

Marina Oswald's ability to obtain a nonquota immigrant visa depended on the favorable resolution of 3 questions. First, it had to be determined that she was the wife of an American citizen,152 which depended on whether her husband had expatriated himself. Second, it was necessary to determine that she was not and had not been affiliated with a Communist organization on other than an involuntary basis.153 Third, it had to be determined that she was not likely to become a public charge after she was admitted to the United States.154 Section 243 (g) of the Immigration and Nationality Act 155 presented a fourth issue. This section of the act prohibits the issuance of immigrant visas by American Consuls stationed in countries which have refused to accept or have unduly delayed accepting the return of persons sought to be deported from the United States. The Soviet Union had been designated as such a country in 1953. However, the sanctions of section 243 (g) are often waived; and even if they were not waived in Marina's case, she could obtain her visa at an American Embassy in some other country on her way from the soviet Union to the United States, if she were otherwise en led to the visa.156

In a despatch dated August 28, 1961, the Embassy requested from the Department a security advisory opinion on Marina Oswald's application to enter the United States. The Embassy wrote:
A favorable advisory opinion and approval of ... [Mrs. Oswald's] pe ion is recommended together with a waiver of the sanctions imposed by section 243 (g) of the Act...

In connection with her employment and her professional training, she has been a member of the Soviet Trade Union for Medical Workers since 1957. Such membership is routinely considered to be involuntary. ... 157
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The Department initiated a check on Marina Oswald with the CIA, the FBI, the Department's own Office of Security, and Passport Office.158 The security check turned up no derogatory information on her, so that in early October 1961 the Department cabled Moscow that the available information concerning the applicant established her eligibility to enter the country as a nonquota immigrant.159

The Department's decision assumed that prior to obtaining her visa to enter the United States, Marina Oswald would provide some reasonable assurance that she was not likely to become a public charge after she had arrived there. The Department later encountered some difficulty in deciding that she had met this requirement. She knew no one in the United States other than the members of her husband's family, and they lacked the means to furnish any substantial financial guarantees. After considerable correspondence on the matter with Oswald 160 and with the Department,161 the Embassy decided to accept Oswald's own affidavit to support his wife as sufficient assurance that she would not become a public charge. The Embassy's reasons were set forth in a memorandum dated March 16, 1962:
It appears that ... [Oswald] can find no one in the United States who is able and willing to execute an affidavit of support for his wife. Furthermore, Oswald has been able to obtain no concrete offer of employment in the United States. On the other hand, he is trained in a trade which should make him readily employable and he and his family will be able to live with his mother in Texas until he has found work and become otherwise settled. Taking into consideration the latter factors, Oswald's legal obligation to support his wife, and the unusual cir stances of the case which make it difficult for Oswald to provide the usual financial evidence, the responsible consular officer ... [is] willing to accept Oswald's unsubstantiated affidavit as sufficient to overcome the public charge provisions of the law.162
The necessity of relying solely upon Oswald's own affidavit, however, was eliminated somewhat later when the Department received an affidavit of support from the employer of Oswald's mother in Vernon, Tex. 163

By law the Attorney General must also pass upon an app1icant's eligibility, and this responsibility has been delegated to the District Directors of the Immigration and Naturalization Service.164 The machinery to get approval of the Immigration and Naturalization Service for Marina Oswald's admission to the United States was set in motion on October 6, 1961. On that date the Visa Office of the Department of State sent a letter to the District Director of the Immigration and Naturalization Service in Dallas, Tex., requesting the Service to take action on her immigrant visa.165 The letter transmitted her marriage certificate, a check for $10 from Lee Harvey Oswald, and a "Pe ion to Classify Status of Alien For Issuance of Immigrant Visa." The pe ion was signed by Oswald and was on

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behalf of Marina, asking that she be classified in "the status of the alien beneficiary for issuance of an immigrant visa as ... the spouse of a United States citizen." 166 The letter from the Visa Office stated:
Mrs. Oswald has been the object of an investigation by the Department and has been found, in the Department's opinion, not ineligible to secure a visa.167
On the basis of this communication, the Immigration and Naturalization Service at its Dallas, Tex., office ins uted a field investigation on Lee Harvey Oswald.168 Routine checks with the Federal security agencies and with local law enforcement authorities turned up no new derogatory information, and no evidence was uncovered that Oswald was ever a member of the Communist Party or other subversive groups.169 A record check was made in New Orleans, La., and a birth certificate was found for Lee Harvey Oswald, proving that he was an American citizen by birth.170 On October 17, 1961, an investigator from the Dallas office interviewed Oswald's brother, Robert, who expressed the view that Lee was just a "mixed up kid" who had emigrated to Russia because he had become embittered, possibly over something that had happened while he was in the Marine Corps.171

On January 25, 1962, the results of the field investigation in Dallas were consolidated in a report 172 which, with a covering memorandum,173 was sent to the District Director of the Service in San Antonio the next day. The accompanying memorandum noted that the immigrant inspector who processed the case had endorsed it "approved," but the author of the memorandum overruled the decision of the inspector on the grounds that the sanctions under section 243(g) should not be waived.174 The reasons for denying the waiver were stated as follows:
OI [Operations Instructions] 205.3, as you know, provides that the District Director may waive sanctions in an individual meritorious case for a beneficiary of a pe ion filed by a reputable relative where no substantial derogatory security information is developed. I am of the opinion that both of these restrictions are present in this case.175
On January 30, 1962, the District Director at San Antonio affirmed the decision of the. Dallas office, including the decision that the sanctions imposed under section 243(g) not be waived.176 He concluded that Oswald's recent statements to the American Embassy in Moscow to the effect that he had ]earned from his experiences in Russia were not sufficient to relieve the doubts which were raised regarding his loyalty to the United States by the arrogant, anti-American statements he made when he entered Russia in 1959.177

San Antonio forwarded its decision to Washington in a letter dated January 31, 1962, in which Marina Oswald's pe ion and all the

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aforementioned memoranda and reports were included.178 However, because Washington had previously indicated its impatience at not yet having received anything on the Oswald case, the San Antonio office also telegraphed its decision to Washington about a week later,179 the telegram presumably being received by Washington before the letter of January 31. The Washington copy of this telegram has a handwritten note on the lower portion which indicates that on February 12 an officer in the Visa Office of the State Department informed the Immigration and Naturalization Service by telephone: "Political desk of opinion, we're better off with subject in U.S. than in Russia."

Nonetheless, the Washington office of the Service concurred in the field decision that the provisions of section 243(g) should not be waived.181 However, the Washington office pointed out that the correct disposition should be not to deny the visa pe ion as the field offices had proposed, but to grant the pe ion and indorse it to read, "Waiver of sanctions imposed under section 243 (g) of the Act is not authorized." 182

On February 28, 1962, the Dallas office of the Immigration and Naturalization Service notified the Department of State in Washington and the American Embassy in Moscow of this disposition. The communication from the Dallas office noted that Oswald "has been notified at his Minsk, Russia, address of the approval of the pe ion in his wife's behalf." 183 Oswald later told the Embassy that he had received the notice on March 15.184 On March 9, 1962, the Department of State also notified the Embassy in Moscow that Oswald's wife was en led to nonquota status but that the Immigration and Naturalization Service would not waive section 243 (g) of the Act. The Embassy was told to inform Oswald of this fact if he asked about it. The memorandum indicated that the Embassy might suggest that Marina could proceed to some other country to file her visa application and thus avoid the sanction.185

The Moscow Embassy on March 16, 1962, asked the Embassy at Brussels if Mrs. Oswald could obtain her visa in Brussels.186 The Brussels Embassy replied affirmatively and said a visa could be issued to Marina within 2 or 3 days of her arrival.187 The Marina Oswald file accordingly was sent to the Embassy at Brussels.188

The plan to obtain the visa in Belgium was rendered unnecessary, however, when the Immigration and Naturalization Service reversed its position regarding the waiver of section 243(g). On March 16, the Soviet desk at the Department of State took initial action to attempt to secure such a change by sending a memorandum to the Visa Office within the Department, urging that the Immigration and Naturalization Service be asked to reconsider its decision.189 According to this memorandum:
SOV believes it is in the interest of the U.S. to get Lee Harvey Oswald and his family out of the Soviet Union and on their way to this country as soon as possible. An unstable character, whose actions are entirely unpredictable, Oswald may well refuse to
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leave the USSR or subsequently attempt to return there if we should make it impossible for him to be accompanied from Moscow by his wife and child.

Such action on our part also would permit the Soviet Government to argue that, although it had issued an exit visa to Mrs. Oswald to prevent the separation of a family, the United States Government had imposed a forced separation by refusing to issue her a visa. Obviously, this would weaken our Embassy's position in encouraging positive Soviet action in other cases involving Soviet citizen relatives of U.S. citizens.190
Soon thereafter, however, the Department of State notified its Moscow Embassy that the decision was under review and instructed it to withhold action pending the outcome of the reconsideration.191

The Visa Office first contacted the Washington office of the Immigration and Naturalization Service informally, and was advised, cording to a contemporaneous notation:
... that case had been carefully considered and decision made at Assistant or Deputy Associate Commissioner level. Therefore, although not wishing to comment on likelihood of reversal, [INS officer] felt that any letter requesting a review of the case should come from the Director or Acting Administrator.192
On March 27, 1962, such a letter was written from an acting administrator in the Department of State to the Commissioner of Immigration and Naturalization. The letter read in part:
I appreciate the difficulty this case presents for your Service, because of Mr. Oswald's background, and the fact that granting a waiver of the sanction makes it appear that this Government is assisting a person who is not altogether en led to such assistance. However, if the Embassy at Moscow is unable to issue Mrs. Oswald a visa, it would appear that she and indirectly the Oswalds' newborn child are being punished for Mr. Oswald's earlier indiscretions. I might also point out that this Government has advanced Mr. Oswald a loan of $500.00 for repatriation.

More important, however, is the possibility that if Mrs. Oswald is not issued a visa by the Embassy, the Soviet Government will be in a position to claim that it has done all it can to prevent the separation of the family by issuing Mrs. Oswald the required exit permission, but that this Government has refused to issue her a visa, thus preventing her from accompanying her husband and child. This would weaken the Embassy's attempts to encourage positive action by the Soviet authorities in other cases involving Soviet relatives of United States citizens.

Because of these considerations and because I believe it is in the best interests of the United States to have Mr. Oswald depart
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from the Soviet Union as soon as possible, I request that the section 243 (g) sanction be waived in Mrs. Oswald's case.193

The Immigration and Naturalization Service ultimately reversed its original position and granted the waiver on May 9, 1962. The letter reversing its initial decision states that the matter has been "carefully reviewed in this office" and that "in view of the strong representations" made in the letter of March 27, the sanctions imposed pursuant to section 243 (g) were thereby waived in behalf of Mrs. Oswald.194

Actually, the Office of Soviet Affairs had informally learned on May 8 that the May 9 letter would be signed by the Immigration and Naturalization Service.195 On the strength of the assurance that a written reversal would be forthcoming immediately, the State Department quickly telegraphed the Moscow Embassy reporting that the waiver had been granted.196 Marina Oswald completed her processing when she, her husband, and daughter came to Moscow in May 1962 on their way from Minsk to the United States.197

Legal Justification for the Decisions Affecting Marina Oswald

Wife of a citizen of the United States.--Section 205 of the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1952 provides for the admission into the United States of persons married to American citizens.198 Once it was determined that Lee Harvey Oswald was born in the United States 199 and had not expatriated himself, his American citizenship was established. Marina Oswald submitted a marriage certificate to show that she was his wife.200 This requirement was, therefore, satisfied.

Assurance that Marina Oswald would not become a public charge.--Section 212(a) (15) of the act provides that aliens will not be admitted to the United States if, in the opinion of the responsible Government official, they "are likely at any time to become public charges." 201 The pertinent Department of State regulations provide that a determination to exclude an alien for this reason must be "predicated upon cir stances which indicate that the alien will probably become a charge upon the public after entry into the United States." 202

In 1962, Oswald was 22 years old and in good health. He had lived in the United States for 17 years before joining the Marine Corps and was, therefore, familiar with its language and customs. He had gained job experience by working 2½ years in a factory which produced electronic equipment. Under these cir stances the Department was not unreasonable in concluding that Oswald's own affidavit that he would support his wife was sufficient assurance that she was not likely to become a charge upon the public after her entry into the United States. The receipt of the affidavit from Marguerite Oswald's employer provided a possible alternative basis for reaching this decision, but since a favorable ruling had already been made on the basis of Oswald's affidavit, the Embassy had no reason to consider the sufficiency of the second affidavit.

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Membership in a Communist organizationn.--Under section 212(a) (28) of the Immigration and Nationality Act, an alien will not be admitted to the United States if he is or was a member of, or affiliated with, a Communist organization unless:
... such an alien establishes to the satisfaction of the consular officer when applying for a visa and the consular officer finds that (i) such membership or application is or was involuntary, or is or was solely when under sixteen years of age, by operation of law, or for purposes of obtaining employment, food rations, or other essentials of living and where necessary for such purposes ..." 203
At the time Marina Oswald applied for a visa she was a member of the Soviet Trade Union for Medical Workers.204 According to the Department of State, the
... long-standing interpretation [of the statute] concurred in by the State and Justice Departments [is] that membership in a professional organization or trade union behind the Iron Curtain is considered involuntary unless the membership is accompanied by some indication of voluntariness, such as active participation in the organization's activities or holding an office in the organization.205
Since there was no evidence that Marina Oswald actively participated in the union's activities or held an office in the organization, her union membership was properly held not to bar her admission to this country.

Although Marina Oswald declared that she was not a member of the Komsomol or any other Communist organization, she was in fact a member of the Komsomol, the Communist youth organization.206 If this fact had been known to the State Department, Marina Oswald would not necessarily have been denied a visa, although a careful investigation into the nature of the membership would have been required.207 However, had her membership in the Komsomol become known to the Department after her denial of such membership, it is possible that she would have been excluded from the United States on the ground of having willfully misrepresented a material fact.208

Judicial decisions are not in agreement as to what cons utes a "material fact" such that its intentional misrepresentation warrants exclusion of the alien.209 Some cases indicate that a misrepresentation in an application for a visa involves a material fact even if the alien would not definitely have been excluded on the true facts; 210 others hold that a misstatement is material only if it referred to such facts as would have justified refusing the visa had they been disclosed.211 The Visa Office of the Department of State has announced that it applies a "rule of probability" under which a misstatement will be deemed ma-

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terial only if it concealed facts which probably would have resulted in a denial of a visa.212

Waiver of the provisions of section 243 (g).--Section 243 (g) of the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1952, by its terms, prevented issuance of a visa to Marina Oswald by the Moscow Embassy. The section provides that upon notification of the Secretary of State by the Attorney General that a country has refused or unduly delayed the acceptance of a deportable alien from the United States who is a subject or was a resident of that country, consular officers in such country are not to issue visas to citizens of the country. The section had been invoked against Russia on May 26, 1953. Nonetheless, although section 243 (g) does not contain an express provision for waiver, the Justice Department has concluded that the Attorney General possesses such waiver powers.213 Pursuant to this decision, the Department has granted waivers in over 600 cases from the Soviet Union since 1953.214 The waiver procedures followed in 1962 were prescribed by the Immigration and Naturalization Service. The relevant provision reads:
Before adjudicating a pe ion for an eligible beneficiary residing in the USSR, Czechoslovakia or Hungary, against which sanctions have been imposed, the district director shall obtain a report of investigation regarding the pe ioner which shall include an affiliation of a subversive nature disclosed by a neighborhood investigation, local agency records and responses to Form G-135a. * * * If no substantial derogatory security information is developed, the district director may waive the sanctions in an individual meritorious case for a beneficiary of a pe ion filed by a reputable relative to accord status under Section 101 (a)(27) (A) or Section 203(a) (2), (3) or (4)... If substantial adverse security information relating to the pe ioner is developed, the visa pe ion shall be processed on its merits and certified to the regional commissioner for determination whether the sanctions should be waived. The assistant commissioner shall endorse the pe ion to show whether the Waiver is granted or denied, and forward it and notify the appropriate field office of the action taken... 215
State Department regulations are much less explicit.216 The State Department's visa instructions for the guidance of consular officers provide, "the sanctions will be waived only in individual meritorious cases in behalf of a beneficiary of a pe ion filed by a reputable relative pursuant to [sections] of the act." 217

Because Lee Harvey Oswald signed the pe ion on Marina's behalf, his character was relevant to whether the sanctions of section 243 (g) could be waived for her. The file on Lee Harvey Oswald which was maintained by the Department of State and made available to the Department of Justice for purposes of passing on his wife's application contained the facts relating to Oswald's attempted expatriation. However, despite the derogatory material in the Oswald file, the Im-

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migration and Naturalization Service regulations did not require automatic denial of the waiver; they provided only that if adverse security information were developed, "the visa pe ion shall be processed on its merits and certified to the regional commissioner for determination whether the sanctions should be waived." This procedure was followed in Marina's case and the factors considered in reaching the decision do not appear to be inappropriate. The State Department successfully urged that the original decision of the Immigration and Naturalization Service be reversed because this would be in the best interests of future United States dealings with the Soviet Union on behalf of American citizens, and because it seemed unfair to punish Lee Harvey Oswald's wife and baby for his own earlier errors.218 Prevention of the separation of families is among the most common reasons underlying the frequent waivers of section 243 (g).219
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OSWALD'S LETTER TO SENATOR TOWER

Sometime shortly before January 26, 1962, an undated letter from Lee Harvey Oswald was received in the office of the U.S. Senator from Texas, John G. Tower.220 The letter reads as follows:
My name is Lee Harvey Oswald, 22, of Fort Worth up till October 1959, when I came to the Soviet Union for a residenaul stay. I took a residenual do ent for a non-Soviet person living for a time in the U S S R. The American Embassy in Moscow is familiar with my case

Since July 20th 1960, I have unsuccessfully applied for a Soviet Exit Visa to leave this country, the Soviets refuse to permit me and my Soviet wife, (who applied at the U.S. Embassy Moscow, July 8, 1960 for immigration status to the U.S.A.) to leave the Soviet Union. I am a citizen of the United States of America (passport No. 1733242, 1959) and I bessech you, Senator Tower, to rise the question of holding by the Soviet Union of a citizen of the U.S., against his will and expressed desires.221
The letter was read in Senator Tower's office by a caseworker on his staff. According to the caseworker and the Senator's press secretary, the letter was forwarded as a matter of routine on January 26 to the Assistant Secretary for Congressional Relations, Department of State. The letter was forwarded with a cover letter, machine signed by the Senator, stating that he did "not know Oswald, or any of the facts concerning his reasons for visiting the Soviet Union; nor what action, if any, this Government can or should take on his behalf." The cover letter pointed out that Oswald's inquiry should have gone to the executive branch of the Government and that for this reason the Senator was forwarding it "for whatever action the Department may consider appropriate." 222 On February 1 an officer at the Department of State telephoned the Senator's office and spoke briefly

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with the caseworker on the Oswald case. She made a memorandum of the call which notes, "Senator should not become involved in such case--therefore State will report to us the course which they follow regarding Lee Harvey Oswalt [sic]." 223 About a week later the Department of State forwarded to Senator Tower copies of some of the correspondence which the Department had with Oswald and informed the Senator that if he wished to be kept informed on further developments regarding Oswald he could contact the Department of State.224 Neither the Senator nor any member of his staff contacted the Department again nor did they take any other action in respect to the matter.225

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THE LOAN FROM THE STATE DEPARTMENT

In a letter dated January 5, 1962, Oswald said that he would like to make arrangements for a loan from the Embassy or some private organization for part of the airplane fares.226 The Embassy on February 6, 1962, replied that he would have to supply certain personal and financial data.227 The letter also said that after repatriation he would not be furnished a passport for travel abroad until he had repaid the money.

Between February 6, 1962, and May 1, 1962, Oswald attempted to secure a loan from the Red Cross 228 and the International Rescue Committee 229 in the United States. The State Department on February 1 wrote Oswald's mother a letter asking whether she could advance the money.230 Oswald later wrote both his mother and the Department advising each that his mother should not be bothered in reference to the loan.231 Ultimately, after an exchange of communications between the Embassy and Washington,232 the Department approved a loan to Oswald for passage to New York only, directing the Embassy to "Keep cost minimum." 233 On June 1 Oswald signed a promissory note for $435.71.234

Statutory authority for making such a loan was conferred by le 5, section 170 (a), of the U.S. Code, which authorizes the Secretary of State to "make expenditures, from such amounts as may be specifically appropriated therefore, for unforeseen emergencies arising in the diplomatic and consular service." Since 1947, the Department of State's annual appropriation act has included a sum for expenses necessary "to enable the Secretary of State to meet unforeseen emergencies arising in the Diplomatic and Consular Service." 235 In recent years, the accompanying reports submitted by the Appropriations Committee of the House of Representatives have stated, "These funds are used for relief and repatriation loans to the U.S. citizens abroad and for other emergencies of the Department." 236 Out of the amount appropriated to meet unforeseen emergencies arising in the Diplomatic and Consular Service, the Secretary of State has annually allotted approximately $100,000 to meet the expenses of indigent U.S. nationals, including those in the Soviet Union, who request

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repatriation loans. From 1959 to 1963, 2,343 such loans were granted.237

Section 423.2-1 of the Department's regulations provides that repatriation loans may be granted only to des ute U.S. nationals:
a. Who are in complete and unquestioned possession of their citizenship rights;

b. Who are en led to receive United States passports;

c. Whose loyalty to the United States Government is beyond question, or to whom the provisions of Section 423.1-2(b) apply.238
Oswald undoubtedly satisfied the requirements of paragraphs (a) and (b), since he was determined to have been a U.S. citizen at the time the loan was granted and he had been issued a passport to return to the United States. There is a serious question whether he could have qualified under the first clause of paragraph (c). The Commission is of the opinion that in its application of this clause the Department should exercise great care in determining whether an applicant's loyalty to the U.S. Government is beyond question, particularly in the case of a defector like Oswald who has expressed hostility and disloyalty to our government and manifested a desire to renounce his citizenship. The Department chose instead to exercise its judgment under the second clause of paragraph (c), which refers to section 423.1-2(b). This section provides that loans to des ute nationals are authorized when:
b. The United States national is in or the cause of a situation which is damaging to the prestige of the United States Government or which cons utes a compelling reason for extending assistance to effect his return.239
The Department decided that the provisions of section (b) were applicable to Oswald because his "unstable character and prior criticism of the United States" would make his continued presence in the Soviet Union damaging to the prestige of the United States.240 In acting under this section, the Department was acting within its competence and the law. As required by another section of the regulations, the Department sought to obtain funds for the Oswalds' repatriation from private sources--his mother and the International Rescue Committee---before using Government funds.241

Regulations further provide that repatriation loans are authorized for the alien, wife, and children of the U.S. national receiving a repatriation loan in order to avoid the division of families.242 However, loans are limited
To the minimum amount required to cover transportation and subsistence while enroute to the nearest continental United States port... When necessary, loans may include: expenses inci-
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dent to embarkation, such as fees for do entation and minimum subsistence from the date of application for a loan to the date of departure by the first available ship... The cost of transportation shall be limited to third-class passage by ship.243
Oswald's loan was sufficient to cover no more than the least expensive transportation from Moscow to New York. His passport was stamped as valid only for return to the United States.244 Oswald completed all necessary forms and affidavits to obtain the loan.245

According to its own procedures the Department of State should have prepared a lookout card for Oswald in June 1962 when he received the proceeds of the loan.246 The promissory note which he signed contained a provision stating,
I further understand and agree that after my repatriation I will not be furnished a passport for travel abroad until my obligation to reimburse the Treasurer of the United States is liquidated.247
However, a lookout card was never in fact prepared. With respect to this failure the State Department has informed the Commission as follows:
On receipt of notice of the loan from the Embassy in Moscow, the Department's procedures provided that Miss Leola B. Burkhead of the Revenues and Receipts Branch of the Office of Finance should have notified the Clearance Section in the Passport Office of Oswald's name, date, and place of birth. If the Passport Office received only the name and not the date and place of birth of a borrower, it would not have prepared a lookout card under its established procedures because of lack of positive identification. (Among the Passport Office's file of millions of passport applicants, there are, of course, many thousands of identical names.) Mr. Richmond C. Reeley was the Chief of the Revenues and Receipts Branch of the Office of Finance and Mr. Alexander W. Maxwell was Chief of the Clearance Section. If the notice was received in the Clearance Section it would have been delivered to the Carding Desk for preparation of a lookout card on Oswald. It appears, however, that such a lookout card was not prepared. It may have been that the Finance Office did not notify the Clearance Section of Oswald's loan. One reason for this might have been the Finance Office's lack of information concerning Oswald's date and place of birth. On the other hand, the Finance Office may have notified the Clearance Section of Oswald's name only, in which case this Section would not have prepared a lookout card under its procedures. Since Oswald began repaying the loan installments immediately after his return to the United States, it is also possible that the Office of Finance decided that it was
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unnecessary to pursue the matter further: In any event, Oswald's loan was repaid in full on January 29, 1963, five months prior to his application for a new passport.248
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OSWALD'S RETURN TO THE UNITED STATES AND REPAYMENT OF HIS LOAN

On June 1, 1962, the same day that Oswald received his loan from the State Department, he and his family left Moscow by train destined for Rotterdam, The Netherlands.249 They boarded the SS Maasdam at Rotterdam on June 4 and arrived in New York on June 13, 1962.250 The Embassy sent word of the Oswalds' departure to the Department of State in Washington on May 31.251 Consistent with its prior practice of keeping the Federal security agencies informed of Oswald's activity,252 the Department notified the FBI.253

Frederick J. Wiedersheim, an officer of the Immigration and Naturalization Service in New York, interviewed the Oswalds upon their entry into the United States at Hoboken, N.J., on June 13, 1962, but made no written report. Mr. Wiedersheim recalled that he asked the Oswalds various questions which would determine the eligibility of both Oswald and Marina to enter the United States. The questions included whether Oswald had expatriated himself and whether Marina belonged to any Communist organization which would bar her entry. These questions were answered in ways which did not appear to raise any problems and therefore the Oswalds were admitted.254

After his reentry, Oswald repaid his loan without having to be reminded by the Department to do so. The early payments were very small because he first repaid the approximately $200 he had borrowed from his brother Robert to apply against the expenses of his travel from New York to Fort Worth, Tex.255 The schedule of payments is as follows:
Aug. 13, 1962 $10.00
Sept. 5, 1962 9.71
Oct. 10, 1962 10. 00
Nov. 19, 1962 10. 00
Dec. 11, 1962 190. 00
Jan. 9, 1963 100.00
Jan. 29, 1963 106. 00
Total 256435.71

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ISSUANCE OF A PASSPORT IN JUNE 1963

On June 24, 1963, Oswald applied for a U.S. passport at the Passport Office in New Orleans, La.257 He said he was planning to visit England, France, Holland, U.S.S.R., Finland, Italy, and Poland, and that he intended to leave the country sometime during November or December 1963 by ship from New Orleans.258 He stated further that

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he was married to a person born in Russia who was not an American citizen. For occupation, The word "Photographer" was inserted on the application.259

On the same day a teletype was sent to Washington containing the names of 25 of the persons who applied for passports on that date in New Orleans, Oswald's name among them. On the right side of the Washington Passport Office copy of the teletype message, approximately parallel to his name, are the letters, "NO," written in red pencil.260 Oswald was issued a passport on June 25, 1963.261

Since there was no lookout card on Oswald, the passport was processed routinely. Twenty-four hours is the usual time for routinely granted passports to be issued.262 The handwritten notation, "NO," which appeared beside Oswald's name on the list of applicants from New Orleans, is a symbol for the New Orleans Passport Office that is routinely placed on incoming teletype messages by anyone of a group of persons in the teletype section of the Passport Office.263 No one looked at Oswald's file previously established with the Department.264 The Department, however, has informed the Commission that at the time the passport was issued there was no information in its passport or security files which would have permitted it to deny a passport to Oswald.265 No lookout card should have been in the file based upon the Moscow Embassy's memorandum of March 28, 1960, which drew attention to Oswald's intention to expatriate himself, because the subsequent determination that Oswald had not expatriated himself would remove expatriation as a possible ground for denying him a passport.266 And by January 29, 1963, the repatriation loan had been repaid, so a lookout card should not have been in the file on that basis.267

Oswald was en led to receive a passport in 1963 unless he came within one of the two statutory provisions authorizing the Secretary of State to refuse to issue it.268 Section 6 of the Subversive Activities Control Act of 1950, which has recently been declared uncons utional,269 then provided:
... it shall be unlawful for any member of [an organization required to register], with knowledge or notice that such organization is so registered and that such order has become final--(1) to make application for passport, or the renewal of a passport, to be issued or renewed by or under the authority of the United States; or (2) to use or attempt to use any such passport. 270
Pursuant to section 6, the State Department promulgated a regulation which denied passports to
... any individual who the issuing officer knows or has reason to believe is a member of a Communist Organization registered or required to be registered under Section 7 of the Subversive Activities Control Act of 1950 as amended.271
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Since there is no evidence that Lee Harvey Oswald was a member of the American Communist Party or any other organization which had been required to register under section 7 of the Subversive Activities Control Act,272 a passport could not have been denied him under section 6.

Section 215 of the Immigration and Nationality Act provides that, while a Presidential proclamation of national emergency is in force,
... it shall, except as otherwise provided by the President, ** * be unlawful for any citizen of the United States to depart from or enter ... the United States unless he bears a valid passport.273
Because a proclamation of national emergency issued by President Truman during the Korean war had not been revoked by 1963, the Government has taken the position that the statute remains in force.274 Pursuant to section 215, the State Department has issued regulations setting forth the cir stances under which it will refuse a passport:
In order to promote and safeguard the interests of the United States, passport facilities, except for direct and immediate return to the United States, shall be refused to a person when it appears to the satisfaction of the Secretary of State that the person's activity abroad would: (a) violate the laws of the United States; (b) be prejudicial to the orderly conduct of foreign relations; or (c) otherwise be prejudicial to the interests of the United States.275
The State Department takes the position that its authority under this regulation is severely limited. In a report submitted to the Commission, the Department concluded that "there were no grounds consonant with the passport regulations to take adverse passport action against Oswald prior to November 22, 1963." 276 Although Oswald's statement in 1959 that he would furnish the Russians with information he had obtained in the Marine Corps may have indicated that he would disclose classified information if he possessed any such in formation, there was no indication in 1963 that he had any valuable information.277 Moreover, Oswald's 1959 statement had been brought to the attention of the Department of the Navy 278 and the FBI 279 and neither organization had initiated criminal proceedings. The Department therefore had no basis for concluding that Oswald's 1959 statement was anything more than rash talk.280 And the State Department's files contained no other information which might reasonably have led it to expect that Oswald would violate the laws of the United States when he went abroad.

The most likely ground for denying Oswald a passport in 1963, however, was provided by subsection (c) of the regulation quoted above, which requires the denial of a passport when the Secretary of

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State is satisfied that the applicant's "activity abroad would ... otherwise be prejudicial to the interests of the United States." In 1957 the State Department described to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee one category of persons to whom it denied passports under this provision:
Persons whose previous conduct abroad has been such as to bring discredit on the United States and cause difficulty for other Americans (gave bad checks, left unpaid debts, had difficulties with police, etc.)281
In light of the adverse publicity caused the United States by Oswald's prior defection to the Soviet Union, he could have been considered a person "whose previous conduct abroad had been such as to bring discredit on the United States." Indeed, the State Department itself had previously been of the opinion that Oswald's continued presence in Russia was damaging to the prestige of the United States because of his unstable character and prior criticisms of the United States.282

However, in 1958 the Supreme Court had decided two cases which restricted the Secretary of State's authority to deny passports. In Kent v. Dulles 283 and Dayton v. Dulles,284 the Supreme Court invalidated a State Department regulation permitting the denial of passports to Communists and to those "who are going abroad to engage in activities which will advance the Communist movement for the purpose, knowingly and willfully of advancing that movement," on the ground that the regulation exceeded the authority Congress had granted the Secretary. The Kent opinion stressed the importance to be attached to an individual's ability to travel beyond the borders of the United States:
The right to travel is a part of the "liberty" of which the citizen cannot be deprived without due process of law under the Fifth Amendment ... Freedom of movement across frontiers in either direction, and inside frontiers as well, was a part of our heritage. Travel abroad, like travel within the country, may be necessary for a livelihood. It may be as close to the heart of the individual as the choice of what he eats, or wears, or reads. Freedom of movement is basic in our scheme of values.285
The Kent opinion also suggested that grounds relating to citizenship and allegiance to illegal conduct might be the only two upon which the Department could validly deny a passport application.

The Department, though publicly declaring that these decisions had little effect upon its broadly worded regulation,286 in practice denied passports only in limited situations. In 1963 the Department denied passports only to those who violated the Department's travel restrictions, to fugitives from justice, to those involved in using passports fraudulently, and to those engaged in illegal activity abroad or in conduct directly affecting our relations with a particular coun-

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try.287 Passports were granted to people who the Department might have anticipated would go abroad to denounce the United States, and to a prior defector.288 State Department officials believed that in view of the Supreme Court decisions, the Department was not empowered to deny anyone a passport on grounds related to freedom of speech or to political association and beliefs.289

Since Oswald's citizenship was not in question and since there was no indication that he would be involved in illegal activity abroad, the only grounds upon which a passport might have been denied Oswald would have fallen within the area of speech or political belief and association. The Commission therefore concludes that the Department was justified in granting a passport to Oswald on June 25, 1963.

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VISIT TO THE RUSSIAN EMBASSY IN MEXICO CITY

In October 1963, the Passport Office of the State Department received a report from the Central Intelligence Agency that Oswald had visited the Soviet Embassy in Mexico City.290 The report said nothing about Oswald's having visited the Cuban Embassy in Mexico City, a fact which was not known until after the assassination. Upon receipt of the information the passport file on lee Harvey Oswald was reviewed by the Passport Office.291 The CIA communication and the passport file were read by an attorney and a supervisory attorney in that office who found no basis for revoking Oswald's passport or for notifying the FBI or CIA that Oswald had been issued a new passport in June 1963.292 The Department has informed the Commission that, "since the report indicated no grounds for determining Oswald was ineligible for a passport, a determination was made that no action by the passport office was required." 293 Travel to Russia was not proscribed in 1963. Moreover, the Soviet Union was one of the countries Oswald had listed on his passport application. Hence, the Commission agrees that Oswald's taking steps to enter the Soviet Union in 1963 was not a sufficient reason to revoke his passport.
Later, on November 14, 1963, the FBI sent the Department a report on Oswald's arrest in New Orleans, La. during August in connection with a fistfight in which he became engaged when passing out pamphlets en led "Hands Off Cuba." No action was taken on the basis of the Bureau's report.294 The Commission agrees that this incident was not grounds for revoking Oswald's passport.

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CONCLUSION

Investigation of Oswald's complete dealings with the Department of State and the Immigration and Naturalization Service reveals no irregularity suggesting any illegal actions or impropriety on the part of government officials. The Commission believes, however, that in ap-

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plying its own regulations the Department should in all cases exercise great care in the return to this country of defectors such as Oswald who have evidenced disloyalty or hostility to this country or who have expressed a desire to renounce their U.S. citizenship and that, when such persons are returned, procedures should be adopted for the better dissemination of information concerning them to the intelligence agencies of the Government. The operation of the "lookout card" system in the Department of State was obviously deficient, but since these deficiencies did not affect Oswald or reflect any favoritism or impropriety, the Commission considers them beyond the scope of its inquiry.

Especially while he was in the Soviet Union, Oswald's manner to Government personnel was frequently insulting and offensive. As one 1962 communication between the Embassy and the Department of State observed, "It is not that our hearts are breaking for Oswald. His impertinence knows no bounds." 295 Nonetheless, the officials of the U.S. Government respected Oswald as a troubled American citizen and extended to him the services and assistance for which the agencies of government have been created. Though Oswald was known to be "an unstable character, whose actions are highly unpredictable," 296 there was no reasonable basis in 1961 and 1962 for suspecting that upon his readmittance to the country he would resort to violence against its public officials. The officers of the Department of State and the Immigration and Naturalization Service, acting within the proper limits of their discretion, concluded that Oswald's return to the United States was in the best interests of the country; it is only from the vantage of the present that the tragic irony of their conclusion emerges.

[monosylab1k]

Appendix 16: A Biography of Jack Ruby
Introduction
Family Background
Childhood and Youth
Psychiatric Report
Placement in Foster Homes
Subsequent Home Life
Education
Activities
Temperament
Young Manhood (1933-43)
San Francisco (1933-37)
Occupations and Activities
Chicago (1937-43)
Military Activities (1943-46)
Postwar Chicago (1946-47)
Dallas (1947-63)
The Move to Dallas
The Change of Name
Nightclub Operations
Employee Relationships
Financial Data and Tax Problems
Other Business Ventures
Arrests and Violations
Police Associations
Underworld Ties
Travels
Character and Interests
Family Relationships
Social Relationships
Affection for Dogs
Religious Interests
Physical Activities and Violence
Generosity to Friends and the Need for Recognition
In this appendix the Commission presents a biography of Jack Ruby. Although criminal proceedings involving its subject are pending in the State of Texas, the Commission has decided to include this rather detailed account of Ruby's life and activities for several reasons. Most importantly, the Commission believes it will permit a better evaluation of the evidence on the question whether Ruby was involved in any conspiracy. Furthermore, the Commission believes that in view of the many rumors concerning Ruby the public interest will be served by an account, which attempts to give sufficient material to provide an impression of his character and background. The Commission's desire not to interfere in the pending proceedings involving Ruby necessarily limits the scope of this appendix, which does not purport to discuss the legal issues raised during Ruby's trial or his possible motive for shooting Oswald.
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FAMILY BACKGROUND

Jack Ruby, born Jacob Rubenstein, was the fifth of his parents' eight living children. There is much confusion about his exact birth date. School records report it as June 23, April 25,1 March 13, and, possibly, March 3, 1911.2 Other early official records list his date of birth as April 21 and April 26, 1911.3 During his adult life the date Ruby used most frequently was March 25, 1911.4 His driver's license, seized following his arrest, and his statements to the FBI on November 24, 1963, listed this date.5 However, the police arrest report for November 24 gave his birth date as March 19, 1911.6 Since the recording of births was not required in Chicago prior to 1915, Ruby's birth may never have been officially recorded.7 No substantial conflict exists, however, about whether Jack Ruby was born in 1911.8

Ruby has one older brother and three older sisters. The oldest children, Hyman and Ann, were born shortly after the turn of the century,9 before their parents arrived in the United States.10 The other children were born in Chicago. Ruby's sister Marion was born in June 1906 11 and his sister Eva in March 1909.12 Ruby also has two younger brothers and a younger sister. Sam was born in December 1912,13 Earl in April 1915.14 The youngest child, Eileen, was born in July 1917.15 At least one and possibly two other children died during infancy.16

Jack Ruby's father, Joseph Rubenstein, was born in 1871 in Sokolov, a small town near Warsaw, Poland, then under the rule of Czarist Russia.17 He entered the Russian artillery in 1893.18 There he learned

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the carpentry trade, which had been practiced by his father and at least one brother 19 and he picked up the habit of excessive drinking that was to plague him for the rest of his life.20 While in the army,21 he married Jack's mother, Fannie Turek Rutkowski; 22 the marriage was arranged, as was customary, by a professional matchmaker.23 According to his oldest son, Joseph Rubenstein served in China, Korea, and Siberia, detesting these places and army life. Eventually, in 1898, he simply "walked away" from it and about 4 years later he went to England and Canada, entering the United States in 1903.24

Settling in Chicago Joseph Rubenstein joined the carpenters union in 1904 and remained a member until his death in 1958.25 Although he worked fairly steadily until 1928, he was unemployed during the last 30 years of his life.26 The only other group which Joseph Rubenstein joined consisted of fellow immigrants from Sokolov. His daughter Eva described this group as purely social and completely nonpolitical.27

Jack Ruby's mother, Fannie Rubenstein, was probably born in 1875 near Warsaw, Poland.28 She followed her husband to the United States in 1904 or 1905, accompanied by her children Hyman and Ann.29 An illiterate woman, she went to night school in about 1920 to learn how to sign her name.30 She apparently failed in this endeavor, however, for an alien registration form, filed after about 35 years in the United States, was signed by an "X".31 Although she apparently learned some English, her speech was predominantly Yiddish, the primary language of the Rubenstein household.32 Still, Mrs. Rubenstein felt strongly that her children required an education in order to better themselves. She frequently argued about this with her husband, who had received little, if any, formal education and firmly believed that grammar school training was sufficient for his children.33
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CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH (1911-33)

In 1911, when Jack Ruby was born, his family resided near 14th and Newberry Streets in Chicago, the first in a series of Jewish neighborhoods in which the Rubensteins lived during his childhood.34 In 1916, the Rubensteins lived at 1232 Morgan Street, where they apparently remained until 1921.35 This was the fourth residence in the first 5 years of Jack Ruby's life.36 Earl Ruby described one typical neighborhood in which the family lived as a "ghetto" with "pushcarts on the sirens." 37 His sister Eva characterized it as "below the middle class but yet it wasn't the poorest class." 38 The family generally lived near Italian sections, where there were frequent fights along ethnic lines.39

The Rubenstein home was marked by constant strife and the parents were reported to have occasionally struck each other.40 Between 1915 and 1921, Joseph Rubenstein was frequently arrested because of disorderly conduct and assault and battery charges, some filed by his wife.41 In the spring of 1921, Jack Ruby's parents sep-

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arated.42 In 1937 Mrs. Rubenstein reported that she had desired a divorce 15 years earlier, but her husband had been opposed to it.43 The predominant causes of the separation were apparently Joseph Rubenstein's excessive drinking and Fannie Rubenstein's uncontrollable temper. She resented her numerous pregnancies, believed her husband to be unfaithful, and nagged him because he failed to make enough money.44
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Psychiatric Report

Young Jack soon showed the effects of parental discord. On June 6, 1922, at the age of 11, he was referred to the Ins ute for Juvenile Research by the Jewish Social Service Bureau. The reason for the referral was "truancy and incorrigible at home." 45 On July 10, 1922, the ins ute recommended to the bureau that Jack be placed in a new environment where his characteristics might be understood and where he might be afforded the supervision and recreation that would end his interest in street gangs.46 In March 1923, the ins ute advised the bureau that "placement in a home, where intelligent supervision and discipline can be given" was appropriate.47

The ins ute's psychiatric examination, which served as a basis for these recommendations, took place in 1922, prior to the advent of many techniques and theories of modern psychiatry,48 but it is the most objective evidence of Jack Ruby's childhood character. According to the psychiatric report, Jack was "quick tempered" and "disobedient." 49 He frequently disagreed openly with his mother, whom he considered an inferior person with whose rules he did not have to comply.50 Jack told the ins ute's interviewer that he ran away from home because his mother lied to him and beat him.51 Although Mrs. Rubenstein was severe with her children, she was described as totally incapable of coping with them "because of their delinquencies, i.e., principally their destructive tendencies and disregard for other people's property." 52 His mother's "extreme temperament" and quarrelsomeness were cited as possible causes of Jack's "bad behavior." 53

Self-administered questionnaires revealed that Jack felt his classmates were "picking" on him and that he could not get along with his friends.54 They also indicated that, although Jack described himself as a good ballplayer, he did not belong to any clubs and was not a member of any athletic teams.55 Jack's psychiatric interviewer reported:
He could give no other good reason for running away from school except that he went to amusement parks. He has some sex knowledge and is greatly interested in sex matters. He stated that the boys in the street tell him about these things. He also claims that he can lick everyone and anybody in anything he wants to do.56
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The interviewer noted that during "mental tests" he reacted quickly, often carelessly, and his attention was apt to wander so that he had to be reprimanded.57

A letter recommending the boy's placement in a more wholesome environment stated:
He is egocentric and expects much attention, but is unable to get it as there are many children at home. His behavior is further colored by his early sex experiences, his great interest [in sex] and the gang situation in the street. From a superficial examination of his mother who was here with him, it is apparent that she has no insight into his problem, and she is thoroughly inadequate in the further training of this boy.58
Recognizing that the sketchiness of the case record precluded complete diagnosis, Dr. Raymond E. Robertson, currently the superintendent of the ins ute, reported nonetheless that it seems "firmly established ... [that] his unstable and disorganized home could not provide Jack with the necessary controls and discipline." 59
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Placement in Foster Homes

On July 10, 1923, a dependency hearing involving Jack, his younger brothers Sam and Earl, and his sister Eileen, was held in Chicago's juvenile court.60 The pe ion alleged that the children were not receiving proper parental care. They had, until then, been in their mother's custody, living on Roosevelt Road, the border between Jewish and Italian districts.61 The juvenile court made a finding of dependency. It appointed the Jewish Home Finding Society guardian with the right to place the children in foster homes, and it ordered Joseph Rubenstein to pay the court clerk $4 per week for the support of each child. On November 24, 1924, this order was vacated, which apparently signified the termination of the guardianship and the return of the children to their mother. On April 8, 1925, the case was continued "generally," meaning that it was inactive but could be reactivated if the court so desired.62

Despite court records, the exact cir stances and length of time that, Jack Ruby lived away from home are not entirely clear. Records indicate that Jack, Sam, Earl, and Eileen Rubenstein were wards of the Jewish Home Finding Society "for a short time in 1922-23." 63 However, Jack and Eileen stated they spent about 4 or 5 years in foster homes.64 Earl testified that he and Sam were originally sent to a private foster home and then lived on a farm for a little more than a year, while Jack was on a different farm "some distance away." Subsequently the three brothers lived together in another foster home.65

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Subsequent Home Life

When Jack Ruby returned to his family, the unit was still disordered. His father remained apart from the children at least until 1936 and perhaps until a few years later.66 Mrs. Rubenstein's inability to manage her home, which had been reported by the Ins ute for Juvenile Research in 1922, apparently continued. For example, in 1937 Marion Rubenstein observed that her mother "has never been any kind of a housekeeper, was careless with money, and never took much interest in the children's welfare ... she was selfish, jealous, disagreeable, and never cared to do anything in the home but lie around and sleep." 67 Dr. Hyman I. Rubenstein, the son of Joseph Rubenstein's brother, recalled that Jack Ruby's mother ran "an irregular household" and appeared to be "a rather disturbed person of poor personal appearance with no incentive for cleaning or cooking." 68

Mrs. Rubenstein's domestic shortcomings were accompanied by symptoms of mental disease. In about 1913, 2 years after Jack was born, Mrs. Rubenstein began to develop a delusion that a sticking sensation in her throat was caused by a lodged fishbone.69 Each month Hyman, her oldest child, took her to a clinic. And each month the examining doctor, finding no organic cause for discomfort, informed her that there was nothing in her throat and that the sensation was but a figment of her imagination. According to Hyman, this practice continued for a number of years until Mrs. Rubenstein tired of it.70

In 1927, Mrs. Rubenstein once again began to visit clinics in connection with her fishbone delusion. Three years later, a thyroidectomy was performed, but she subsequently said it did nothing to relieve her discomfort.71 According to the Michael Reese Hospital, whose clinic she had visited since 1927, Mrs. Rubenstein was suffering from psychoneurosis with marked anxiety state.

By order of the county court of Cook County, Mrs. Rubenstein was committed to Elgin State Hospital on July 16, 1937.72 She was paroled on October 17, 1937, 3 months after her commitment.73 On January 3, 1938, the Chicago State Hospital informed Elgin State that the family desired that she be readmitted to the mental hospital. The family reported that she was uncooperative, caused constant discord, was very noisy, and used obscene language.74 A State social worker observed that Mrs. Rubenstein refused ever to leave the house, explaining that her children would have thrown her things out had she left. Mrs. Rubenstein rebuffed a suggestion by the social worker that she help with the dishes by stating that she would do nothing as long as her "worthless" husband was in the house.75 She was readmitted on January 14, 1938.76

Mrs. Rubenstein was again paroled on May 27, 1938, and was discharged as "improved" on August 25, 1938.77 She stayed in an apartment with Marion, and her separation from the rest of the family apparently ended most of the difficulties.78 Subsequently, Jack Ruby's

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parents were apparently reconciled, since their alien registration forms, filed in late 1940, indicated that they both resided at Marion's address.79

Fannie Rubenstein was admitted to Michael Reese Hospital on April 4, 1944, as a result of a heart ailment. Her condition was complicated by an attack of pneumonia and she died at the hospital on April 11, 1944.80 Hyman testified that, perhaps because she favored the education of her children and they recognized her difficulties in rearing them during a turbulent marriage, they all remembered Mrs. Rubenstein with warmth and affection.81 The evidence also indicates that Jack, notwithstanding his earlier at udes, became especially fond of his mother.82 Following his wife's death, Joseph Rubenstein stayed with the children in Chicago, where he died at the age of 87, on December 24, 1958.83

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Education

Records provided by the Chicago Board of Education revealed that Jack Ruby attended Smyth Grammar School from October 24, 1916, through the 1920-21 term, completing kindergarten to grade 4B.84 He repeated the third grade.85 During the 1921-22 school year Jack finished the fourth grade at the Clarke School; he attended Schley School for the 1924-25 term, when he completed the sixth grade. Ruby's relationship with the Ins ute for Juvenile Research and the Jewish Home Finding Society may explain the lack of academic records for the 1922-23 and 1923-24 school years. While there is some uncertainty about Ruby's education subsequent to September 1925,86 it seems likely that he completed the eighth grade in 1927, when he was 16. Although Jack Ruby and others have stated that he attended at least 1 year of high school,87 the Chicago Board of Education could not locate any record of Ruby's attending Chicago high schools.88 Considering the absence of academic records and Jack's apathetic at ude toward school,89 the Commission deems it unlikely that his education extended into high school.

Records of the Ins ute for Juvenile Research revealed that, as of June 1922, Ruby had no religious education outside the public school system.90 However, according to their children, Jack's parents made some effort to inculcate in them a desire to adhere to the tenets of Orthodox Judaism. Jewish dietary and festival laws were observed and several of the children accompanied Joseph Rubenstein to the synagogue.91 Earl Ruby stated that all the boys received some Hebrew school training until the breakup of the Rubenstein home in 1921.92 However, Hyman Rubenstein testified that the instability and economic necessities of the household and the children's relationships outside the home frustrated the religious efforts of Ruby's parents.93
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Activities

Born in a home that disintegrated when he was 10 and boasting no substantial educational background, Jack Ruby early found himself

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on Chicago streets attempting to provide for himself and other members of his family. An avid sports fan, he, together with many of his friends, "scalped" tickets to various sporting events.94 He also sold numerous novelty items and knickknacks, particularly those connected with professional and collegiate athletics. Even in his youth, Ruby declined to work on a steady basis for someone else.95

According to his brother Hyman, Jack Ruby's only legal difficulty as a youth resulted from an altercation with a policeman about ticket scalping. Hyman, then active in local politics, was able to have charges arising out of the incident dropped.96 Ruby has indicated that during the depression he served a short jail sentence for the unauthorized sale of copyrighted sheet music.97

The only other member of the Rubenstein family who appears to have had any difficulty with the law while a youth was Hyman. On May 1, 1916, Chicago's juvenile court declared Hyman incorrigible, a term covering a wide range of misbehavior. Because of the absence of informative court records and the lapse of time, the misconduct that occasioned this proceeding could not be ascertained, but Hyman is not known to have encountered subsequent difficulty.98 Some of Ruby's childhood friends eventually became criminals; 99 however, Hyman Rubenstein, his sister Mrs. Eva Grant, and virtually all of Ruby's friends and acquaintances who were questioned reported that he was not involved with Chicago's criminal element.100

The evidence indicates that young Jack was not interested in political affairs.101 Hyman was the only Rubenstein to participate actively in politics. Sponsored by various political officials, he became a sidewalk inspector and warehouse investigator for 8 years. On one occasion, he obtained a permit for Jack to sell novelties from a pushcart located in a business district during the pre-Christmas buying rush. Eventually the complaints of enraged businessmen led licensing authorities to declare that a mistake had been made and to revoke Ruby's permit.102
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Temperament

The evidence reveals striking differences of opinion among childhood friends and acquaintances of Jack Ruby about whether he possessed violent tendencies. Many persons stated that he was mild mannered, quiet, and even tempered.103 Former welterweight champion Barney Ross, whom Jack Ruby idolized from the inception of his boxing career,104 stated that Ruby was "well behaved," was never a troublemaker, and was never involved with law-enforcement agencies.105 Another friend, who became a successful businessman on the west coast, said that, as a youth, Ruby never started fights even though he was adept with his fists.106 Other friends declared that he would, if at all possible, avoid clashes.107

But many other friends and acquaintances recalled that he had a hot temper and was quickly moved to violent acts or words.108 One friend explained that in the "tough" Chicago neighborhood where they lived, self-defense was vitally important and added that Ruby

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was fully capable of defending himself.109 Another friend described Ruby as quick tempered and, though unlikely to pick fights, willing to accept any challenge without regard to the odds against him.110 Young Jack also interfered in fights, particularly when the person he was aiding appeared to be taking a severe beating or in a disadvantageous position.111 Others reported that he had the reputation of being a good street brawler.112 One school friend recalled that when Jack argued vehemently about sports, he occasionally used a stick or other available weapon. He reported, however, that after Ruby's anger subsided, he reverted to his normal, likable character.113

From early childhood, Jack Ruby was called "Sparky" by those who knew him.114 According to his sister Eva Grant, the nickname derived from the way Jack wobbled when he walked. He was thought to resemble the slow-moving horse called "Sparky" or "Sparkplug" depicted in a contemporary comic strip. Mrs. Grant testified that her brother became incensed when called "Sparky" and that from the time he was about 8 years old he would strike anyone calling him by that name.115 A childhood friend also recalled that Jack hated the nickname and would fight when called by it.116 Mrs. Grant was unsure whether the nickname "Sparky" did not also result from his quick reaction to the taunts of young friends.117 Hyman Rubenstein thought that the nickname derived from Jack's speed, aggressiveness, and quick thinking. The many accounts of Ruby's lightninglike temper lend credence to the theory, widely held, that his nickname was connected with his volatility.118
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YOUNG MANHOOD (1933-43)

San Francisco (1933-37)

Jack Ruby reported that in about 1933, he and several Chicago friends went to Los Angeles and, shortly thereafter, to San Francisco.119 Although there is evidence that he stayed there until 1938, 1939, or 1940,120 Ruby stated that he returned to Chicago in about 1937,121 and this appears to have been the case.122 Eva Grant testified that Ruby went to the west coast because he believed employment would be available there.123

Eva, who married Hyman Magid in Chicago in 1930,124 was divorced in early 1934, and in about June of that year joined her brother Jack in San Francisco. She and her son, Ronald, shared an apartment with him. In 1936, Eva married Frank Granovsky, also known as Frank Grant, in San Francisco, and Ruby shared a four-room apartment with them and Ronald for a short while.125
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Occupations and Activities

Ruby stated that when he and his friends arrived in Los Angeles, they sold a handicapper's tip sheet for horseraces at Santa Anita race-

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track which had just opened.126 Eva Grant testified that Ruby also worked as a singing waiter in Los Angeles, but made very little money.127

When the group moved to San Francisco, Ruby continued to sell "tip" sheets at Bay Meadows racetrack.128 Subsequently, he became a door-to-door salesman of subscriptions to San Francisco newspapers.129 Although there is some evidence that he ultimately became chief of his crew and had several people working under him,130 other reports indicate that this is unlikely.131 Eva Grant testified that she also sold newspaper subscriptions but was less proficient than her brother and relied upon him for advice and support.132

Although virtually all his San Francisco acquaintances knew Jack Ruby as "Sparky," 133 there is no evidence that, he engaged in violent activities in San Francisco or was reputed to possess a vicious temper. One friend, who stated that he resided with Ruby and Eva for about a year, described him as a "well-mannered, likable individual who was soft spoken and meticulous in his dress and appearance." 134 Another friend described him as a "clean-cut, honest kid," 135 and the manager of a crew with which Ruby worked stated that he had a good reputation and appeared to be an "honest, forthright person." The crew manager reported that Ruby associated with a sports crowd, some of whose members were involved with professional boxing, but not with criminals. He added that Ruby had a personal liking for law enforcement and would have wanted to become a police officer had he been larger physically.136

One friend reported that although Ruby always associated with Jewish people, he never exhibited great interest in religion.137 Ruby met Virginia Belasco, granddaughter of the prominent playwright and actor, David Belasco, in about 1936 at a dance at the Jewish community center in San Francisco. Miss Belasco stated that while a teenager she saw Ruby socially on several occasions between 1936 and 1941.138 The only other evidence concerning Ruby's social activities while in San Francisco is his statement to his long-time girl friend, Alice Nichols of Dallas,139 that while in San Francisco he met the only other woman, Virginia Fitzgerald or Fitzsimmons, that he ever considered marrying.140
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Chicago (1937-43)

Jack Ruby stated that following his return to Chicago, he was unemployed for a considerable period.141 However, when his mother was admitted to Elgin State Hospital in 1937,142 she reported that he was employed as a "traveling salesman" apparently living away from home.143 Although there is conflicting evidence about his ability to earn a comfortable living,144 he apparently was able to maintain a normal existence 145 and required no financial assistance from his family or friends. He continued to be a so-called "hustler," scalping tickets and buying watches and other small items for resale at dis-

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count prices.146 One of his closest Chicago friends stated that Ruby's sales and promotions were "shady" but "legitimate." 147

Labor union activities.--Ruby reported that in "about 1937" he became active in Local 20467 of the Scrap Iron and Junk Handlers Union.148 At this time, his friend, attorney Leon Cooke, was the local's financial secretary.149 Records provided by the Social Security Administration indicate that Ruby was employed by the union from late 1937 until early 1940; 150 he worked as a union organizer and negotiated with employers on its behalf.151

On December 8, 1939, the union's president, John Martin, shot Cooke, who died of gunshot wounds on January 5, 1940; Martin was subsequently acquitted on the ground of self-defense.152 Although a Jack Rubenstein is mentioned in the minutes of a union meeting on February 2, 1940,153 and Ruby is reported to have said after Cooke's death that he wanted to "take over" the union,154 the evidence indicates that Ruby was so upset by Cooke's death that he was unable to devote himself further to union activities and left its employ.155 Ruby reported that after Cooke's death he adopted the middle name "Leon," which he used only infrequently, in memory of his friend.156

Since Ruby was the ultimate source of all but one of these accounts,157 other descriptions of Ruby's separation from the union cannot with certainty be deemed inaccurate. These reports indicated that Ruby might have been forced out of the union by a criminal group, or might have left because he lacked the emotional stability necessary for sucessful labor negotiations 159 or because he felt he was not, earning enough money with the union.160

Although the AFL-CIO investigated the ethical practices of local 20467 in 1956, placed the local in trusteeship, and suspended Paul Dorfman, who succeeded Martin and Cooke, there is no evidence that Ruby's union activities were connected with Chicago's criminal element.161 Several long-time members of the union reported that it had a good reputation when Ruby was affiliated with it 162 and employers who negotiated with it have given no indication that it had criminal connections.163

Subsequent employment.--In 1941, Ruby and Harry Epstein organized the Spartan Novelty Co., a small firm that sold in various northeastern States small cedar chests containing candy and gambling devices known as punchboards.164 Earl Ruby and two of Jack Ruby's friends, Martin Gimpel and Martin Shargol, were also associated in this venture. The group had no fixed addresses, living in hotels.165

Late in 1941, Jack Ruby returned to Chicago, where he continued his punchboard business through the mails.166 Following the December 7, 1941, attack on Pearl Harbor, he and several friends decided to design and sell plaques commemorating the Day of Infamy. However, the venture was impeded by Ruby's perfectionistic approach to details of design which resulted in numerous production delays.167 By the time Ruby's copyrighted plaque 168 was finally ready for sale, the market was flooded with similar items.169 At about this time,

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Ruby also sold busts of Franklin Delano Roosevelt.170 In late 1942 and 1943, Ruby was employed by the Globe Auto Glass Co.171 and Universal Sales Co.172

Although one of Ruby's acquaintances at this time described him as a cuckoo nut on the subject of patriotism,173 the evidence does not indicate that Ruby's promotion of "Remember Pearl Harbor" plaques and Roosevelt busts was motivated by patriotic or political considerations. Rather, the sale of these items was, to Ruby, just another commercial venture, but he might also have considered these sales "a good thing." 174 Numerous friends reported that, Ruby had no interest in political affairs during this period,175 although he greatly admired President Roosevelt.176

Other activities.--The evidence indicates that Ruby led a normal social life during these years. Virginia Belasco stated that while Ruby was selling punchboards in New York during November 1941, he entertained her each weekend.177 Other reports indicate that Ruby fancied himself a "ladies' man," enjoyed dancing, almost always had female accompaniment and was "very gentlemanly" with women.178

Ruby, with several friends, frequently attempted to disrupt rallies of the German-American Bund.179 One acquaintance reported that Ruby was responsible for "cracking a few heads" of Bund members.180 Apparently he joined in this activity for ethnic rather than political reasons. The young men in the group were not organized adherents of any particular political creed, but were poolhall and tavern companions from Ruby's Jewish neighborhood who gathered on the spur of the moment to present opposition when they learned that the pro-Nazi and anti-Semitic Bund movement was planning a meeting.181 Hyman Rubenstein testified that Ruby would fight with any person making derogatory comments about, his ethnic origins, and others have stated that Ruby would fight with anyone he suspected of pro-Nazi or anti-Semitic tendencies.182

During this period Ruby, though temperamental, apparently engaged in no unusual acts of violence. However, he did interfere on several occasions when he thought someone was treated unfairly. A friend who described Ruby as "somewhat overbearing regarding the rights and feelings of others," reported that Ruby fought two college students who insulted a Negro piano player.193 Another friend reported that Ruby had a "bitter" fight with a man who was abusing an older woman.184

Maintaining his friendship with Barney Ross, and still an ardent sports fan, Ruby associated with various figures in the boxing world and regularly attended the fights at Marigold Gardens.185 He frequented the Lawndale Poolroom and Restaurant, a rallying point for the anti-Bundists and chief "hangout" of many of Ruby's friends.186 In addition, Ruby, described as a "health nut" 187 who earnestly contended that he could hit harder than Joe Louis,188 exercised at several athletic clubs.189

Despite Ruby's participation in "shady" financial enterprises, his association with a labor union subsequently disciplined by the AFL-

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CIO, his participation in violent anti-Bund activities, and his connection with a poolroom, the evidence falls short of demonstrating that Ruby was significantly affiliated with organized crime in Chicago. Virtually all of Ruby's Chicago friends stated he had no close connection with organized crime.190 In addition, unreliable as their reports may be, several known Chicago criminals have denied any such liaison.191 The Commission finds it difficult to attach credence to a newspaper reporter's contrary statement that his undisclosed "syndicate sources" revealed Ruby was connected with organized crime and confidence games.192 Ruby was unquestionably familiar, if not friendly, with some Chicago criminals,193 but there is no evidence that he ever participated in organized criminal activity.
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MILITARY ACTIVITIES (1943-46)

In September 1941, Jack Ruby was apparently classified 1-A194 and declared eligible for the draft. Subsequently he appeared before a local board and was reclassified 1-H or 3-A.195 Between August 31, 1941, and November 19, 1942, when it was abolished, the 1-H classification applied to registrants who had reached their 28th birthday and were, therefore, no longer liable for service.196 The 3-A deferment applies to persons whose entry into military service presents financial hardship to dependents. Because of the length of time involved and the destruction of local draft board records, Ruby's precise status or the reason for his deferment could not be ascertained.197 According to one somewhat unreliable report, Ruby, immediately prior to his physical examination, feigned a hearing disability and occasionally wore a hearing aid.198 Hyman Rubenstein, who testified that Jack was deferred because of economic hardship since he "the only one home," specifically denied the truthfulness of this allegation.199 Early in 1943, Ruby was again classified l-A, and, following an unsuccessful appearance before his appeal board, he was inducted into the U.S. Army Air Forces on May 21, 1943.200 Jack was the last of the Rubenstein brothers to enter the service. Previously, Earl had enlisted in the Navy, Sam was in Army Air Force Intelligence and Hyman was in the field artillery.201

Except for 5 weeks in Farmingdale, N.Y., Ruby spent his military days at various airbases in the South.202 He received the basic training given all recruits and advanced training as an aircraft mechanic 203 On August 2, 1943, he passed marksmanship tests with the .30 caliber carbine and the .45 caliber submachinegun, but failed with the .30 caliber rifle. On February 10, 1944, he earned a sharpshooter's rating for his firing of an M1 .30 caliber carbine. His character and efficiency ratings, when determined, were excellent.204 After attaining the rank of private first class and receiving the good conduct medal, Ruby was honorably discharged on February 21, 1946.205

Two persons who recalled Ruby while he was in the Army Air Forces asserted that he was extremely sensitive to insulting remarks about

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Jews.206 When, during an argument, a sergeant called Ruby a "Jew bas ," Ruby reportedly attacked him and beat him with his fists.207

There is conflicting evidence about the zeal with which Ruby performed his military duties. One associate indicated that Ruby, who at 34 was the oldest in his group, always worked harder than the others to prove that he could keep up with them.208 Another recalled by contrast, that Ruby had "no liking for work" and carefully avoided situations requiting him to dirty his hands.209 However, there is no basis in the record for the inference that Ruby was in any way anti-American.

Ruby frequently expressed to some fellow soldiers his high regard for Franklin Delano Roosevelt.210 Two independent sources reported that he cried openly when informed of Roosevelt's death in April 1945.211 This did not indicate any sudden political interest, however, since none of his known military associates reported such an interest, and Ruby's admiration for President Roosevelt anteceded his military days.212

While in service, Ruby is reported to have continued his promotional ventures. One person recalled that in 1944, Jack received punchboards and chocolates from someone in Chicago and peddled these items through the base to make extra money. This person also indicated that Ruby enjoyed card and dice games in or near the barracks.213

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POSTWAR CHICAGO (1946-47)

Following his discharge from the Army Air Forces in February 1946, Jack Ruby returned to Chicago. He joined his three brothers, who had previously been discharged from the service,214 in the Earl Products Co. Earl Ruby testified that he was the sole investor in the enterprise, but each brother received an equal ownership interest on his return from the service.215 The company manufactured and sold small cedar chests and distributed punchboards.216 In addition, it made aluminum salt and pepper shakers, key chains, bottle openers, screwdrivers, and small hammers.217 Sam supervised the manufacturing end of the business, while Earl managed the office and advertising.218 Jack was in charge of sales, but the company was small and he had no subordinates.219

Because insufficient profits led to frequent arguments, Hyman soon left Earl Products.220 Jack, who stayed with the company through most of 1947, had many disputes with his brothers because he insisted on selling the products of other companies, such as costume jewelry, and he did not like traveling outside the Chicago area. Earl and Sam finally purchased Jack's interest, paying him more than $14,000 in cash.221

Although there is some evidence to the contrary,222 it is unlikely that Ruby was in the nightclub business in Chicago during the postwar period. Many who have reported this may have mistaken him for Harry Rubenstein,223 who was convicted of manslaughter and op-

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erated several such establishments.224 None of Jack Ruby's close friends or relatives indicated that he was in the nightclub business.

Following his return from the Army, Ruby was described as ready to fight with any person who insulted Jews or the military.225 Earl Ruby testified that on one occasion in 1946, Jack returned from downtown Chicago with his suit covered with blood. He explained at that time that he had fought with a person who had called him a "dirty Jew or something like that." 226

Other evidence indicates that Ruby's personality was not substantially changed by his military experience. One person who met, him in 1947, reported that Ruby was a "fashionable" dresser.227 He continued to be described as soft spoken,228 although he was also known as hot-tempered.229 Ruby worked out regularly at an athletic club,230 and one friend regarded him as a "Romeo," who was quite successful in attracting young women.231
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DALLAS (1947-63)

The Move to Dallas

During World War II, Ruby's sister, Eva Grant, visited Dallas.232 Having operated a restaurant on the west coast, and considering it a lucrative business, she arranged, near the end of 1945, to lease a building under construction in Dallas, which she ran as a night-club.233 Part of the financing for this establishment, the Singapore Supper Club, was provided by her brothers. Jack Ruby, who apparently obtained the money from Earl Products, sent $1,100 as a down-payment on the lease, Earl contributed about $1,500, and Hyman paid for more than $2,000 worth of equipment.234

Before she opened the Singapore in 1947, Eva Grant engaged in the sale of metal products.235 In that year she met Paul Roland Jones, who allegedly was seeking customers for iron pipe and whom she referred to Hyman Rubenstein.236 Jones had, at about that time, been convicted of attempting to bribe the newly elected sheriff of Dallas.237 On October 24, 1947, he was arrested for violating Federal narcotics statutes.238 Jack Ruby had visited Dallas early in 1947 to help Eva Grant manage the Singapore,239 and 5 days after Jones' arrest, Jack and Hyman Rubenstein were interrogated in Chicago by agents of the Bureau of Narcotics.240 The brothers admitted knowing Jones but denied awareness of his connection with narcotics. During the 2 years in which Jones was appealing his conviction he and other criminals frequented the Singapore Club, then operated by Jack Ruby.241

Intensive investigation to determine whether Jack Ruby was criminally or otherwise connected with Jones' narcotics violation leads the Commission to conclude Ruby probably was not involved.242 A search of the files of the Bureau of Narcotics disclosed no record that either Hyman or Jack had been prosecuted by Federal authorities in 1947.243 Jack, Hyman, and Eva denied participating in any narcotics activities.

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Jones and his coconspirators also denied that Jack was a participant.244 One of Jones' confederates reported after the shooting of Oswald that although Jones "propositioned" the two brothers concerning narcotics, they refused to participate.245 Moreover, when one of the conspirators was arrested with 48 pounds of raw opium in his possession, he implicated Jones and another person, both of whom were convicted, but he did not implicate Jack Ruby or his brother.246

Late in 1947, Ruby established permanent residence in Dallas.247 Shortly after shooting Oswald, Ruby stated that he returned to Dallas at Eva Grant's request, to help her operate the Singapore Supper Club.248 However, on December 21, 1963, he reported that although association with his sister had been the purport of his initial visit to Dallas, he returned there because of the failure of his "merchandising deals" in Chicago.249 These factors, in conjunction with his separation from Earl Products,250 probably motivated Ruby's move to Dallas.

A different reason has been given by Steve Guthrie, former sheriff of Dallas. Guthrie reported that shortly after his election as sheriff in July 1946, Paul Roland Jones, representing other Chicago criminals, offered him a substantial amount of money to permit them to move in and manage illegal activities in Dallas. Although he never met Ruby, Guthrie asserted that these criminals frequently mentioned that Ruby would operate a "fabulous" restaurant as a front for gambling activities.251

Despite its source, the Commission finds it difficult to accept this report. A member of the Dallas Police Department, Lt. George E. Butler, who was present during virtually all the conversations between Guthrie and Jones and who performed considerable investigative work on the case, stated that Ruby was not involved in the bribery attempt and that he had not heard of Ruby until the investigation and trial of Jones had been completed. He explained that Ruby's connection with the case stemmed from the fact that, as mentioned previously, Jones and other criminals frequented the Singapore Supper Club.252 And 22 recordings of the conversations between Guthrie, Butler, and Jones not only fail to mention Ruby, but indicate that Jones was to bring from outside the Dallas area only one confederate, who was not to be Jewish.253

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The Change of Name

Sometime in 1947, Jack Ruby's brothers Earl and Sam, pursuant to a joint understanding, legally changed their names from Rubenstein to Ruby.254 Earl testified that he changed his name because everyone called him Ruby and because a former employer advised him that it was preferable not to use a "Jewish name" on mail orders for Earl Products.255

On December 30, 1947, Jack changed his name to Jack L. Ruby by securing a decree from the 68th Judicial District Court of Dallas. His pe ion alleged that he sought the change because the name Rubenstein was misunderstood and too long and because he was "well

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known" as Jack L. Ruby.256 The Bureau of Narcotics report of his relationship with Paul Roland Jones indicates that as of October 29, 1947, Jack was known as Ruby; 257 however, several persons in Dallas knew him as Rubenstein.258

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Nightclub Operations

Except for a brief period in about 1953, when Ruby managed the Ervay Theater, a motion picture house,259 the operation of nightclubs and dancehalls was his primary source of income, and his basic interest in life during the 16 years he spent in Dallas prior to shooting Lee Oswald. When Ruby first arrived in Dallas in 1947, he and Eva Grant jointly managed the Singapore Supper Club.260 Shortly thereafter, she returned to the west coast. Except for sporadic trips to Dallas, she remained there until 1959, leaving Ruby a power of attorney.261 Ruby, who had received $14,000 from the sale of his interest in Earl Products,262 invested a substantial amount in the club, which Mrs. Grant described as "too nice a club for that part of town." 263 Ruby changed the Singapore's name to the Silver Spur Club. It was operated primarily as a dancehall, serving beer to its patrons.264 In about 1952, Ruby borrowed $3,700 from a friend, Ralph Paul, to purchase the Bob Wills Ranch House 265 with Martin Gimpel, a former associate in the Spartan Novelty Co.266 The Ranch House was run as a western-type nightclub.267

With two establishments to run, Ruby experienced substantial financial reversals in 1952. He abandoned his interest in the Ranch House and, on July 1, 1952, transferred the Silver Spur to Gimpel and Willie Epstein, who assumed some of its debts.268 Disappointed by these setbacks, Ruby stated that he had a "mental breakdown," and "hibernated" in the Cotton Bowl Hotel in Dallas for 3 or 4 months, declining to see his friends.269 Still depressed, he then returned to Chicago, apparently intending to remain there permanently.270 However, he stayed only 6 weeks. Gimpel and Epstein were anxious to be rid of the Silver Spur and Ruby once again became its owner.271

In 1953, Ruby obtained an interest in the Vegas Club, which he operated with Joe Bonds until September 1953.272 At that time he informed Irving Alkana, who had retained a prior ownership interest, that he was unable to meet his obligations with respect to the club. Alkana then assumed management of the Vegas until June 19, 1954, when, following numerous disagreements with him, he sold Ruby his interest.273

Ruby still owned the Vegas Club at the time of his arrest on November 24, 1963. However, when Eva Grant returned from San Francisco in 1959, she assumed management of the club, receiving a salary but no ownership interest.274 the Vegas, which occasionally featured striptease acts,275 employed a dance band and served beer, wine, soft drinks and some prepared foods.276

In 1954, Ruby's Vegas associate, Joe Bonds, was convicted of sodomy and sent to a Texas penitentiary to serve an 8-year sentence.277 In 1955,

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Ruby sold the Silver Spur to Roscoe "Rocky" Robinson; however, Robinson could not obtain a license to operate the club and it was subsequently closed.278 For a few months during this period, Ruby also operated Hernando's Hideaway, but this venture proved unsuccessful. 279

Sam Ruby testified that shortly after he sold his interest in Earl Products in mid-1955 and moved to Dallas, he loaned Jack $5,500 to enable him to pay Federal excise taxes on the Vegas. As security for the loan, Sam required Jack to execute a bill of sale of the Vegas. Upon Jack's default in payment, Sam ins uted suit, claiming that he owned the Vegas and that Jack had breached his promise to repurchase it. The case was ultimately settled, with Jack retaining his ownership interest in the club.280

In late 1959, Jack Ruby became a partner of Joe Slatin in establishing the Sovereign Club, a private club that was apparently permitted by Texas law to sell liquor to members.281 Since Slatin was troubled about Dallas news stories describing police raids on a private club that permitted gambling, he felt he needed more capital.282 Ruby invested about $6,000 which he borrowed from his brother Earl and perhaps some of his own money.283

The Sovereign was described as a "plush" and exclusive club, and Ruby was apparently very anxious to attract a wealthy "carriage" trade.284 The venture was not successful, however. The two men could not work together, and Slatin withdrew in early 1960.285 Ruby turned for new capital to Ralph Paul,286 who had operated a Dallas club with Joe Bonds.287 Ruby still owed Paul $1,200 of the $3,700 loan made in connection with the Bob Wills Ranch House, but Paul advanced him another $2,200, which allowed him to pay the Sovereign's rent for 4 months. Subsequently, Ruby spontaneously gave Paul a stock certificate representing 50 percent of the equity of the corporation owning the club. Ruby told Paul that if the venture failed the Sovereign's fixtures and other physical property would belong to Paul. 288

Experiencing difficulty in recruiting sufficient members, Ruby soon found himself again unable to pay the Sovereign's monthly rent of $550. Again he turned to Paul, who loaned him $1,650 on the condition that he change the club's method of operation. Paul insisted that Ruby discontinue club memberships, even though this would prevent the sale of liquor, and offer striptease shows as a subs ute attraction. Ruby agreed, and the Sovereign's name was changed to the Carousel Club.289 It became one of three downtown Dallas burlesque clubs and served champagne, beer, "setups" and pizza, its only food.291 The Carousel generally employed four strippers, a master of ceremonies, an assistant manager, a band, three or four waitresses, and a porter or handyman.292 Net receipts averaged about $5,000 per month 293 most of which was allocated to the club's payroll.294 Late in 1963, Ruby began to distribute "permanent passes" to the Carousel; 295 however, the cards were apparently designed solely for publicity and did not affect the club's legal status.

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Employee Relationships

Ruby's employees displayed a wide range of personal reactions to him. Those associated with Ruby long enough to grow accustomed to his violent temper and constant threats of discharge generally portray him sympathetically.296 They reported he was genuinely interested in their welfare and happiness. In addition, many former employees stated that he was a pleasant or unobjectionable employer.297

There is also considerable evidence that Ruby tended to dominate his employees, frequently resorted to violence in dealing with them, publicly embarrassed them,298 sometimes attempted to cheat them of their pay,299 and delayed paying their salaries.300 Other employees reported Ruby continually harassed his help,301 and used obscene language in their presence.302 However he frequently apologized, sought to atone for his many temper tantrums, 303 and completely forgot others.304

One of the many violent incidents that were reported took place in 1950, when Ruby struck an employee over the head with a blackjack.305 In 1951, after his guitarist, Willis erson, told Ruby to "go to ," Ruby knocked erson to the ground, then pinned him to a wall and kicked him in the groin. During the scuffle, erson bit Ruby's finger so badly that the top half of Ruby's left index finger was amputated.306 In approximately 1955, Ruby beat one of his musicians with brass knuckles; the musician's mouth required numerous s ches.307

During 1960, Ruby and two entertainers, Breck Wall and Joe Peterson, entered into an agreement that the performers would produce and star in a revue at the Sovereign in exchange for a 50-percent interest in the club.308 After performing for 2 months, the entertainers complained that they had received neither a share of the profits nor evidence of their proprietary interest. Ruby responded by hitting Peterson in the mouth, knocking out a tooth. The two men left the Sovereign's employ, but they subsequently accepted Ruby's apology and resumed their friendship with him.309

In September 1969, Frank Ferraro, the Carousel's handyman, became involved in a dispute at a nearby bar. Ruby told him not to get into a fight, and Ferraro told Ruby to mind his own business. Ruby then followed Ferraro to another club and beat him severely. Ferraro required emergency hospital treatment for his eye, but he decided not to press charges since Ruby paid for his hospital care.310 In March 1963, during an argument about wages, Ruby threatened to throw a cigarette girl down the stairs of the Carousel.311

Ruby's relationship with his employees commanded much of his attention during the months preceding the assassination. The Carousel's comparatively high turnover rate 312 and Ruby's intense desire to succeed313 required him to meet numerous prospective employees, patrons, and other persons who might help improve his business.

Ruby frequently encountered difficulties with the American Guild of Variety Artists (AGVA), the union which represented Carousel entertainers.314 For several years, starting in about 1961, he unsuccess-

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fully sought modification of AGVA's policy permitting "amateur" strippers,315 inexperienced girls paid less than union-scale wages,316 to perform at union houses. Ruby apparently believed his two compe ors, the Weinstein brothers, were scheduling amateur shows in a manner calculated to destroy his business.317 Ruby's discontent with AGVA grew particularly acute during the late summer and early fall of 1963 when, in addition to meeting with AGVA officials,318 he called upon several acquaintances, including known criminals, who, he thought, could influence AGVA on his behalf.319 Other problems with AGVA arose because of his policy of continuous shows, which did not give masters of ceremonies enough time off,320 and his alleged use of AGVA members to mingle with patrons to promote the consumption of liquor.321

In June 1963, Ruby visited New Orleans, where he obtained the services of a stripper known as "Jada," 322 who became his featured performer.323 Jada and Ruby had numerous contract disputes and he was concerned about her high salary, recurrent absenteeism, and diminishing drawing power.324 Moreover, he thought that Jada had deliberately exceeded even the Carousel's liberal standards of decency in order to cause him to lose his license or to obtain publicity for herself.325 On several occasions Ruby excitedly turned off the spotlights during her act, and at the end of October 1963, he fired her.326 However, after Jada sued out a peace bond, she apparently recovered a week's salary from Ruby.327

In addition to problems with its star stripper, the Carousel was required to employ three masters of ceremonies in rapid succession following the departure in about September 1963, of Wally Weston, who worked there about 15 months.328 And in early November, the band that had played at the Vegas Club for about 8 years left the Vegas to accept the offer of another Dallas club.329

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Financial Data and Tax Problems

Jack Ruby's pockets and the trunk of his car served as his bank. With a few exceptions, Ruby and his clubs rarely employed bank accounts.330 Instead, Ruby carried his cash with him, paying the bulk of his expenses and debts directly out of club receipts.331

During the latter half of 1963, the Carousel, the Vegas, and Ruby each maintained checking accounts at the Merchants State Bank in Dallas. Balances of the latter two accounts never exceeded $275. In July 1963, the Carousel's account had more than $500; after August 8, its maximum balance was less than $800. Between May 31 and November 24, 1963, 53 checks were drawn on the three accounts; with the exception of one check for $129.47, all were for less than $100.332 He generally purchased cashier's checks at the Merchants State Bank to pay his monthly rental of $550 for the Carousel and $500 for the Vegas.333 He also purchased cashier's checks during the 3 months prior to the assassination to pay about $1,500 to the Texas State treasurer, $110 to Temple Shearith Israel, apparently for Jewish high holy day tickets, and $60 to the American Society of Authors and Publishers.334

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Records of the more than 50 banking ins utions checked during the investigation of Ruby's financial affairs 335 revealed that he had three other dormant accounts, all with small balances.336 Two safety deposit boxes belonging to Ruby, opened by Texas officials pursuant to search warrants, were empty and unused for more than a year prior to the assassination.337 Although Ruby negotiated several loans at the Merchants State Bank,338 there is no evidence that he was the maker or co-maker of other loans,339 and, after investigation, the Dallas Police Department found no record that Ruby cosigned the note of any policeman at any time.340

Ruby's financial records were chaotic. One accountant abandoned efforts to prepare income tax returns and other financial statements because of the hopeless disarray of Ruby's data.341 The record indicates that Ruby was frequently weeks, if not months, late in filing Federal tax forms and that he held numerous conferences with Internal Revenue agents who attempted to obtain the delinquent statements.342

Ruby encountered serious difficulties with respect to State franchise and Federal excise and income taxes. The Texas charter of the corporation controlling the Sovereign and Carousel clubs was canceled in 1961, because Ruby failed to pay Texas franchise taxes.343 And, only after numerous conferences, did Ruby and representatives of the Internal Revenue Service reach agreements on installment payments of various Federal tax liabilities, to which Ruby more or less adhered.344

Ruby's primary difficulty concerned Federal excise taxes. Advised by an attorney that the Vegas Club, a dance hall providing food, was not subject to Federal excise taxes because it was not a "cabaret," Ruby charged Vegas patrons on the assumption that no excise taxes were due. However, his attorney reported, when Federal courts ruled that dance halls providing "incidental" food were subject to excise taxes as "cabarets," 345 Ruby became liable to the Federal Government for more than 6 years of taxes, amounting, with interest, to almost exactly $40,000.346

Ruby also fell behind on his personal income tax payments. At the time of his arrest he owed more than $4,400 for 1959 and 1960.347 Remittances accompanied his 1961 and 1962 tax forms, the latter received by the office of the Dallas District Director on September 18, 1963.348 The following table summarizes amounts which Ruby reported as gross and net income from the Vegas Club from 1956 to 1962; and the taxes due: 349
Year Gross income Net income Tax
1962 $41,462.77 $5,619.65 $1, 217. 75 estimated
1961 40,411.00 6,255.29 1,200.00 estimated
1960 44,482.41 9,703.90 2, 221.39
1959 50,981.95 14,060.86 3,778.17
1958 37,755.65 3,274.64 586.52
1957 33,671.60 2,619.52 438.41
1956 30,695.27 7,437.01 1,527.10


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On his income tax forms, Ruby did not itemize personal deductions and claimed only his own exemption. For 1962, Ruby reported salary income of $650 from the corporation controlling the Carousel, and $900 for 1961.350

Ruby and officers of the Internal Revenue Service frequently discussed methods of satisfying his large excise and income tax liability.351 In 1960, the Government filed tax liens for more than $20,000.352 In November 1962, the Government rejected Ruby's offer to pay $8,000 to compromise the assessed taxes of more than $20,000 because he had not filed returns for other Federal taxes and had not paid these taxes as they became due. These other taxes, for the period September 1959 through June 1962, amounted to an additional $20,000.353 In June 1963, Ruby submitted an offer of $3,000 to compromise all past assessments; the offer was not acted upon prior to November 24, 1963.354
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Other Business Ventures

In addition to nightclub management and ownership, Ruby participated in numerous other commercial ventures. He was able to do so primarily because work at the clubs consumed few of his daytime hours. Many of Ruby's ventures related to show business, others were somewhat speculative promotions; almost all ended unsuccessfully.

While operating the Silver Spur Club, Ruby sold costume jewelry at discount rates,355 and, in about 1951, he sold sewing machine attachments at the Texas State Fair.356 Approximately a year later, he managed a talented young Negro boy, "Little Daddy" Nelson. The boy appeared at the Silver Spur, the Vegas Club, and the Bob Wills Ranch House. In about 1953 or 1954, Ruby took "Little Daddy" and his parents to Chicago to obtain a television appearance for him. However, shortly after their arrival, Ruby was confronted by a second woman claiming to be "Little Daddy's" mother. Upon advice of counsel, Ruby decided to abandon the venture.357
In 1954, Ruby became interested in the sale of pizza crusts to Dallas restaurants.358 He is also reported to have sold an arthritic preparation 359 and to have manufactured and sold "Miniron," a liquid vitamin formula.360 In about 1958 or 1959, Ruby attempted to build and sell log cabins at a Texas lake resort.361 In early 1959, he investigated the possibility of selling jeeps to Cuba.362 He is also reported to have furnished entertainment for a Dallas hotel,363 to have promoted records for musicians 364 and to have sold English stainless steel razor blades.365

In October 1963 Ruby assisted the producers of a carnival show, "How Hollywood Makes Movies," appearing at the Texas State Fair.366 At about this time Ruby also sought to open a new club in Dallas. He conferred with numerous persons and placed advertisements in Dallas newspapers in an attempt to obtain financial backing.367 Assuming that he would be occupied by the new club, Ruby offered his oldest brother, Hyman, a managerial post at the Carousel. However, Hyman, who had recently lost his sales territory, declined the offer because he felt he was too old for the nightclub business.368

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Ruby unsuccessfully attempted to sell "twistboards," an exercising device consisting of two square fiberboards separated by ball bearings. Despite the contrary advice of his brother Earl,369 Jack ordered several dozen twistboards and had 2,000 promotional flyers published.370 He had one of his strippers demonstrate the twistboards at the Texas Products Show during the first week of November 1963.

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Arrests and Violations

Between 1949 and November 24, 1963, Ruby was arrested eight times by the Dallas Police Department. The dates, charges, and dispositions of these arrests are as follows:372 February 4, 1949, Ruby paid a $10 fine for disturbing the peace. July 26, 1953, Ruby was suspected of carrying a concealed weapon; however, no charges were filed and Ruby was released on the same day. May 1, 1954, Ruby was arrested for allegedly carrying a concealed weapon and violating a peace bond; again no charges were filed and Ruby was released on the same day. December 5, 1954, Ruby was arrested for allegedly violating State liquor laws by selling liquor after hours; the complaint was dismissed on February 8, 1955.373 June 21, 1959, Ruby was arrested for allegedly permitting dancing after hours; the complaint was dismissed on July 8, 1959. August 21, 1960, Ruby was again arrested for allegedly permitting dancing after hours; Ruby posted $25 bond and was released on that date. February 12, 1963, Ruby was arrested on a charge of simple assault; he was found not guilty February 27, 1963. Finally, on March 14, 1963, Ruby was arrested for allegedly ignoring traffic summonses; a $35 bond was posted.

When Ruby applied for a beer license in March 1961, he reported that he had been arrested "about four or five times" between 1947 and 1953.374 Between 1950 and 1963, he received 20 tickets for motor vehicle violations, paying four $10 fines and three of $3.375 In 1956 and 1959, Ruby was placed on 6 months' probation as a traffic violator.

Ruby was also frequently suspended by the Texas Liquor Control Board. In August 1949, when he was operating the Silver Spur, he was suspended for 5 days on a charge of "Agents--Moral Turpitude." In 1953 Ruby received a 5-day suspension because of an obscene show, and, in 1954, a 10-day suspension for allowing a drunkard on his premises.376 On February 18, 1954, he was suspended for 5 days because of an obscene striptease act at the Silver Spur and for the consumption of alcoholic beverages during prohibited hours.377 On March 26, 1956. Ruby was suspended by the liquor board for 3 days because several of his checks were dishonored.378 On October 23, 1961, he received another 3-day suspension because an agent solicited the sale of alcoholic beverages for consumption on licensed premises.379
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Police Associations

Although the precise nature of his relationship to members of the Dallas Police Department is not susceptible of conclusive evaluation,

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the evidence indicates that Ruby was keenly interested in policemen and their work.380 Jesse Curry, chief of the Dallas Police Department, testified that no more than 25 to 50 of Dallas' almost 1,200 policemen were acquainted with Ruby.381 However, the reports of present and past members of the Dallas Police Department as well as Ruby's employees and acquaintances indicate that Ruby's police friendships were far more widespread than those of the average citizen.382

There is no credible evidence that Ruby sought special favors from police officers or attempted to bribe them.383 Although there is considerable evidence that Ruby gave policemen reduced rates,384 declined to exact any cover charge from them,385 and gave them free coffee and soft drinks, 386 this hospitality was not unusual for a Dallas night-club operator.387 Ruby's personal attachment to police officers is demonstrated by reports that he attended the funeral of at least one policeman killed in action and staged a benefit performance for the widow of another.388 Ruby regarded several officers as personal friends, and others had worked for him.380 Finally, at least one policeman regularly dated, and eventually married, one of the Carousel's strippers.390
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Underworld Ties

From the time that Ruby arrived in Dallas in 1947, he was friendly with numerous underworld figures. One of his earliest Dallas acquaintances was Paul Roland Jones, who was convicted of attempting to bribe the sheriff of Dallas and engaging in the sale of narcotics.391 Joe Bonds, one of Ruby's partners in the Vegas Club, had a criminal record.392

Ruby, who enjoyed card playing 393 and horse racing,394 was friendly with several professional gamblers. In 1959, he visited Cuba at the invitation and expense of Lewis McWillie, a professional gambler.395 Alice Nichols reported that Ruby's refusal to give up gambling was one reason why she never seriously considered marrying him.396 When Sidney Seidband, a Dallas gambler, was arrested in Oklahoma City, his list of gambling acquaintances included Jack Ruby.397 And other friends of Ruby have been identified as gamblers.398 Finally, two persons of questionable reliability have reported that Ruby's consent was necessary before gambling or narcotics operations could be launched in Dallas.399

Based on its evaluation of the record, however, the Commission believes that the evidence does not establish a significant link between Ruby and organized crime. Both State and Federal officials have indicated that Ruby was not affiliated with organized criminal activity.400 And numerous persons have reported that Ruby was not connected with such activity.401
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Travels

Despite reports that Ruby visited Havana, Las Vegas, New York, Chicago, Honolulu, and Mexican border towns, most of his time subse-

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quent to 1947 was spent in Dallas. Some of his travels, including, his efforts in behalf of "Little Daddy" Nelson and his visit to New Orleans in June 1963 have been discussed.402 Ruby stated that he went to Chicago in 1952, in 1958 when his father died, and in August 1963 when he met members of his family at O'Hare International Airport while en route from New York to Dallas.403 His August trip to New York motivated by his difficulties with the American Guild of Variety Artists and his desire to obtain talent, has been completely established by hotel records.404 Early in 1963 Ruby also traveled to Wichita, Kans., because of his interest in stripper Gall Raven,405 and on May 25, 1963, he apparently registered in an Oklahoma motel.406

Although Ruby denies being in Las Vegas after 1937,407 there are unsupported rumors that he was in that city in late 1962,408 and the early part of November 1963.409 Reports that he was in Las Vegas during the weekend prior to the assassination 410 appear similarly unfounded.411

There is some uncertainty about Ruby's trip to Havana, Cuba, in 1959. The evidence indicates that he accepted an invitation from gambler Lewis J. McWillie, who subsequently became a violent anti-Castroite, to visit Havana at McWillie's expense.412 Ruby apparently met McWillie in about 1950, when McWillie operated a Dallas night-club.413 McWillie, whom Ruby said he idolized,414 supervised gambling activities at Havana's Tropicana Hotel in 1959 and later was employed in a managerial capacity in a Las Vegas gambling establishment.415 Ruby testified that he went to Havana for 8 days in August 1959 and left because he was not interested in its gambling activities.416 McWillie corroborated this story except that he stated only that Ruby visited Havana "sometime in 1959." 417 Three Chicagoans reported seeing Ruby in Havana during the Labor Day weekend in 1959.418 Meyer Panitz, an acquaintance of McWillie, reported that when he met Ruby in Miami during the "summer of 1959" Ruby stated that he was returning from a pleasure trip to Cuba.419 The theory that the trip to Havana had conspiratorial implications is discussed in chapter VI. There is no reliable evidence that Ruby went to Havana subsequent to September 1959.420

Although Ruby denied ever being in Hawaii,421 there is some evidence that during the summer of 1961 he was in Honolulu seeking dancing talent.422 While it is unlikely that Ruby would forget a trip to Honolulu in 1961, there is no other indication that such a trip, if it occurred, had any sinister motives.

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CHARACTER AND INTERESTS

Family Relationships

As mentioned previously,423 Eva Grant was the only member of the family living in Dallas when Ruby returned to that city in late 1947. In 1948, she returned to the west coast, visiting Dallas sporadically

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until 1959, when she assumed management of the Vegas.424 Despite their recurring arguments, during which they sometimes came to blows,425 Ruby was closer to Eva than any of his brothers or sisters. In the summer of 1963, Eva complained bitterly to Ruby because he gave a friend about $800 instead of paying Vegas Club bills. Eva, citing her poor healthy stated that she should be hospitalized. Ruby rejoined that he had provided her money to enter a hospital. He then shoved her, causing her to fall back about 8 feet and hurt her arm and shoulder. At this point Ruby insisted he wanted her to leave the Vegas Club.426

Ruby frequently told Eva to submit to an operation and in early November 1963 she consented. She was hospitalized for a week, leaving about November 13.427 While she was in the hospital, Jack called Earl and Sam, requesting them to convey their concern to Eva.428 According to Eva, Jack visited her at the hospital two or three times a day. He kept in constant touch with her throughout the weekend of November 22.429

Sam Ruby moved to Dallas from Chicago in July 1955, after selling his interest in the Earl Products Co.430 His son's asthma and Eva's suggestion that he work as a builder in Dallas prompted the move.431 Apparently as a result of difficulties in collecting the $5,500 Sam loaned Jack in 1955 to pay Federal excise taxes, 432 Jack and Sam were never particularly close to each other. However, Sam entered into a partnership in an unsuccessful ice cream business with Jack's close friend, Ralph Paul.433 Jack visited Sam and his family occasionally, especially on Jewish holidays, and from time to time they spoke to each other by telephone.434

Jack had sporadic contacts with his brother Earl, who remained in Chicago until about 1960, when he moved to Detroit.435 The most successful of the brothers, Earl often gave Jack business advice and capital.436 He estimated, perhaps conservatively, that, when arrested, Jack owed him $15,000.437 The evidence also indicates that Jack borrowed at least $1,000, and probably more, from his sister Marion in Chicago.438
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Social Relationships

There have been statements that Ruby was a sexual. The available evidence does not support the allegation. There is no evidence of sexuality on his part; Ruby did not frequent known gathering places for sexuals,439 many of the reports were inherently suspect or based upon questionable or inaccurate premises,440 and Ruby and most of his associates and employees denied the charge.441 All the allegations were based on hearsay or derive from Ruby's lisp or a "feeling" that Ruby was a "sissy," seemed "weird," acted effeminately, and sometimes spoke in a high-pitched voice when angry.442 Some proceeded upon the erroneous theory that Ruby did not date women.443

For the better part of 11 years, Ruby dated Mrs. Alice Reaves Nichols, a blonde divorcee, 4 years younger than he. Mrs. Nichols,

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secretary to a Dallas life insurance company executive,444 testified that she saw Ruby twice a week between 1948 and 1956, and once a week from then until about 1959.445 Ruby discussed marriage with Mrs. Nichols,446 but Mrs. Nichols stated that while dating Ruby she was seeing other men and he was taking out other women.447 Although there are sharply conflicting reports about whether Ruby dated women who worked for him,448 the record indicates that Ruby sought and enjoyed feminine company.449

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Affection for Dogs

Ruby was extremely fond of dogs. Numerous persons stated that he was constantly accompanied by several of the dogs he owned.450 Testimony at Ruby's trial in March 1964 indicated that he referred to his dogs as his "children." 451 He also became extremely incensed when he witnessed the maltreatment of any of his dogs.

Religious Interests

Reared in the Jewish faith, Jack Ruby was not especially devout. Rabbi Hillel Silverman, whose conservative temple Ruby favored, reported that when Ruby's father died in 1958, Ruby came to services twice daily for the prescribed period of 11 months to recite the traditional memorial prayer.453 Ruby normally attended services only on the Jewish high truly days and he was quite unfamiliar with the Hebrew language.454

Ruby was apparently somewhat sensitive to his iden y as a Jew. He forbade his comedians to tell stories directed at Jews or Jewish practices 455 and, on several occasions after 1947, he fought with persons making derogatory remarks about his ethnic origins.456 The evidence also indicates that he was deeply upset that an advertisement insulting President Kennedy appeared above a Jewish-sounding name.457

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Physical Activities and Violence

While in Dallas, Ruby continued attempts to keep in excellent physical condition. He frequently exercised at the YMCA, the Carousel, and his apartment, where he maintained a set of weights.458 Ruby was extremely concerned about his weight and health, including his baldness,459 and about his appearance in general.460

Ruby's concern for his physical well-being was partially motivated by practical considerations, for he was his own unofficial club bouncer. On about 15 occasions since 1950, he beat with his fists, pistol whipped, or blackjacked patrons who became unruly.461 At other times, he ejected troublesome customers without a beating,462 in many instances, justifiably.463 However, many people stated that he employed more force than necessary, particularly because he often ended a fracas by throwing his victim down the stairs of the Carousel.464

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Besides acting as a bouncer, Ruby on numerous other occasions severely beat people who were not club patrons, usually employing only his fists. Several of these episodes have been discussed in connection with Ruby's relationship with his emp1oyees.465 In 1951, Ruby attacked a man who had called him a " Jew" and knocked out a tooth.466 At about that time Ruby is also reported to have knocked a man down from behind and then to have kicked him in the face.467 In about 1958, Ruby disarmed a man who had drawn a gun on him at the Vegas, beat him almost to death, put the gun back in the man's pocket, and threw him down the stairs.468 In 1958, Ruby reportedly knocked down a man at the Vegas who was 6'3" tall and weighed 230 pounds. Ruby was approximately 5'9" tall and weighed about 175 pounds.469 Ruby then made the man, who had slapped his date, crawl out of the club.470 In a fight at the Vegas, reportedly witnessed by policemen, Ruby severely beat a heavyweight boxer who had threatened him.471

During 1962, several violent episodes occurred. Ruby beat a man who refusal to pay admission or leave and then shoved him down the stairs.472 He "jostled" a woman down the stairs of the Carousel and struck her escort, who was "much smaller" than he.473 On one occasion, Ruby picked up a man who was arguing with his date, knocked him to the floor, cursed him, and then removed him from the Vegas.474 When a cabdriver entered the Carousel and inquired about a patron who had neglected to pay his fare, Ruby struck the cabdriver.475

In February 1963, Ruby badly beat Don Tabon, who had made some remarks about Ruby's lady companion, injuring Tabon's eye.476 Ruby was acquitted of a charge of assault and Tabon sought no monetary relief because he believed Ruby financially incapable of satisfying any resulting judgment. A doctor who went to the Carousel several times between August and November 1963, stated that on each occasion Ruby ejected someone from the club.477

Buddy Turman, a prizefighter and Ruby's friend, stated that Ruby "picked his shots." 478 According to Turman, a bouncer at the Vegas for about a year, Ruby's victim was frequently drunk, female, or otherwise incapable of successfully resisting Ruby's attack. The evidence indicates that, unlike his youthful escapades, Ruby was often malicious. He frequently felt contrite, however, when his anger had passed or when his victim was an old acquaintance, and he would seek to make amends for his violent temper.479

With two exceptions, there is no evidence that Ruby settled disputes with firearms. Shortly before Joe Bonds' conviction in 1954, Ruby is reported to have chased Bonds with a pistol.480 And, Larry Crafard reported that about a week before the assassination, Ruby told him to get Ruby's gun so that an AGVA official and former employee, Earl Norman, could be ejected.481 Although Ruby did not often use his gun, it was frequently accessible when he was carrying large amounts of money.482

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Generosity to Friends and the Need for Recognition

While Ruby often flared up and acted aggressively, he seemed to calm down or forget his anger quickly, and there is also a great deal of evidence that he was extremely generous to his friends. He loaned money to them and apparently cared little whether the loans would be repaid.483 He was quick to offer employment to persons desperately in need of a job 484 and he lent considerable aid to persons seeking work elsewhere.485 Moreover, when friends or new acquaintances had no roof over their heads, Ruby's apartment was frequently theirs to share.486

Ruby's unusual generosity may be explained in part by his extremely emotional reaction to persons in distress, which may have resulted from his firsthand familiarity with poverty, and by his unusual craving to be recognized and relied upon.487 Many of Ruby's acquaintances described him as a "publicity hound," "glad hander," and "name dropper," one always seeking to be the center of attention.488 Apparently the "egocentrism" of his youth 489 never left Ruby. Yet, frequently he sought reassurance from persons he admired.490

[monosylab1k]

Appendix 16: A Biography of Jack Ruby
Introduction
Family Background
Childhood and Youth
Psychiatric Report
Placement in Foster Homes
Subsequent Home Life
Education
Activities
Temperament
Young Manhood (1933-43)
San Francisco (1933-37)
Occupations and Activities
Chicago (1937-43)
Military Activities (1943-46)
Postwar Chicago (1946-47)
Dallas (1947-63)
The Move to Dallas
The Change of Name
Nightclub Operations
Employee Relationships
Financial Data and Tax Problems
Other Business Ventures
Arrests and Violations
Police Associations
Underworld Ties
Travels
Character and Interests
Family Relationships
Social Relationships
Affection for Dogs
Religious Interests
Physical Activities and Violence
Generosity to Friends and the Need for Recognition
In this appendix the Commission presents a biography of Jack Ruby. Although criminal proceedings involving its subject are pending in the State of Texas, the Commission has decided to include this rather detailed account of Ruby's life and activities for several reasons. Most importantly, the Commission believes it will permit a better evaluation of the evidence on the question whether Ruby was involved in any conspiracy. Furthermore, the Commission believes that in view of the many rumors concerning Ruby the public interest will be served by an account, which attempts to give sufficient material to provide an impression of his character and background. The Commission's desire not to interfere in the pending proceedings involving Ruby necessarily limits the scope of this appendix, which does not purport to discuss the legal issues raised during Ruby's trial or his possible motive for shooting Oswald.
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FAMILY BACKGROUND

Jack Ruby, born Jacob Rubenstein, was the fifth of his parents' eight living children. There is much confusion about his exact birth date. School records report it as June 23, April 25,1 March 13, and, possibly, March 3, 1911.2 Other early official records list his date of birth as April 21 and April 26, 1911.3 During his adult life the date Ruby used most frequently was March 25, 1911.4 His driver's license, seized following his arrest, and his statements to the FBI on November 24, 1963, listed this date.5 However, the police arrest report for November 24 gave his birth date as March 19, 1911.6 Since the recording of births was not required in Chicago prior to 1915, Ruby's birth may never have been officially recorded.7 No substantial conflict exists, however, about whether Jack Ruby was born in 1911.8

Ruby has one older brother and three older sisters. The oldest children, Hyman and Ann, were born shortly after the turn of the century,9 before their parents arrived in the United States.10 The other children were born in Chicago. Ruby's sister Marion was born in June 1906 11 and his sister Eva in March 1909.12 Ruby also has two younger brothers and a younger sister. Sam was born in December 1912,13 Earl in April 1915.14 The youngest child, Eileen, was born in July 1917.15 At least one and possibly two other children died during infancy.16

Jack Ruby's father, Joseph Rubenstein, was born in 1871 in Sokolov, a small town near Warsaw, Poland, then under the rule of Czarist Russia.17 He entered the Russian artillery in 1893.18 There he learned

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the carpentry trade, which had been practiced by his father and at least one brother 19 and he picked up the habit of excessive drinking that was to plague him for the rest of his life.20 While in the army,21 he married Jack's mother, Fannie Turek Rutkowski; 22 the marriage was arranged, as was customary, by a professional matchmaker.23 According to his oldest son, Joseph Rubenstein served in China, Korea, and Siberia, detesting these places and army life. Eventually, in 1898, he simply "walked away" from it and about 4 years later he went to England and Canada, entering the United States in 1903.24

Settling in Chicago Joseph Rubenstein joined the carpenters union in 1904 and remained a member until his death in 1958.25 Although he worked fairly steadily until 1928, he was unemployed during the last 30 years of his life.26 The only other group which Joseph Rubenstein joined consisted of fellow immigrants from Sokolov. His daughter Eva described this group as purely social and completely nonpolitical.27

Jack Ruby's mother, Fannie Rubenstein, was probably born in 1875 near Warsaw, Poland.28 She followed her husband to the United States in 1904 or 1905, accompanied by her children Hyman and Ann.29 An illiterate woman, she went to night school in about 1920 to learn how to sign her name.30 She apparently failed in this endeavor, however, for an alien registration form, filed after about 35 years in the United States, was signed by an "X".31 Although she apparently learned some English, her speech was predominantly Yiddish, the primary language of the Rubenstein household.32 Still, Mrs. Rubenstein felt strongly that her children required an education in order to better themselves. She frequently argued about this with her husband, who had received little, if any, formal education and firmly believed that grammar school training was sufficient for his children.33
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CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH (1911-33)

In 1911, when Jack Ruby was born, his family resided near 14th and Newberry Streets in Chicago, the first in a series of Jewish neighborhoods in which the Rubensteins lived during his childhood.34 In 1916, the Rubensteins lived at 1232 Morgan Street, where they apparently remained until 1921.35 This was the fourth residence in the first 5 years of Jack Ruby's life.36 Earl Ruby described one typical neighborhood in which the family lived as a "ghetto" with "pushcarts on the sirens." 37 His sister Eva characterized it as "below the middle class but yet it wasn't the poorest class." 38 The family generally lived near Italian sections, where there were frequent fights along ethnic lines.39

The Rubenstein home was marked by constant strife and the parents were reported to have occasionally struck each other.40 Between 1915 and 1921, Joseph Rubenstein was frequently arrested because of disorderly conduct and assault and battery charges, some filed by his wife.41 In the spring of 1921, Jack Ruby's parents sep-

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arated.42 In 1937 Mrs. Rubenstein reported that she had desired a divorce 15 years earlier, but her husband had been opposed to it.43 The predominant causes of the separation were apparently Joseph Rubenstein's excessive drinking and Fannie Rubenstein's uncontrollable temper. She resented her numerous pregnancies, believed her husband to be unfaithful, and nagged him because he failed to make enough money.44
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Psychiatric Report

Young Jack soon showed the effects of parental discord. On June 6, 1922, at the age of 11, he was referred to the Ins ute for Juvenile Research by the Jewish Social Service Bureau. The reason for the referral was "truancy and incorrigible at home." 45 On July 10, 1922, the ins ute recommended to the bureau that Jack be placed in a new environment where his characteristics might be understood and where he might be afforded the supervision and recreation that would end his interest in street gangs.46 In March 1923, the ins ute advised the bureau that "placement in a home, where intelligent supervision and discipline can be given" was appropriate.47

The ins ute's psychiatric examination, which served as a basis for these recommendations, took place in 1922, prior to the advent of many techniques and theories of modern psychiatry,48 but it is the most objective evidence of Jack Ruby's childhood character. According to the psychiatric report, Jack was "quick tempered" and "disobedient." 49 He frequently disagreed openly with his mother, whom he considered an inferior person with whose rules he did not have to comply.50 Jack told the ins ute's interviewer that he ran away from home because his mother lied to him and beat him.51 Although Mrs. Rubenstein was severe with her children, she was described as totally incapable of coping with them "because of their delinquencies, i.e., principally their destructive tendencies and disregard for other people's property." 52 His mother's "extreme temperament" and quarrelsomeness were cited as possible causes of Jack's "bad behavior." 53

Self-administered questionnaires revealed that Jack felt his classmates were "picking" on him and that he could not get along with his friends.54 They also indicated that, although Jack described himself as a good ballplayer, he did not belong to any clubs and was not a member of any athletic teams.55 Jack's psychiatric interviewer reported:
He could give no other good reason for running away from school except that he went to amusement parks. He has some sex knowledge and is greatly interested in sex matters. He stated that the boys in the street tell him about these things. He also claims that he can lick everyone and anybody in anything he wants to do.56
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The interviewer noted that during "mental tests" he reacted quickly, often carelessly, and his attention was apt to wander so that he had to be reprimanded.57

A letter recommending the boy's placement in a more wholesome environment stated:
He is egocentric and expects much attention, but is unable to get it as there are many children at home. His behavior is further colored by his early sex experiences, his great interest [in sex] and the gang situation in the street. From a superficial examination of his mother who was here with him, it is apparent that she has no insight into his problem, and she is thoroughly inadequate in the further training of this boy.58
Recognizing that the sketchiness of the case record precluded complete diagnosis, Dr. Raymond E. Robertson, currently the superintendent of the ins ute, reported nonetheless that it seems "firmly established ... [that] his unstable and disorganized home could not provide Jack with the necessary controls and discipline." 59
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Placement in Foster Homes

On July 10, 1923, a dependency hearing involving Jack, his younger brothers Sam and Earl, and his sister Eileen, was held in Chicago's juvenile court.60 The pe ion alleged that the children were not receiving proper parental care. They had, until then, been in their mother's custody, living on Roosevelt Road, the border between Jewish and Italian districts.61 The juvenile court made a finding of dependency. It appointed the Jewish Home Finding Society guardian with the right to place the children in foster homes, and it ordered Joseph Rubenstein to pay the court clerk $4 per week for the support of each child. On November 24, 1924, this order was vacated, which apparently signified the termination of the guardianship and the return of the children to their mother. On April 8, 1925, the case was continued "generally," meaning that it was inactive but could be reactivated if the court so desired.62

Despite court records, the exact cir stances and length of time that, Jack Ruby lived away from home are not entirely clear. Records indicate that Jack, Sam, Earl, and Eileen Rubenstein were wards of the Jewish Home Finding Society "for a short time in 1922-23." 63 However, Jack and Eileen stated they spent about 4 or 5 years in foster homes.64 Earl testified that he and Sam were originally sent to a private foster home and then lived on a farm for a little more than a year, while Jack was on a different farm "some distance away." Subsequently the three brothers lived together in another foster home.65

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Subsequent Home Life

When Jack Ruby returned to his family, the unit was still disordered. His father remained apart from the children at least until 1936 and perhaps until a few years later.66 Mrs. Rubenstein's inability to manage her home, which had been reported by the Ins ute for Juvenile Research in 1922, apparently continued. For example, in 1937 Marion Rubenstein observed that her mother "has never been any kind of a housekeeper, was careless with money, and never took much interest in the children's welfare ... she was selfish, jealous, disagreeable, and never cared to do anything in the home but lie around and sleep." 67 Dr. Hyman I. Rubenstein, the son of Joseph Rubenstein's brother, recalled that Jack Ruby's mother ran "an irregular household" and appeared to be "a rather disturbed person of poor personal appearance with no incentive for cleaning or cooking." 68

Mrs. Rubenstein's domestic shortcomings were accompanied by symptoms of mental disease. In about 1913, 2 years after Jack was born, Mrs. Rubenstein began to develop a delusion that a sticking sensation in her throat was caused by a lodged fishbone.69 Each month Hyman, her oldest child, took her to a clinic. And each month the examining doctor, finding no organic cause for discomfort, informed her that there was nothing in her throat and that the sensation was but a figment of her imagination. According to Hyman, this practice continued for a number of years until Mrs. Rubenstein tired of it.70

In 1927, Mrs. Rubenstein once again began to visit clinics in connection with her fishbone delusion. Three years later, a thyroidectomy was performed, but she subsequently said it did nothing to relieve her discomfort.71 According to the Michael Reese Hospital, whose clinic she had visited since 1927, Mrs. Rubenstein was suffering from psychoneurosis with marked anxiety state.

By order of the county court of Cook County, Mrs. Rubenstein was committed to Elgin State Hospital on July 16, 1937.72 She was paroled on October 17, 1937, 3 months after her commitment.73 On January 3, 1938, the Chicago State Hospital informed Elgin State that the family desired that she be readmitted to the mental hospital. The family reported that she was uncooperative, caused constant discord, was very noisy, and used obscene language.74 A State social worker observed that Mrs. Rubenstein refused ever to leave the house, explaining that her children would have thrown her things out had she left. Mrs. Rubenstein rebuffed a suggestion by the social worker that she help with the dishes by stating that she would do nothing as long as her "worthless" husband was in the house.75 She was readmitted on January 14, 1938.76

Mrs. Rubenstein was again paroled on May 27, 1938, and was discharged as "improved" on August 25, 1938.77 She stayed in an apartment with Marion, and her separation from the rest of the family apparently ended most of the difficulties.78 Subsequently, Jack Ruby's

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parents were apparently reconciled, since their alien registration forms, filed in late 1940, indicated that they both resided at Marion's address.79

Fannie Rubenstein was admitted to Michael Reese Hospital on April 4, 1944, as a result of a heart ailment. Her condition was complicated by an attack of pneumonia and she died at the hospital on April 11, 1944.80 Hyman testified that, perhaps because she favored the education of her children and they recognized her difficulties in rearing them during a turbulent marriage, they all remembered Mrs. Rubenstein with warmth and affection.81 The evidence also indicates that Jack, notwithstanding his earlier at udes, became especially fond of his mother.82 Following his wife's death, Joseph Rubenstein stayed with the children in Chicago, where he died at the age of 87, on December 24, 1958.83

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Education

Records provided by the Chicago Board of Education revealed that Jack Ruby attended Smyth Grammar School from October 24, 1916, through the 1920-21 term, completing kindergarten to grade 4B.84 He repeated the third grade.85 During the 1921-22 school year Jack finished the fourth grade at the Clarke School; he attended Schley School for the 1924-25 term, when he completed the sixth grade. Ruby's relationship with the Ins ute for Juvenile Research and the Jewish Home Finding Society may explain the lack of academic records for the 1922-23 and 1923-24 school years. While there is some uncertainty about Ruby's education subsequent to September 1925,86 it seems likely that he completed the eighth grade in 1927, when he was 16. Although Jack Ruby and others have stated that he attended at least 1 year of high school,87 the Chicago Board of Education could not locate any record of Ruby's attending Chicago high schools.88 Considering the absence of academic records and Jack's apathetic at ude toward school,89 the Commission deems it unlikely that his education extended into high school.

Records of the Ins ute for Juvenile Research revealed that, as of June 1922, Ruby had no religious education outside the public school system.90 However, according to their children, Jack's parents made some effort to inculcate in them a desire to adhere to the tenets of Orthodox Judaism. Jewish dietary and festival laws were observed and several of the children accompanied Joseph Rubenstein to the synagogue.91 Earl Ruby stated that all the boys received some Hebrew school training until the breakup of the Rubenstein home in 1921.92 However, Hyman Rubenstein testified that the instability and economic necessities of the household and the children's relationships outside the home frustrated the religious efforts of Ruby's parents.93
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Activities

Born in a home that disintegrated when he was 10 and boasting no substantial educational background, Jack Ruby early found himself

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on Chicago streets attempting to provide for himself and other members of his family. An avid sports fan, he, together with many of his friends, "scalped" tickets to various sporting events.94 He also sold numerous novelty items and knickknacks, particularly those connected with professional and collegiate athletics. Even in his youth, Ruby declined to work on a steady basis for someone else.95

According to his brother Hyman, Jack Ruby's only legal difficulty as a youth resulted from an altercation with a policeman about ticket scalping. Hyman, then active in local politics, was able to have charges arising out of the incident dropped.96 Ruby has indicated that during the depression he served a short jail sentence for the unauthorized sale of copyrighted sheet music.97

The only other member of the Rubenstein family who appears to have had any difficulty with the law while a youth was Hyman. On May 1, 1916, Chicago's juvenile court declared Hyman incorrigible, a term covering a wide range of misbehavior. Because of the absence of informative court records and the lapse of time, the misconduct that occasioned this proceeding could not be ascertained, but Hyman is not known to have encountered subsequent difficulty.98 Some of Ruby's childhood friends eventually became criminals; 99 however, Hyman Rubenstein, his sister Mrs. Eva Grant, and virtually all of Ruby's friends and acquaintances who were questioned reported that he was not involved with Chicago's criminal element.100

The evidence indicates that young Jack was not interested in political affairs.101 Hyman was the only Rubenstein to participate actively in politics. Sponsored by various political officials, he became a sidewalk inspector and warehouse investigator for 8 years. On one occasion, he obtained a permit for Jack to sell novelties from a pushcart located in a business district during the pre-Christmas buying rush. Eventually the complaints of enraged businessmen led licensing authorities to declare that a mistake had been made and to revoke Ruby's permit.102
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Temperament

The evidence reveals striking differences of opinion among childhood friends and acquaintances of Jack Ruby about whether he possessed violent tendencies. Many persons stated that he was mild mannered, quiet, and even tempered.103 Former welterweight champion Barney Ross, whom Jack Ruby idolized from the inception of his boxing career,104 stated that Ruby was "well behaved," was never a troublemaker, and was never involved with law-enforcement agencies.105 Another friend, who became a successful businessman on the west coast, said that, as a youth, Ruby never started fights even though he was adept with his fists.106 Other friends declared that he would, if at all possible, avoid clashes.107

But many other friends and acquaintances recalled that he had a hot temper and was quickly moved to violent acts or words.108 One friend explained that in the "tough" Chicago neighborhood where they lived, self-defense was vitally important and added that Ruby

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was fully capable of defending himself.109 Another friend described Ruby as quick tempered and, though unlikely to pick fights, willing to accept any challenge without regard to the odds against him.110 Young Jack also interfered in fights, particularly when the person he was aiding appeared to be taking a severe beating or in a disadvantageous position.111 Others reported that he had the reputation of being a good street brawler.112 One school friend recalled that when Jack argued vehemently about sports, he occasionally used a stick or other available weapon. He reported, however, that after Ruby's anger subsided, he reverted to his normal, likable character.113

From early childhood, Jack Ruby was called "Sparky" by those who knew him.114 According to his sister Eva Grant, the nickname derived from the way Jack wobbled when he walked. He was thought to resemble the slow-moving horse called "Sparky" or "Sparkplug" depicted in a contemporary comic strip. Mrs. Grant testified that her brother became incensed when called "Sparky" and that from the time he was about 8 years old he would strike anyone calling him by that name.115 A childhood friend also recalled that Jack hated the nickname and would fight when called by it.116 Mrs. Grant was unsure whether the nickname "Sparky" did not also result from his quick reaction to the taunts of young friends.117 Hyman Rubenstein thought that the nickname derived from Jack's speed, aggressiveness, and quick thinking. The many accounts of Ruby's lightninglike temper lend credence to the theory, widely held, that his nickname was connected with his volatility.118
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YOUNG MANHOOD (1933-43)

San Francisco (1933-37)

Jack Ruby reported that in about 1933, he and several Chicago friends went to Los Angeles and, shortly thereafter, to San Francisco.119 Although there is evidence that he stayed there until 1938, 1939, or 1940,120 Ruby stated that he returned to Chicago in about 1937,121 and this appears to have been the case.122 Eva Grant testified that Ruby went to the west coast because he believed employment would be available there.123

Eva, who married Hyman Magid in Chicago in 1930,124 was divorced in early 1934, and in about June of that year joined her brother Jack in San Francisco. She and her son, Ronald, shared an apartment with him. In 1936, Eva married Frank Granovsky, also known as Frank Grant, in San Francisco, and Ruby shared a four-room apartment with them and Ronald for a short while.125
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Occupations and Activities

Ruby stated that when he and his friends arrived in Los Angeles, they sold a handicapper's tip sheet for horseraces at Santa Anita race-

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track which had just opened.126 Eva Grant testified that Ruby also worked as a singing waiter in Los Angeles, but made very little money.127

When the group moved to San Francisco, Ruby continued to sell "tip" sheets at Bay Meadows racetrack.128 Subsequently, he became a door-to-door salesman of subscriptions to San Francisco newspapers.129 Although there is some evidence that he ultimately became chief of his crew and had several people working under him,130 other reports indicate that this is unlikely.131 Eva Grant testified that she also sold newspaper subscriptions but was less proficient than her brother and relied upon him for advice and support.132

Although virtually all his San Francisco acquaintances knew Jack Ruby as "Sparky," 133 there is no evidence that, he engaged in violent activities in San Francisco or was reputed to possess a vicious temper. One friend, who stated that he resided with Ruby and Eva for about a year, described him as a "well-mannered, likable individual who was soft spoken and meticulous in his dress and appearance." 134 Another friend described him as a "clean-cut, honest kid," 135 and the manager of a crew with which Ruby worked stated that he had a good reputation and appeared to be an "honest, forthright person." The crew manager reported that Ruby associated with a sports crowd, some of whose members were involved with professional boxing, but not with criminals. He added that Ruby had a personal liking for law enforcement and would have wanted to become a police officer had he been larger physically.136

One friend reported that although Ruby always associated with Jewish people, he never exhibited great interest in religion.137 Ruby met Virginia Belasco, granddaughter of the prominent playwright and actor, David Belasco, in about 1936 at a dance at the Jewish community center in San Francisco. Miss Belasco stated that while a teenager she saw Ruby socially on several occasions between 1936 and 1941.138 The only other evidence concerning Ruby's social activities while in San Francisco is his statement to his long-time girl friend, Alice Nichols of Dallas,139 that while in San Francisco he met the only other woman, Virginia Fitzgerald or Fitzsimmons, that he ever considered marrying.140
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Chicago (1937-43)

Jack Ruby stated that following his return to Chicago, he was unemployed for a considerable period.141 However, when his mother was admitted to Elgin State Hospital in 1937,142 she reported that he was employed as a "traveling salesman" apparently living away from home.143 Although there is conflicting evidence about his ability to earn a comfortable living,144 he apparently was able to maintain a normal existence 145 and required no financial assistance from his family or friends. He continued to be a so-called "hustler," scalping tickets and buying watches and other small items for resale at dis-

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count prices.146 One of his closest Chicago friends stated that Ruby's sales and promotions were "shady" but "legitimate." 147

Labor union activities.--Ruby reported that in "about 1937" he became active in Local 20467 of the Scrap Iron and Junk Handlers Union.148 At this time, his friend, attorney Leon Cooke, was the local's financial secretary.149 Records provided by the Social Security Administration indicate that Ruby was employed by the union from late 1937 until early 1940; 150 he worked as a union organizer and negotiated with employers on its behalf.151

On December 8, 1939, the union's president, John Martin, shot Cooke, who died of gunshot wounds on January 5, 1940; Martin was subsequently acquitted on the ground of self-defense.152 Although a Jack Rubenstein is mentioned in the minutes of a union meeting on February 2, 1940,153 and Ruby is reported to have said after Cooke's death that he wanted to "take over" the union,154 the evidence indicates that Ruby was so upset by Cooke's death that he was unable to devote himself further to union activities and left its employ.155 Ruby reported that after Cooke's death he adopted the middle name "Leon," which he used only infrequently, in memory of his friend.156

Since Ruby was the ultimate source of all but one of these accounts,157 other descriptions of Ruby's separation from the union cannot with certainty be deemed inaccurate. These reports indicated that Ruby might have been forced out of the union by a criminal group, or might have left because he lacked the emotional stability necessary for sucessful labor negotiations 159 or because he felt he was not, earning enough money with the union.160

Although the AFL-CIO investigated the ethical practices of local 20467 in 1956, placed the local in trusteeship, and suspended Paul Dorfman, who succeeded Martin and Cooke, there is no evidence that Ruby's union activities were connected with Chicago's criminal element.161 Several long-time members of the union reported that it had a good reputation when Ruby was affiliated with it 162 and employers who negotiated with it have given no indication that it had criminal connections.163

Subsequent employment.--In 1941, Ruby and Harry Epstein organized the Spartan Novelty Co., a small firm that sold in various northeastern States small cedar chests containing candy and gambling devices known as punchboards.164 Earl Ruby and two of Jack Ruby's friends, Martin Gimpel and Martin Shargol, were also associated in this venture. The group had no fixed addresses, living in hotels.165

Late in 1941, Jack Ruby returned to Chicago, where he continued his punchboard business through the mails.166 Following the December 7, 1941, attack on Pearl Harbor, he and several friends decided to design and sell plaques commemorating the Day of Infamy. However, the venture was impeded by Ruby's perfectionistic approach to details of design which resulted in numerous production delays.167 By the time Ruby's copyrighted plaque 168 was finally ready for sale, the market was flooded with similar items.169 At about this time,

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Ruby also sold busts of Franklin Delano Roosevelt.170 In late 1942 and 1943, Ruby was employed by the Globe Auto Glass Co.171 and Universal Sales Co.172

Although one of Ruby's acquaintances at this time described him as a cuckoo nut on the subject of patriotism,173 the evidence does not indicate that Ruby's promotion of "Remember Pearl Harbor" plaques and Roosevelt busts was motivated by patriotic or political considerations. Rather, the sale of these items was, to Ruby, just another commercial venture, but he might also have considered these sales "a good thing." 174 Numerous friends reported that, Ruby had no interest in political affairs during this period,175 although he greatly admired President Roosevelt.176

Other activities.--The evidence indicates that Ruby led a normal social life during these years. Virginia Belasco stated that while Ruby was selling punchboards in New York during November 1941, he entertained her each weekend.177 Other reports indicate that Ruby fancied himself a "ladies' man," enjoyed dancing, almost always had female accompaniment and was "very gentlemanly" with women.178

Ruby, with several friends, frequently attempted to disrupt rallies of the German-American Bund.179 One acquaintance reported that Ruby was responsible for "cracking a few heads" of Bund members.180 Apparently he joined in this activity for ethnic rather than political reasons. The young men in the group were not organized adherents of any particular political creed, but were poolhall and tavern companions from Ruby's Jewish neighborhood who gathered on the spur of the moment to present opposition when they learned that the pro-Nazi and anti-Semitic Bund movement was planning a meeting.181 Hyman Rubenstein testified that Ruby would fight with any person making derogatory comments about, his ethnic origins, and others have stated that Ruby would fight with anyone he suspected of pro-Nazi or anti-Semitic tendencies.182

During this period Ruby, though temperamental, apparently engaged in no unusual acts of violence. However, he did interfere on several occasions when he thought someone was treated unfairly. A friend who described Ruby as "somewhat overbearing regarding the rights and feelings of others," reported that Ruby fought two college students who insulted a Negro piano player.193 Another friend reported that Ruby had a "bitter" fight with a man who was abusing an older woman.184

Maintaining his friendship with Barney Ross, and still an ardent sports fan, Ruby associated with various figures in the boxing world and regularly attended the fights at Marigold Gardens.185 He frequented the Lawndale Poolroom and Restaurant, a rallying point for the anti-Bundists and chief "hangout" of many of Ruby's friends.186 In addition, Ruby, described as a "health nut" 187 who earnestly contended that he could hit harder than Joe Louis,188 exercised at several athletic clubs.189

Despite Ruby's participation in "shady" financial enterprises, his association with a labor union subsequently disciplined by the AFL-

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CIO, his participation in violent anti-Bund activities, and his connection with a poolroom, the evidence falls short of demonstrating that Ruby was significantly affiliated with organized crime in Chicago. Virtually all of Ruby's Chicago friends stated he had no close connection with organized crime.190 In addition, unreliable as their reports may be, several known Chicago criminals have denied any such liaison.191 The Commission finds it difficult to attach credence to a newspaper reporter's contrary statement that his undisclosed "syndicate sources" revealed Ruby was connected with organized crime and confidence games.192 Ruby was unquestionably familiar, if not friendly, with some Chicago criminals,193 but there is no evidence that he ever participated in organized criminal activity.
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MILITARY ACTIVITIES (1943-46)

In September 1941, Jack Ruby was apparently classified 1-A194 and declared eligible for the draft. Subsequently he appeared before a local board and was reclassified 1-H or 3-A.195 Between August 31, 1941, and November 19, 1942, when it was abolished, the 1-H classification applied to registrants who had reached their 28th birthday and were, therefore, no longer liable for service.196 The 3-A deferment applies to persons whose entry into military service presents financial hardship to dependents. Because of the length of time involved and the destruction of local draft board records, Ruby's precise status or the reason for his deferment could not be ascertained.197 According to one somewhat unreliable report, Ruby, immediately prior to his physical examination, feigned a hearing disability and occasionally wore a hearing aid.198 Hyman Rubenstein, who testified that Jack was deferred because of economic hardship since he "the only one home," specifically denied the truthfulness of this allegation.199 Early in 1943, Ruby was again classified l-A, and, following an unsuccessful appearance before his appeal board, he was inducted into the U.S. Army Air Forces on May 21, 1943.200 Jack was the last of the Rubenstein brothers to enter the service. Previously, Earl had enlisted in the Navy, Sam was in Army Air Force Intelligence and Hyman was in the field artillery.201

Except for 5 weeks in Farmingdale, N.Y., Ruby spent his military days at various airbases in the South.202 He received the basic training given all recruits and advanced training as an aircraft mechanic 203 On August 2, 1943, he passed marksmanship tests with the .30 caliber carbine and the .45 caliber submachinegun, but failed with the .30 caliber rifle. On February 10, 1944, he earned a sharpshooter's rating for his firing of an M1 .30 caliber carbine. His character and efficiency ratings, when determined, were excellent.204 After attaining the rank of private first class and receiving the good conduct medal, Ruby was honorably discharged on February 21, 1946.205

Two persons who recalled Ruby while he was in the Army Air Forces asserted that he was extremely sensitive to insulting remarks about

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Jews.206 When, during an argument, a sergeant called Ruby a "Jew bas ," Ruby reportedly attacked him and beat him with his fists.207

There is conflicting evidence about the zeal with which Ruby performed his military duties. One associate indicated that Ruby, who at 34 was the oldest in his group, always worked harder than the others to prove that he could keep up with them.208 Another recalled by contrast, that Ruby had "no liking for work" and carefully avoided situations requiting him to dirty his hands.209 However, there is no basis in the record for the inference that Ruby was in any way anti-American.

Ruby frequently expressed to some fellow soldiers his high regard for Franklin Delano Roosevelt.210 Two independent sources reported that he cried openly when informed of Roosevelt's death in April 1945.211 This did not indicate any sudden political interest, however, since none of his known military associates reported such an interest, and Ruby's admiration for President Roosevelt anteceded his military days.212

While in service, Ruby is reported to have continued his promotional ventures. One person recalled that in 1944, Jack received punchboards and chocolates from someone in Chicago and peddled these items through the base to make extra money. This person also indicated that Ruby enjoyed card and dice games in or near the barracks.213

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POSTWAR CHICAGO (1946-47)

Following his discharge from the Army Air Forces in February 1946, Jack Ruby returned to Chicago. He joined his three brothers, who had previously been discharged from the service,214 in the Earl Products Co. Earl Ruby testified that he was the sole investor in the enterprise, but each brother received an equal ownership interest on his return from the service.215 The company manufactured and sold small cedar chests and distributed punchboards.216 In addition, it made aluminum salt and pepper shakers, key chains, bottle openers, screwdrivers, and small hammers.217 Sam supervised the manufacturing end of the business, while Earl managed the office and advertising.218 Jack was in charge of sales, but the company was small and he had no subordinates.219

Because insufficient profits led to frequent arguments, Hyman soon left Earl Products.220 Jack, who stayed with the company through most of 1947, had many disputes with his brothers because he insisted on selling the products of other companies, such as costume jewelry, and he did not like traveling outside the Chicago area. Earl and Sam finally purchased Jack's interest, paying him more than $14,000 in cash.221

Although there is some evidence to the contrary,222 it is unlikely that Ruby was in the nightclub business in Chicago during the postwar period. Many who have reported this may have mistaken him for Harry Rubenstein,223 who was convicted of manslaughter and op-

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erated several such establishments.224 None of Jack Ruby's close friends or relatives indicated that he was in the nightclub business.

Following his return from the Army, Ruby was described as ready to fight with any person who insulted Jews or the military.225 Earl Ruby testified that on one occasion in 1946, Jack returned from downtown Chicago with his suit covered with blood. He explained at that time that he had fought with a person who had called him a "dirty Jew or something like that." 226

Other evidence indicates that Ruby's personality was not substantially changed by his military experience. One person who met, him in 1947, reported that Ruby was a "fashionable" dresser.227 He continued to be described as soft spoken,228 although he was also known as hot-tempered.229 Ruby worked out regularly at an athletic club,230 and one friend regarded him as a "Romeo," who was quite successful in attracting young women.231
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DALLAS (1947-63)

The Move to Dallas

During World War II, Ruby's sister, Eva Grant, visited Dallas.232 Having operated a restaurant on the west coast, and considering it a lucrative business, she arranged, near the end of 1945, to lease a building under construction in Dallas, which she ran as a night-club.233 Part of the financing for this establishment, the Singapore Supper Club, was provided by her brothers. Jack Ruby, who apparently obtained the money from Earl Products, sent $1,100 as a down-payment on the lease, Earl contributed about $1,500, and Hyman paid for more than $2,000 worth of equipment.234

Before she opened the Singapore in 1947, Eva Grant engaged in the sale of metal products.235 In that year she met Paul Roland Jones, who allegedly was seeking customers for iron pipe and whom she referred to Hyman Rubenstein.236 Jones had, at about that time, been convicted of attempting to bribe the newly elected sheriff of Dallas.237 On October 24, 1947, he was arrested for violating Federal narcotics statutes.238 Jack Ruby had visited Dallas early in 1947 to help Eva Grant manage the Singapore,239 and 5 days after Jones' arrest, Jack and Hyman Rubenstein were interrogated in Chicago by agents of the Bureau of Narcotics.240 The brothers admitted knowing Jones but denied awareness of his connection with narcotics. During the 2 years in which Jones was appealing his conviction he and other criminals frequented the Singapore Club, then operated by Jack Ruby.241

Intensive investigation to determine whether Jack Ruby was criminally or otherwise connected with Jones' narcotics violation leads the Commission to conclude Ruby probably was not involved.242 A search of the files of the Bureau of Narcotics disclosed no record that either Hyman or Jack had been prosecuted by Federal authorities in 1947.243 Jack, Hyman, and Eva denied participating in any narcotics activities.

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Jones and his coconspirators also denied that Jack was a participant.244 One of Jones' confederates reported after the shooting of Oswald that although Jones "propositioned" the two brothers concerning narcotics, they refused to participate.245 Moreover, when one of the conspirators was arrested with 48 pounds of raw opium in his possession, he implicated Jones and another person, both of whom were convicted, but he did not implicate Jack Ruby or his brother.246

Late in 1947, Ruby established permanent residence in Dallas.247 Shortly after shooting Oswald, Ruby stated that he returned to Dallas at Eva Grant's request, to help her operate the Singapore Supper Club.248 However, on December 21, 1963, he reported that although association with his sister had been the purport of his initial visit to Dallas, he returned there because of the failure of his "merchandising deals" in Chicago.249 These factors, in conjunction with his separation from Earl Products,250 probably motivated Ruby's move to Dallas.

A different reason has been given by Steve Guthrie, former sheriff of Dallas. Guthrie reported that shortly after his election as sheriff in July 1946, Paul Roland Jones, representing other Chicago criminals, offered him a substantial amount of money to permit them to move in and manage illegal activities in Dallas. Although he never met Ruby, Guthrie asserted that these criminals frequently mentioned that Ruby would operate a "fabulous" restaurant as a front for gambling activities.251

Despite its source, the Commission finds it difficult to accept this report. A member of the Dallas Police Department, Lt. George E. Butler, who was present during virtually all the conversations between Guthrie and Jones and who performed considerable investigative work on the case, stated that Ruby was not involved in the bribery attempt and that he had not heard of Ruby until the investigation and trial of Jones had been completed. He explained that Ruby's connection with the case stemmed from the fact that, as mentioned previously, Jones and other criminals frequented the Singapore Supper Club.252 And 22 recordings of the conversations between Guthrie, Butler, and Jones not only fail to mention Ruby, but indicate that Jones was to bring from outside the Dallas area only one confederate, who was not to be Jewish.253

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The Change of Name

Sometime in 1947, Jack Ruby's brothers Earl and Sam, pursuant to a joint understanding, legally changed their names from Rubenstein to Ruby.254 Earl testified that he changed his name because everyone called him Ruby and because a former employer advised him that it was preferable not to use a "Jewish name" on mail orders for Earl Products.255

On December 30, 1947, Jack changed his name to Jack L. Ruby by securing a decree from the 68th Judicial District Court of Dallas. His pe ion alleged that he sought the change because the name Rubenstein was misunderstood and too long and because he was "well

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known" as Jack L. Ruby.256 The Bureau of Narcotics report of his relationship with Paul Roland Jones indicates that as of October 29, 1947, Jack was known as Ruby; 257 however, several persons in Dallas knew him as Rubenstein.258

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Nightclub Operations

Except for a brief period in about 1953, when Ruby managed the Ervay Theater, a motion picture house,259 the operation of nightclubs and dancehalls was his primary source of income, and his basic interest in life during the 16 years he spent in Dallas prior to shooting Lee Oswald. When Ruby first arrived in Dallas in 1947, he and Eva Grant jointly managed the Singapore Supper Club.260 Shortly thereafter, she returned to the west coast. Except for sporadic trips to Dallas, she remained there until 1959, leaving Ruby a power of attorney.261 Ruby, who had received $14,000 from the sale of his interest in Earl Products,262 invested a substantial amount in the club, which Mrs. Grant described as "too nice a club for that part of town." 263 Ruby changed the Singapore's name to the Silver Spur Club. It was operated primarily as a dancehall, serving beer to its patrons.264 In about 1952, Ruby borrowed $3,700 from a friend, Ralph Paul, to purchase the Bob Wills Ranch House 265 with Martin Gimpel, a former associate in the Spartan Novelty Co.266 The Ranch House was run as a western-type nightclub.267

With two establishments to run, Ruby experienced substantial financial reversals in 1952. He abandoned his interest in the Ranch House and, on July 1, 1952, transferred the Silver Spur to Gimpel and Willie Epstein, who assumed some of its debts.268 Disappointed by these setbacks, Ruby stated that he had a "mental breakdown," and "hibernated" in the Cotton Bowl Hotel in Dallas for 3 or 4 months, declining to see his friends.269 Still depressed, he then returned to Chicago, apparently intending to remain there permanently.270 However, he stayed only 6 weeks. Gimpel and Epstein were anxious to be rid of the Silver Spur and Ruby once again became its owner.271

In 1953, Ruby obtained an interest in the Vegas Club, which he operated with Joe Bonds until September 1953.272 At that time he informed Irving Alkana, who had retained a prior ownership interest, that he was unable to meet his obligations with respect to the club. Alkana then assumed management of the Vegas until June 19, 1954, when, following numerous disagreements with him, he sold Ruby his interest.273

Ruby still owned the Vegas Club at the time of his arrest on November 24, 1963. However, when Eva Grant returned from San Francisco in 1959, she assumed management of the club, receiving a salary but no ownership interest.274 the Vegas, which occasionally featured striptease acts,275 employed a dance band and served beer, wine, soft drinks and some prepared foods.276

In 1954, Ruby's Vegas associate, Joe Bonds, was convicted of sodomy and sent to a Texas penitentiary to serve an 8-year sentence.277 In 1955,

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Ruby sold the Silver Spur to Roscoe "Rocky" Robinson; however, Robinson could not obtain a license to operate the club and it was subsequently closed.278 For a few months during this period, Ruby also operated Hernando's Hideaway, but this venture proved unsuccessful. 279

Sam Ruby testified that shortly after he sold his interest in Earl Products in mid-1955 and moved to Dallas, he loaned Jack $5,500 to enable him to pay Federal excise taxes on the Vegas. As security for the loan, Sam required Jack to execute a bill of sale of the Vegas. Upon Jack's default in payment, Sam ins uted suit, claiming that he owned the Vegas and that Jack had breached his promise to repurchase it. The case was ultimately settled, with Jack retaining his ownership interest in the club.280

In late 1959, Jack Ruby became a partner of Joe Slatin in establishing the Sovereign Club, a private club that was apparently permitted by Texas law to sell liquor to members.281 Since Slatin was troubled about Dallas news stories describing police raids on a private club that permitted gambling, he felt he needed more capital.282 Ruby invested about $6,000 which he borrowed from his brother Earl and perhaps some of his own money.283

The Sovereign was described as a "plush" and exclusive club, and Ruby was apparently very anxious to attract a wealthy "carriage" trade.284 The venture was not successful, however. The two men could not work together, and Slatin withdrew in early 1960.285 Ruby turned for new capital to Ralph Paul,286 who had operated a Dallas club with Joe Bonds.287 Ruby still owed Paul $1,200 of the $3,700 loan made in connection with the Bob Wills Ranch House, but Paul advanced him another $2,200, which allowed him to pay the Sovereign's rent for 4 months. Subsequently, Ruby spontaneously gave Paul a stock certificate representing 50 percent of the equity of the corporation owning the club. Ruby told Paul that if the venture failed the Sovereign's fixtures and other physical property would belong to Paul. 288

Experiencing difficulty in recruiting sufficient members, Ruby soon found himself again unable to pay the Sovereign's monthly rent of $550. Again he turned to Paul, who loaned him $1,650 on the condition that he change the club's method of operation. Paul insisted that Ruby discontinue club memberships, even though this would prevent the sale of liquor, and offer striptease shows as a subs ute attraction. Ruby agreed, and the Sovereign's name was changed to the Carousel Club.289 It became one of three downtown Dallas burlesque clubs and served champagne, beer, "setups" and pizza, its only food.291 The Carousel generally employed four strippers, a master of ceremonies, an assistant manager, a band, three or four waitresses, and a porter or handyman.292 Net receipts averaged about $5,000 per month 293 most of which was allocated to the club's payroll.294 Late in 1963, Ruby began to distribute "permanent passes" to the Carousel; 295 however, the cards were apparently designed solely for publicity and did not affect the club's legal status.

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Employee Relationships

Ruby's employees displayed a wide range of personal reactions to him. Those associated with Ruby long enough to grow accustomed to his violent temper and constant threats of discharge generally portray him sympathetically.296 They reported he was genuinely interested in their welfare and happiness. In addition, many former employees stated that he was a pleasant or unobjectionable employer.297

There is also considerable evidence that Ruby tended to dominate his employees, frequently resorted to violence in dealing with them, publicly embarrassed them,298 sometimes attempted to cheat them of their pay,299 and delayed paying their salaries.300 Other employees reported Ruby continually harassed his help,301 and used obscene language in their presence.302 However he frequently apologized, sought to atone for his many temper tantrums, 303 and completely forgot others.304

One of the many violent incidents that were reported took place in 1950, when Ruby struck an employee over the head with a blackjack.305 In 1951, after his guitarist, Willis erson, told Ruby to "go to ," Ruby knocked erson to the ground, then pinned him to a wall and kicked him in the groin. During the scuffle, erson bit Ruby's finger so badly that the top half of Ruby's left index finger was amputated.306 In approximately 1955, Ruby beat one of his musicians with brass knuckles; the musician's mouth required numerous s ches.307

During 1960, Ruby and two entertainers, Breck Wall and Joe Peterson, entered into an agreement that the performers would produce and star in a revue at the Sovereign in exchange for a 50-percent interest in the club.308 After performing for 2 months, the entertainers complained that they had received neither a share of the profits nor evidence of their proprietary interest. Ruby responded by hitting Peterson in the mouth, knocking out a tooth. The two men left the Sovereign's employ, but they subsequently accepted Ruby's apology and resumed their friendship with him.309

In September 1969, Frank Ferraro, the Carousel's handyman, became involved in a dispute at a nearby bar. Ruby told him not to get into a fight, and Ferraro told Ruby to mind his own business. Ruby then followed Ferraro to another club and beat him severely. Ferraro required emergency hospital treatment for his eye, but he decided not to press charges since Ruby paid for his hospital care.310 In March 1963, during an argument about wages, Ruby threatened to throw a cigarette girl down the stairs of the Carousel.311

Ruby's relationship with his employees commanded much of his attention during the months preceding the assassination. The Carousel's comparatively high turnover rate 312 and Ruby's intense desire to succeed313 required him to meet numerous prospective employees, patrons, and other persons who might help improve his business.

Ruby frequently encountered difficulties with the American Guild of Variety Artists (AGVA), the union which represented Carousel entertainers.314 For several years, starting in about 1961, he unsuccess-

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fully sought modification of AGVA's policy permitting "amateur" strippers,315 inexperienced girls paid less than union-scale wages,316 to perform at union houses. Ruby apparently believed his two compe ors, the Weinstein brothers, were scheduling amateur shows in a manner calculated to destroy his business.317 Ruby's discontent with AGVA grew particularly acute during the late summer and early fall of 1963 when, in addition to meeting with AGVA officials,318 he called upon several acquaintances, including known criminals, who, he thought, could influence AGVA on his behalf.319 Other problems with AGVA arose because of his policy of continuous shows, which did not give masters of ceremonies enough time off,320 and his alleged use of AGVA members to mingle with patrons to promote the consumption of liquor.321

In June 1963, Ruby visited New Orleans, where he obtained the services of a stripper known as "Jada," 322 who became his featured performer.323 Jada and Ruby had numerous contract disputes and he was concerned about her high salary, recurrent absenteeism, and diminishing drawing power.324 Moreover, he thought that Jada had deliberately exceeded even the Carousel's liberal standards of decency in order to cause him to lose his license or to obtain publicity for herself.325 On several occasions Ruby excitedly turned off the spotlights during her act, and at the end of October 1963, he fired her.326 However, after Jada sued out a peace bond, she apparently recovered a week's salary from Ruby.327

In addition to problems with its star stripper, the Carousel was required to employ three masters of ceremonies in rapid succession following the departure in about September 1963, of Wally Weston, who worked there about 15 months.328 And in early November, the band that had played at the Vegas Club for about 8 years left the Vegas to accept the offer of another Dallas club.329

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Financial Data and Tax Problems

Jack Ruby's pockets and the trunk of his car served as his bank. With a few exceptions, Ruby and his clubs rarely employed bank accounts.330 Instead, Ruby carried his cash with him, paying the bulk of his expenses and debts directly out of club receipts.331

During the latter half of 1963, the Carousel, the Vegas, and Ruby each maintained checking accounts at the Merchants State Bank in Dallas. Balances of the latter two accounts never exceeded $275. In July 1963, the Carousel's account had more than $500; after August 8, its maximum balance was less than $800. Between May 31 and November 24, 1963, 53 checks were drawn on the three accounts; with the exception of one check for $129.47, all were for less than $100.332 He generally purchased cashier's checks at the Merchants State Bank to pay his monthly rental of $550 for the Carousel and $500 for the Vegas.333 He also purchased cashier's checks during the 3 months prior to the assassination to pay about $1,500 to the Texas State treasurer, $110 to Temple Shearith Israel, apparently for Jewish high holy day tickets, and $60 to the American Society of Authors and Publishers.334

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Records of the more than 50 banking ins utions checked during the investigation of Ruby's financial affairs 335 revealed that he had three other dormant accounts, all with small balances.336 Two safety deposit boxes belonging to Ruby, opened by Texas officials pursuant to search warrants, were empty and unused for more than a year prior to the assassination.337 Although Ruby negotiated several loans at the Merchants State Bank,338 there is no evidence that he was the maker or co-maker of other loans,339 and, after investigation, the Dallas Police Department found no record that Ruby cosigned the note of any policeman at any time.340

Ruby's financial records were chaotic. One accountant abandoned efforts to prepare income tax returns and other financial statements because of the hopeless disarray of Ruby's data.341 The record indicates that Ruby was frequently weeks, if not months, late in filing Federal tax forms and that he held numerous conferences with Internal Revenue agents who attempted to obtain the delinquent statements.342

Ruby encountered serious difficulties with respect to State franchise and Federal excise and income taxes. The Texas charter of the corporation controlling the Sovereign and Carousel clubs was canceled in 1961, because Ruby failed to pay Texas franchise taxes.343 And, only after numerous conferences, did Ruby and representatives of the Internal Revenue Service reach agreements on installment payments of various Federal tax liabilities, to which Ruby more or less adhered.344

Ruby's primary difficulty concerned Federal excise taxes. Advised by an attorney that the Vegas Club, a dance hall providing food, was not subject to Federal excise taxes because it was not a "cabaret," Ruby charged Vegas patrons on the assumption that no excise taxes were due. However, his attorney reported, when Federal courts ruled that dance halls providing "incidental" food were subject to excise taxes as "cabarets," 345 Ruby became liable to the Federal Government for more than 6 years of taxes, amounting, with interest, to almost exactly $40,000.346

Ruby also fell behind on his personal income tax payments. At the time of his arrest he owed more than $4,400 for 1959 and 1960.347 Remittances accompanied his 1961 and 1962 tax forms, the latter received by the office of the Dallas District Director on September 18, 1963.348 The following table summarizes amounts which Ruby reported as gross and net income from the Vegas Club from 1956 to 1962; and the taxes due: 349
Year Gross income Net income Tax
1962 $41,462.77 $5,619.65 $1, 217. 75 estimated
1961 40,411.00 6,255.29 1,200.00 estimated
1960 44,482.41 9,703.90 2, 221.39
1959 50,981.95 14,060.86 3,778.17
1958 37,755.65 3,274.64 586.52
1957 33,671.60 2,619.52 438.41
1956 30,695.27 7,437.01 1,527.10


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On his income tax forms, Ruby did not itemize personal deductions and claimed only his own exemption. For 1962, Ruby reported salary income of $650 from the corporation controlling the Carousel, and $900 for 1961.350

Ruby and officers of the Internal Revenue Service frequently discussed methods of satisfying his large excise and income tax liability.351 In 1960, the Government filed tax liens for more than $20,000.352 In November 1962, the Government rejected Ruby's offer to pay $8,000 to compromise the assessed taxes of more than $20,000 because he had not filed returns for other Federal taxes and had not paid these taxes as they became due. These other taxes, for the period September 1959 through June 1962, amounted to an additional $20,000.353 In June 1963, Ruby submitted an offer of $3,000 to compromise all past assessments; the offer was not acted upon prior to November 24, 1963.354
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Other Business Ventures

In addition to nightclub management and ownership, Ruby participated in numerous other commercial ventures. He was able to do so primarily because work at the clubs consumed few of his daytime hours. Many of Ruby's ventures related to show business, others were somewhat speculative promotions; almost all ended unsuccessfully.

While operating the Silver Spur Club, Ruby sold costume jewelry at discount rates,355 and, in about 1951, he sold sewing machine attachments at the Texas State Fair.356 Approximately a year later, he managed a talented young Negro boy, "Little Daddy" Nelson. The boy appeared at the Silver Spur, the Vegas Club, and the Bob Wills Ranch House. In about 1953 or 1954, Ruby took "Little Daddy" and his parents to Chicago to obtain a television appearance for him. However, shortly after their arrival, Ruby was confronted by a second woman claiming to be "Little Daddy's" mother. Upon advice of counsel, Ruby decided to abandon the venture.357
In 1954, Ruby became interested in the sale of pizza crusts to Dallas restaurants.358 He is also reported to have sold an arthritic preparation 359 and to have manufactured and sold "Miniron," a liquid vitamin formula.360 In about 1958 or 1959, Ruby attempted to build and sell log cabins at a Texas lake resort.361 In early 1959, he investigated the possibility of selling jeeps to Cuba.362 He is also reported to have furnished entertainment for a Dallas hotel,363 to have promoted records for musicians 364 and to have sold English stainless steel razor blades.365

In October 1963 Ruby assisted the producers of a carnival show, "How Hollywood Makes Movies," appearing at the Texas State Fair.366 At about this time Ruby also sought to open a new club in Dallas. He conferred with numerous persons and placed advertisements in Dallas newspapers in an attempt to obtain financial backing.367 Assuming that he would be occupied by the new club, Ruby offered his oldest brother, Hyman, a managerial post at the Carousel. However, Hyman, who had recently lost his sales territory, declined the offer because he felt he was too old for the nightclub business.368

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Ruby unsuccessfully attempted to sell "twistboards," an exercising device consisting of two square fiberboards separated by ball bearings. Despite the contrary advice of his brother Earl,369 Jack ordered several dozen twistboards and had 2,000 promotional flyers published.370 He had one of his strippers demonstrate the twistboards at the Texas Products Show during the first week of November 1963.

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Arrests and Violations

Between 1949 and November 24, 1963, Ruby was arrested eight times by the Dallas Police Department. The dates, charges, and dispositions of these arrests are as follows:372 February 4, 1949, Ruby paid a $10 fine for disturbing the peace. July 26, 1953, Ruby was suspected of carrying a concealed weapon; however, no charges were filed and Ruby was released on the same day. May 1, 1954, Ruby was arrested for allegedly carrying a concealed weapon and violating a peace bond; again no charges were filed and Ruby was released on the same day. December 5, 1954, Ruby was arrested for allegedly violating State liquor laws by selling liquor after hours; the complaint was dismissed on February 8, 1955.373 June 21, 1959, Ruby was arrested for allegedly permitting dancing after hours; the complaint was dismissed on July 8, 1959. August 21, 1960, Ruby was again arrested for allegedly permitting dancing after hours; Ruby posted $25 bond and was released on that date. February 12, 1963, Ruby was arrested on a charge of simple assault; he was found not guilty February 27, 1963. Finally, on March 14, 1963, Ruby was arrested for allegedly ignoring traffic summonses; a $35 bond was posted.

When Ruby applied for a beer license in March 1961, he reported that he had been arrested "about four or five times" between 1947 and 1953.374 Between 1950 and 1963, he received 20 tickets for motor vehicle violations, paying four $10 fines and three of $3.375 In 1956 and 1959, Ruby was placed on 6 months' probation as a traffic violator.

Ruby was also frequently suspended by the Texas Liquor Control Board. In August 1949, when he was operating the Silver Spur, he was suspended for 5 days on a charge of "Agents--Moral Turpitude." In 1953 Ruby received a 5-day suspension because of an obscene show, and, in 1954, a 10-day suspension for allowing a drunkard on his premises.376 On February 18, 1954, he was suspended for 5 days because of an obscene striptease act at the Silver Spur and for the consumption of alcoholic beverages during prohibited hours.377 On March 26, 1956. Ruby was suspended by the liquor board for 3 days because several of his checks were dishonored.378 On October 23, 1961, he received another 3-day suspension because an agent solicited the sale of alcoholic beverages for consumption on licensed premises.379
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Police Associations

Although the precise nature of his relationship to members of the Dallas Police Department is not susceptible of conclusive evaluation,

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the evidence indicates that Ruby was keenly interested in policemen and their work.380 Jesse Curry, chief of the Dallas Police Department, testified that no more than 25 to 50 of Dallas' almost 1,200 policemen were acquainted with Ruby.381 However, the reports of present and past members of the Dallas Police Department as well as Ruby's employees and acquaintances indicate that Ruby's police friendships were far more widespread than those of the average citizen.382

There is no credible evidence that Ruby sought special favors from police officers or attempted to bribe them.383 Although there is considerable evidence that Ruby gave policemen reduced rates,384 declined to exact any cover charge from them,385 and gave them free coffee and soft drinks, 386 this hospitality was not unusual for a Dallas night-club operator.387 Ruby's personal attachment to police officers is demonstrated by reports that he attended the funeral of at least one policeman killed in action and staged a benefit performance for the widow of another.388 Ruby regarded several officers as personal friends, and others had worked for him.380 Finally, at least one policeman regularly dated, and eventually married, one of the Carousel's strippers.390
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Underworld Ties

From the time that Ruby arrived in Dallas in 1947, he was friendly with numerous underworld figures. One of his earliest Dallas acquaintances was Paul Roland Jones, who was convicted of attempting to bribe the sheriff of Dallas and engaging in the sale of narcotics.391 Joe Bonds, one of Ruby's partners in the Vegas Club, had a criminal record.392

Ruby, who enjoyed card playing 393 and horse racing,394 was friendly with several professional gamblers. In 1959, he visited Cuba at the invitation and expense of Lewis McWillie, a professional gambler.395 Alice Nichols reported that Ruby's refusal to give up gambling was one reason why she never seriously considered marrying him.396 When Sidney Seidband, a Dallas gambler, was arrested in Oklahoma City, his list of gambling acquaintances included Jack Ruby.397 And other friends of Ruby have been identified as gamblers.398 Finally, two persons of questionable reliability have reported that Ruby's consent was necessary before gambling or narcotics operations could be launched in Dallas.399

Based on its evaluation of the record, however, the Commission believes that the evidence does not establish a significant link between Ruby and organized crime. Both State and Federal officials have indicated that Ruby was not affiliated with organized criminal activity.400 And numerous persons have reported that Ruby was not connected with such activity.401
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Travels

Despite reports that Ruby visited Havana, Las Vegas, New York, Chicago, Honolulu, and Mexican border towns, most of his time subse-

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quent to 1947 was spent in Dallas. Some of his travels, including, his efforts in behalf of "Little Daddy" Nelson and his visit to New Orleans in June 1963 have been discussed.402 Ruby stated that he went to Chicago in 1952, in 1958 when his father died, and in August 1963 when he met members of his family at O'Hare International Airport while en route from New York to Dallas.403 His August trip to New York motivated by his difficulties with the American Guild of Variety Artists and his desire to obtain talent, has been completely established by hotel records.404 Early in 1963 Ruby also traveled to Wichita, Kans., because of his interest in stripper Gall Raven,405 and on May 25, 1963, he apparently registered in an Oklahoma motel.406

Although Ruby denies being in Las Vegas after 1937,407 there are unsupported rumors that he was in that city in late 1962,408 and the early part of November 1963.409 Reports that he was in Las Vegas during the weekend prior to the assassination 410 appear similarly unfounded.411

There is some uncertainty about Ruby's trip to Havana, Cuba, in 1959. The evidence indicates that he accepted an invitation from gambler Lewis J. McWillie, who subsequently became a violent anti-Castroite, to visit Havana at McWillie's expense.412 Ruby apparently met McWillie in about 1950, when McWillie operated a Dallas night-club.413 McWillie, whom Ruby said he idolized,414 supervised gambling activities at Havana's Tropicana Hotel in 1959 and later was employed in a managerial capacity in a Las Vegas gambling establishment.415 Ruby testified that he went to Havana for 8 days in August 1959 and left because he was not interested in its gambling activities.416 McWillie corroborated this story except that he stated only that Ruby visited Havana "sometime in 1959." 417 Three Chicagoans reported seeing Ruby in Havana during the Labor Day weekend in 1959.418 Meyer Panitz, an acquaintance of McWillie, reported that when he met Ruby in Miami during the "summer of 1959" Ruby stated that he was returning from a pleasure trip to Cuba.419 The theory that the trip to Havana had conspiratorial implications is discussed in chapter VI. There is no reliable evidence that Ruby went to Havana subsequent to September 1959.420

Although Ruby denied ever being in Hawaii,421 there is some evidence that during the summer of 1961 he was in Honolulu seeking dancing talent.422 While it is unlikely that Ruby would forget a trip to Honolulu in 1961, there is no other indication that such a trip, if it occurred, had any sinister motives.

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CHARACTER AND INTERESTS

Family Relationships

As mentioned previously,423 Eva Grant was the only member of the family living in Dallas when Ruby returned to that city in late 1947. In 1948, she returned to the west coast, visiting Dallas sporadically

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until 1959, when she assumed management of the Vegas.424 Despite their recurring arguments, during which they sometimes came to blows,425 Ruby was closer to Eva than any of his brothers or sisters. In the summer of 1963, Eva complained bitterly to Ruby because he gave a friend about $800 instead of paying Vegas Club bills. Eva, citing her poor healthy stated that she should be hospitalized. Ruby rejoined that he had provided her money to enter a hospital. He then shoved her, causing her to fall back about 8 feet and hurt her arm and shoulder. At this point Ruby insisted he wanted her to leave the Vegas Club.426

Ruby frequently told Eva to submit to an operation and in early November 1963 she consented. She was hospitalized for a week, leaving about November 13.427 While she was in the hospital, Jack called Earl and Sam, requesting them to convey their concern to Eva.428 According to Eva, Jack visited her at the hospital two or three times a day. He kept in constant touch with her throughout the weekend of November 22.429

Sam Ruby moved to Dallas from Chicago in July 1955, after selling his interest in the Earl Products Co.430 His son's asthma and Eva's suggestion that he work as a builder in Dallas prompted the move.431 Apparently as a result of difficulties in collecting the $5,500 Sam loaned Jack in 1955 to pay Federal excise taxes, 432 Jack and Sam were never particularly close to each other. However, Sam entered into a partnership in an unsuccessful ice cream business with Jack's close friend, Ralph Paul.433 Jack visited Sam and his family occasionally, especially on Jewish holidays, and from time to time they spoke to each other by telephone.434

Jack had sporadic contacts with his brother Earl, who remained in Chicago until about 1960, when he moved to Detroit.435 The most successful of the brothers, Earl often gave Jack business advice and capital.436 He estimated, perhaps conservatively, that, when arrested, Jack owed him $15,000.437 The evidence also indicates that Jack borrowed at least $1,000, and probably more, from his sister Marion in Chicago.438
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Social Relationships

There have been statements that Ruby was a sexual. The available evidence does not support the allegation. There is no evidence of sexuality on his part; Ruby did not frequent known gathering places for sexuals,439 many of the reports were inherently suspect or based upon questionable or inaccurate premises,440 and Ruby and most of his associates and employees denied the charge.441 All the allegations were based on hearsay or derive from Ruby's lisp or a "feeling" that Ruby was a "sissy," seemed "weird," acted effeminately, and sometimes spoke in a high-pitched voice when angry.442 Some proceeded upon the erroneous theory that Ruby did not date women.443

For the better part of 11 years, Ruby dated Mrs. Alice Reaves Nichols, a blonde divorcee, 4 years younger than he. Mrs. Nichols,

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secretary to a Dallas life insurance company executive,444 testified that she saw Ruby twice a week between 1948 and 1956, and once a week from then until about 1959.445 Ruby discussed marriage with Mrs. Nichols,446 but Mrs. Nichols stated that while dating Ruby she was seeing other men and he was taking out other women.447 Although there are sharply conflicting reports about whether Ruby dated women who worked for him,448 the record indicates that Ruby sought and enjoyed feminine company.449

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Affection for Dogs

Ruby was extremely fond of dogs. Numerous persons stated that he was constantly accompanied by several of the dogs he owned.450 Testimony at Ruby's trial in March 1964 indicated that he referred to his dogs as his "children." 451 He also became extremely incensed when he witnessed the maltreatment of any of his dogs.

Religious Interests

Reared in the Jewish faith, Jack Ruby was not especially devout. Rabbi Hillel Silverman, whose conservative temple Ruby favored, reported that when Ruby's father died in 1958, Ruby came to services twice daily for the prescribed period of 11 months to recite the traditional memorial prayer.453 Ruby normally attended services only on the Jewish high truly days and he was quite unfamiliar with the Hebrew language.454

Ruby was apparently somewhat sensitive to his iden y as a Jew. He forbade his comedians to tell stories directed at Jews or Jewish practices 455 and, on several occasions after 1947, he fought with persons making derogatory remarks about his ethnic origins.456 The evidence also indicates that he was deeply upset that an advertisement insulting President Kennedy appeared above a Jewish-sounding name.457

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Physical Activities and Violence

While in Dallas, Ruby continued attempts to keep in excellent physical condition. He frequently exercised at the YMCA, the Carousel, and his apartment, where he maintained a set of weights.458 Ruby was extremely concerned about his weight and health, including his baldness,459 and about his appearance in general.460

Ruby's concern for his physical well-being was partially motivated by practical considerations, for he was his own unofficial club bouncer. On about 15 occasions since 1950, he beat with his fists, pistol whipped, or blackjacked patrons who became unruly.461 At other times, he ejected troublesome customers without a beating,462 in many instances, justifiably.463 However, many people stated that he employed more force than necessary, particularly because he often ended a fracas by throwing his victim down the stairs of the Carousel.464

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Besides acting as a bouncer, Ruby on numerous other occasions severely beat people who were not club patrons, usually employing only his fists. Several of these episodes have been discussed in connection with Ruby's relationship with his emp1oyees.465 In 1951, Ruby attacked a man who had called him a " Jew" and knocked out a tooth.466 At about that time Ruby is also reported to have knocked a man down from behind and then to have kicked him in the face.467 In about 1958, Ruby disarmed a man who had drawn a gun on him at the Vegas, beat him almost to death, put the gun back in the man's pocket, and threw him down the stairs.468 In 1958, Ruby reportedly knocked down a man at the Vegas who was 6'3" tall and weighed 230 pounds. Ruby was approximately 5'9" tall and weighed about 175 pounds.469 Ruby then made the man, who had slapped his date, crawl out of the club.470 In a fight at the Vegas, reportedly witnessed by policemen, Ruby severely beat a heavyweight boxer who had threatened him.471

During 1962, several violent episodes occurred. Ruby beat a man who refusal to pay admission or leave and then shoved him down the stairs.472 He "jostled" a woman down the stairs of the Carousel and struck her escort, who was "much smaller" than he.473 On one occasion, Ruby picked up a man who was arguing with his date, knocked him to the floor, cursed him, and then removed him from the Vegas.474 When a cabdriver entered the Carousel and inquired about a patron who had neglected to pay his fare, Ruby struck the cabdriver.475

In February 1963, Ruby badly beat Don Tabon, who had made some remarks about Ruby's lady companion, injuring Tabon's eye.476 Ruby was acquitted of a charge of assault and Tabon sought no monetary relief because he believed Ruby financially incapable of satisfying any resulting judgment. A doctor who went to the Carousel several times between August and November 1963, stated that on each occasion Ruby ejected someone from the club.477

Buddy Turman, a prizefighter and Ruby's friend, stated that Ruby "picked his shots." 478 According to Turman, a bouncer at the Vegas for about a year, Ruby's victim was frequently drunk, female, or otherwise incapable of successfully resisting Ruby's attack. The evidence indicates that, unlike his youthful escapades, Ruby was often malicious. He frequently felt contrite, however, when his anger had passed or when his victim was an old acquaintance, and he would seek to make amends for his violent temper.479

With two exceptions, there is no evidence that Ruby settled disputes with firearms. Shortly before Joe Bonds' conviction in 1954, Ruby is reported to have chased Bonds with a pistol.480 And, Larry Crafard reported that about a week before the assassination, Ruby told him to get Ruby's gun so that an AGVA official and former employee, Earl Norman, could be ejected.481 Although Ruby did not often use his gun, it was frequently accessible when he was carrying large amounts of money.482

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Generosity to Friends and the Need for Recognition

While Ruby often flared up and acted aggressively, he seemed to calm down or forget his anger quickly, and there is also a great deal of evidence that he was extremely generous to his friends. He loaned money to them and apparently cared little whether the loans would be repaid.483 He was quick to offer employment to persons desperately in need of a job 484 and he lent considerable aid to persons seeking work elsewhere.485 Moreover, when friends or new acquaintances had no roof over their heads, Ruby's apartment was frequently theirs to share.486

Ruby's unusual generosity may be explained in part by his extremely emotional reaction to persons in distress, which may have resulted from his firsthand familiarity with poverty, and by his unusual craving to be recognized and relied upon.487 Many of Ruby's acquaintances described him as a "publicity hound," "glad hander," and "name dropper," one always seeking to be the center of attention.488 Apparently the "egocentrism" of his youth 489 never left Ruby. Yet, frequently he sought reassurance from persons he admired.490

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Appendix 17: Polygraph Examination of Jack Ruby
Preliminary Arrangements
Administration of the Test
Interpretation of the Test
PRELIMINARY ARRANGEMENTS
As early as December of 1963, Jack Ruby expressed his desire to be examined with a polygraph, truth serum, or any other scientific device which would test his veracity.1 The attorneys who defended Ruby in the State criminal proceedings in Texas agreed that he should take a polygraph examination to test any conspiratorial connection between Ruby and Oswald.2 To obtain such a test, Ruby's defense counsel filed motions in court and also requested that the FBI administer such an examination to Ruby.3 During the course of a psychiatric examination on May 11, 1964, Ruby is quoted as saying: "I want to tell the truth. I want a polygraph ... "4 In addition, numerous letters were written to the President's Commission on behalf of Ruby requesting a polygraph examination.5

When Ruby testified before the Commission in Dallas County Jail on June 7, 1964, his first words were a request for a lie detector test. The Commission hearing commenced with the following exchanges:

MR. JACK RUBY. Without a lie detector test on my testimony, my verbal statements to you, how do you know if I am telling the truth?

MR. TONAHILL [Defense Counsel]. Don't worry about that, Jack.

MR. RUBY. Just a minute, gentlemen.

CHIEF JUSTICE WARREN. You wanted to ask something, did you, Mr. Ruby?

MR. RUBY. I would like to be able to get a lie detector test or truth serum of what motivated me to do what I did at that particular time, and it seems as you get further into something, even though you know what you did, it operates against you somehow, brain washes you, that you are weak in what you want to tell the truth about and what you want to say which is the truth.

Now Mr. Warren, I don't know if you got any confidence in the lie detector test and the truth serum, and so on.

CHIEF JUSTICE WARREN. I can't tell you just how much confidence I have in it, because it depends so much on who is taking it, and so forth.

But I will say this to you, that if you and your counsel want any kind of test, I will arrange it for you. I would be glad to do that, if you want it. I wouldn't suggest a lie detector test to testify the truth.

We will treat you just the same as we do any other witness, but if you want such a test, I will arrange for it.
Page 808
MR. RUBY. I do want it. Will you agree to that, Joe?

MR. TONAHILL. I sure do, Jack.6
Throughout Ruby's testimony before the Commission, he repeated his request on numerous occasions that he be given an opportunity to take a lie detector test.7 Ruby's insistence on taking a polygraph examination is reflected right to the end of the proceedings where in the very last portion of the transcribed hearings Ruby states:

MR. RUBY. All I want to do is to tell the truth, and the only way you can know it is by the polygraph, as that is the only way you can know it.
CHIEF JUSTICE WARREN. That we will do for you. 8
Following Ruby's insistence on a polygraph test, the Commission initiated arrangements to have the FBI conduct such an examination.9 A detailed set of questions was prepared for the polygraph examination, which was set for July 16, 1964.10 A few days before the scheduled test, the Commission was informed that Ruby's sister, Eva Grant, and his counsel, Joe H. Tonahill, opposed the polygraph on the ground that psychiatric examinations showed that his mental state was such that the test would be meaningless.11

The Commission was advised that Sol Dann, a Detroit attorney representing the Ruby family, had informed the Dallas office of the FBI on July 15, 1964, that a polygraph examination would affect Ruby's health and would be of questionable value according to Dr. Emanuel Tanay, a Detroit psychiatrist.12 On that same date, Assistant Counsel Arlen Specter discussed by telephone the polygraph examination with Defense Counsel Joe H. Tonahill, who expressed his personal opinion that a polygraph examination should be administered to Ruby.13 By letter dated July 15, 1964, Dallas District Attorney Henry Wade requested that the polygraph examination cover the issue of premeditation as well as the defensive theories in the case.14
Against this background, it was decided that a representative of the Commission would travel to Dallas to determine whether Jack Ruby wanted to take the polygraph test. Since Ruby had frequent changes in attorneys and because he was presumed to be sane, the final decision on the examination was his, especially in view of his prior personal insistence on the test.15 In the jury conference room at the Dallas jail on July 18, Assistant Counsel Arlen Specter, representing the Commission, informed Chief Defense Counsel Clayton Fowler, co-Counsel Tonahill and Assistant District Attorney William F. Alexander that the Commission was not insisting on or even requesting that the test be taken, but was merely fulfilling its commitment to make the examination available.16 In the event Ruby had changed his mind and would so state for the record, that would conclude the issue as far as the Commission was concerned.17

Chief Defense Counsel Fowler had objected to the test. He conferred with Jack Ruby in his cell and then returned stating that

Page 809

Ruby insisted on taking the examination.18 Mr. Fowler requested that (1) Dr. Tanay, the Detroit psychiatrist, be present; (2) the results of the test not be disclosed other than to the Commission; (3) the questions to be asked not be disclosed to the District Attorney's office; and (4) the results of the test be made available to defense counsel.19 Sheriff William Decker announced his intention to have Allan L. Sweatt, his chief criminal deputy who was also a polygraph operator, present to maintain custody of Jack Ruby while the examination was being administered.20 Assistant District Attorney Alexander requested a list of questions, a copy of the recording made by the polygraph machine and a copy of the report interpreting the test.21 In response to the numerous requests, the procedure was determined that the questions to be asked of Ruby would be discussed in a preliminary session in the presence of defense counsel, the assistant district attorney and Chief Jailer E. L. Holman, who was to replace Sweatt.22 The assistant district attorney would not be present when Ruby answered the questions, but Jailer Holman was allowed to remain to retain custody of Ruby.23 No commitment was made on behalf of the Commission as to what disclosure would be made of the results of the examination.24 Since Dr. Tanay was not in Dallas and therefore could not be present, 25 arrangements were made to have in attendance Dr. William R. Beavers, a psychiatrist who had previously examined and evaluated Ruby's mental state.26

At the conclusion of the lengthy preliminary proceedings, Ruby entered the jury conference room at 2:23 p.m. and was informed that the Commission was prepared to fulfill its commitment to offer him a polygraph examination, but was not requesting the test.27 On behalf of the Commission, Assistant Counsel Specter warned Ruby that anything he said could be used against him.28 Chief Defense Counsel Fowler advised Ruby of his objections to the examination.29 Ruby then stated that he wanted the polygraph examination conducted and that he wanted the results released to the public as promptly as possible.30 Special Agent Bell P. Herndon, polygraph operator of the FBI, obtained a written "consent to interview with polygraph" signed by Jack Ruby.31 Herndon then proceeded to administer the polygraph examination by breaking the questions up into series which were ordinarily nine questions in length and consisted of relevant interrogatories and control questions.32

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ADMINISTRATION OF THE TEST

During the course of the polygraph examination Jack Ruby answered the relevant, questions as follows:
Q. Did you know Oswald before November 22, 1963?
A. No.33
Q. Did you assist Oswald in the assassination?
A. No. 34
Q. Are you now a member of the Communist Party?
Page 810
A. No.36
Q. Have you ever been a member of the Communist Party?
A. No.37
Q. Are you now a member of any group that advocates the violent overthrow of the United States Government?
A. No.38
Q. Have you ever been a member of any group that advocates violent overthrow of the United States Government?
A. No.39
Q. Between the assassination and the shooting, did anybody you know tell you they knew Oswald?
A. No.40
Q. Aside from anything you said to George Senator on Sunday morning, did you ever tell anyone else that you intended to shoot Oswald?
A. No.41
Q. Did you shoot Oswald in order to silence him?
A. No. 42
Q. Did you first decide to shoot Oswald on Friday night?
A. No. 43
Q. Did you first decide to shoot Oswald on Saturday morning?
A. No.43
Q. Did you first decide to shoot Oswald on Saturday night?
A. No.44
Q. Did you first decide to shoot Oswald on Sunday Morning?
A. Yes.45
Q. Were you on the sidewalk at the time Lieutenant Pierce's car stopped on the ramp exit?
A. Yes.46
Q. Did you enter the jail by walking through an alleyway?
A. No.47
Q. Did you walk past the guard at the time Lieutenant Pierce's car was parked on the ramp exit?
A. Yes.48
Q. Did you talk with any Dallas police officers on Sunday, November 24, prior to the shooting of Oswald?
A. No.49
Q. Did you see the armored car before it entered the basement?
A. No.50
Q. Did you enter the police department through a door at the rear of the east side of the jail?
A. No.51
Q. After talking to Little Lynn did you hear any announcement that Oswald was about to be moved?
A. No.52
Q. Before you left your apartment Sunday morning, did anyone tell you the armored car was on the way to the police department?
Page 811
A. No.53
Q. Did you get a Wall Street Journal at the Southwestern Drug Store during the week before the assassination?
A. No.54
Q. Do you have any knowledge of a Wall Street Journal addressed to Mr. J. E. Bradshaw?
A. No.55
Q. To your knowledge, did any of your friends or did you telephone the FBI in Dallas between 2 or 3 a.m. Sunday morning?
A. No.56
Q. Did you or any of your friends to your knowledge telephone the sheriff's office between 2 or 8 a.m. Sunday morning?
A. No.57
Q. Did you go to the Dallas police station at any time on Friday, November 22, 1963, before you went to the synagogue?
A. No.58
Q. Did you go to the synagogue that Friday night?
A. Yes.59
Q. Did you see Oswald in the Dallas jail on Friday night?
A. Yes.60
Q. Did you have a gun with you when you went to the Friday midnight press conference at the jail?
A. No.61
Q. Is everything you told the Warren Commission the entire truth?
A. Yes.62
Q. Have you ever knowingly attended any meetings of the Communist Party or any other group that advocates violent overthrow of the Government?
A. No.63
Q. Is any member of your immediate family or any close friend, a member of the Communist Party?
A. No.64
Q. Is any member of your immediate family or any close friend a member of any group that advocates the violent overthrow of the Government?
A. No.65
Q. Did any close friend or any member of your immediate family ever attend a meeting of the Communist Party?
A. No.66
Q. Did any close friend or any member of your immediate family ever attend a meeting of any group that advocates the violent, overthrow of the Government?
A. No.67
Q. Did you ever meet Oswald at your post office box?
A. No.68
Q. Did you use your post office mailbox to do any business with Mexico or Cuba?
Page 812
A. No.69
Q. Did you do business with Castro-Cuba?
A. No.70
Q. Was your trip to Cuba solely for pleasure?
A. Yes.71
Q. Have you now told us the truth concerning why you carried $2,200 in cash on you?
A. Yes. 72
Q. Did any foreign influence cause you to shoot Oswald?
A. No.73
Q. Did you shoot Oswald because of any influence of the underworld?
A. No.74
Q. Did you shoot Oswald because of a labor union influence?
A. No.75
Q. Did any long-distance telephone calls which you made before the assassination of the President have anything to do with the assassination?
A. No.76
Q. Did any of your long-distance telephone calls concern the shooting of Oswald?
A. No.77
Q. Did you shoot Oswald in order to save Mrs. Kennedy the ordeal of a trial?
A. Yes.78
Q. Did you know the Tippit that was killed?
A. No.79
Q. Did you tell the truth about relaying the message to Ray Brantley to get McWillie a few guns?
A. Yes.80
Q. Did you go to the assembly room on Friday night to get the telephone number of KLIF?
A. Yes.81
Q. Did you ever meet with Oswald and Officer Tippit at your club?
A. No 82
Q. Were you at the Parkland Hospital at any time on Friday?
A. No.83
Q. Did you say anything when you shot Oswald other than what you've testified about?
A. No.84
Q. Have members of your family been physically harmed because of what you did?
A. No.85
Q. Do you think members of your family are now in danger because of what you did?
(No response.) 86
Q. Is Mr. Fowler in danger because he is defending you?
(No response.) 87


Page 813
Q. Did "Blackie" Hanson speak to you just before you shot Oswald?
A. No.88
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INTERPRETATION OF THE TEST
A polygraph examination is designed to detect physiological responses to stimuli in a carefully controlled interrogation. Such responses may accompany and indicate deception.89 The polygraph instrument derives its name from the Greek derivative "poly" meaning many and the word "graph" meaning writings.90 The polygraph chart writings consist of three separate markings placed on a graph reflecting three separate physiological reactions.91 A rubber tube is placed around the subject's chest to record his breathing pattern on a pneumograph.92 That device records the respiratory ratio of inhalation and exhalation strokes.93 The second component is called a galvanic skin response which consists of electrodes placed on the examinee's fingers, through which a small amount of electrical current is passed to the skin.94 The galvanometer records the minute changes in electrical skin response.95 The third component consists of a cardiograph which is a tracing obtained by attaching a pneumatic cuff around the left arm in a manner very similar to an apparatus which takes blood pressure.96 When the cuff is inflated, that device records relative blood pressures or change in the heart rate.97

From those testing devices, it is possible to measure psychological or emotional stress.98 This testing device is the product of observation by psychologists and physiologists who noted certain physiological responses when people lie.99 In about 1920 law enforcement officials with psychological and physiological training initiated the development of the instrument to serve as an investigative aid.100

The polygraph may record responses indicative of deception, but it must be carefully interpreted.101 The relevant questions, as to which the interrogator is seeking to determine whether the subject is falsifying, are compared with control questions where the examiner obtains a known indication of deception or some expected emotional response.102 In evaluating the polygraph, due consideration must be given to the fact that a physiological response may be caused by factors other than deception, such as fear, anxiety, nervousness, dislike, and other emotions.103 There are no valid statistics as to the reliability of the poly-graph. 104 FBI Agent Herndon testified that, notwithstanding the absence of percentage indicators of reliability, an informed judgment may be obtained from a well-qualified examiner on the indications of deception in a normal person under appropriate standards of administration.105

Ordinarily during a polygraph examination only the examiner and the examinee are present.106 It is the practice of the FBI, however, to have a second agent present to take notes.107 lt is normally undesirable to have other people present during the polygraph examina-

Page 814
tion because the examinee may react emotionally to them.108 Because of the numerous interested parties involved in Ruby's polygraph examination, there were present individuals representing the Commission and the Dallas district attorney, as well as two defense counsel, two FBI agents, the chief jailer, the psychiatrist, and the court reporter, although the assistant district attorney and one defense counsel left when Ruby was actually responding to questions while the instrument was activated.109 Ruby was placed in a position where there was a minimum of distraction for him during the test.110 He faced a wall and could not see anyone except possibly through secondary vision from the side.111 Agent Herndon expressed the opinion that Ruby was not affected by the presence of the people in the room.112

Answer by Ruby to certain irrelevant control questions suggested an attempt to deceive on those questions. For example, Ruby answered "No" to the question "While in the service did you receive any disciplinary action?" 113 His reaction suggested deception in his answer.114 Similarly, Ruby's negative answer to the query "Did you ever overcharge a customer?" was suggestive of deception.115 Ruby further showed an emotional response to other control questions such as "Have you ever been known by another name"116 "Are you married?"117 "Have you ever served time in jails?" 118 "Are your parents alive?" 119 "Other than what you told me, did you ever hit anyone with any kind of a weapon?" 120 Herndon concluded that the absence of any physiological response on the relevant questions indicated that there was no deception.121



An accurate evaluation of Ruby's polygraph examination depends on whether he was psychotic. Since a psychotic is divorced from reality, the polygraph tracings could not be logically interpreted on such an individual. A psychotic person might believe a false answer was true so he would not register an emotional response characteristic of deception as a normal person would.122 If a person is so mentally disturbed that he does not understand the nature of the questions or the substance of his answers, then no validity can be attached to the polygraph examination.123 Herndon stated that if a person, on the other hand, was in touch with reality, then the polygraph examination could be interpreted like any other such test.124

Based on his previous contacts with Ruby and from observing him during the entire polygraph proceeding, Dr. William R. Beavers testified as follows:
In the greater proportion of the time that he answered the questions, I felt that he was aware of the questions and that he understood them, and that he was giving answers based on an appreciation of reality.125
Dr. Beavers further stated that he had previously diagnosed Ruby a "psychotic depressive." 126

Page 815

Based on the assumption that Ruby was a "psychotic depressive," Herndon testified:
There would be no validity to the polygraph examination, and no significance should be placed upon the polygraph charts.127
Considering other phases of Dr. Beavers' testimony, Herndon stated:
Well, based on the hypothesis that Ruby was mentally competent and sound, the charts could be interpreted, and if those conditions are fact, the charts could be interpreted to indicate that there was no area of deception present with regard to his response to the relevant questions during the polygraph examination.128
In stating his opinion that Ruby was in touch with reality and understood the questions and answers, Dr. Beavers excepted two questions where he concluded that Ruby's underlying delusional state took hold.129 Those questions related to the safety of Ruby's family and his defense counsel.130 While in the preliminary session Ruby had answered those questions by stating that he felt his family and defense counsel were in danger, he did not answer either question when the polygraph was activated.131 Dr. Beavers interpreted Ruby's failure to answer as a reflection of "internal struggle as to just what was reality." 132 In addition, Dr. Beavers testified that the test was not injurious to Ruby's mental or physical condition.133

Because Ruby not only volunteered but insisted upon taking a polygraph examination, the Commission agreed to the examination. FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover commented on the examination as follows:
It should be pointed out that the polygraph, often referred to as "lie detector" is not in fact such a device. The instrument is designed to record under proper stimuli emotional responses in the form of physiological variations which may indicate and accompany deception. The FBI feels that the polygraph technique is not sufficiently precise to permit absolute judgments of deception or truth without qualifications. The polygraph technique has a number of limitations, one of which relates to the mental fitness and condition of the examinee to be tested.
During the proceedings at Dallas, Texas, on July 18, 1964, Dr. William R. Beavers, a psychiatrist, testified that he would generally describe Jack Ruby as a "psychotic depressive." In view of the serious question raised as to Ruby's mental condition, no significance should be placed on the polygraph examination and it should be considered nonconclusive as the charts cannot be relied upon.134

Page 816

Having granted Ruby's request for the examination, the Commission is publishing the transcript of the hearing at which the test was conducted 135 and the transcript of the deposition of the FBI polygraph operator who administered the test.136 The Commission did not rely on the results of this examination in reaching the conclusions stated in this report.

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Appendix 18: Footnotes
Introduction
Foreword
Chapter 2
Chapter 3
Chapter 4
Chapter 5
Chapter 6
Chapter 7
Chapter 8
Appendix 7
Appendix 10
Appendix 12
Appendix 13
Appendix 14
Appendix 15
Appendix 16
Appendix 17
Introduction
For references to the testimony of witnesses before the Commission, the following citation form is used: number of volume, "H" (for "Hearings before the President's Commission on the Assassination of President Kennedy"), page number, and the name of the witness in parentheses, e.g., 7 H 441 (O'Donnell). Commission exhibits are referred to by the capital letters "CE" and number; deposition exhibits by the name of the witness, the capital letters "DE," and the number or letter of his exhibit, e.g., CE 705; Sorrels DE 1. References to audiovisual sources for one Dallas broadcasting station (WFAA) are cited as follows: PKT for video tapes, PKF for films, and PKA for audio tapes. The video and audio reels and tapes of other stations are cited by number, e.g., WFAA-TV reel PKT 10; KRLD-TV reel 13.



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Foreword
Executive Order No. 11130 is set forth as app. 1.
The White House press release is set forth as app. II.
Senate Joint Resolution 137 (Public Law 88-202) is set forth as app. III.
The names of all witnesses are set forth in app. V.
The procedures of the Commission are set forth as app. VI
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Chapter II
4 H 130 (Gov. John B. Connally, Jr.); 7 H 441 (Kenneth O'Donnell).
Id. at 441, 442.
Id. at 442-443.
Id. at 442.
Ibid.
7 H 475 (Clifton C. Carter).
Ibid.
Ibid.
4 H 145-146 (Connally).
Ibid.; CE 1367.
4 H 130 (Connally); CE 2960.
7 H 442 (O'Donnell).
4 H 146 (Connally).
Ibid.
7 H 443 (O'Donnell).
Ibid.
4 H 319-325 (Winston G. Lawson); 7 H 334-341 (Forrest V. Sorrels). Governor Connally testified that he was not consulted about the security arrangements in Dallas, and that he did not expect to be. 4 H 145 (Connally).
4 H 319 (Lawson); 7 H 334 (Sorrels).
CE 769, p. 1; 4 H 320 (Lawson).
Details of the advance work done by Agent Lawson are set forth in his contemporaneous memoranda; CE 767, 766, 769.
4 H 321-322 (Lawson); 2 H 107 (Roy H. Kellerman).
4 H 322-324, 344-346 (Lawson).
CE 768, p. 9; see also 7 H 339 (Sorrels).
CE 770.
4 H 323-324 (Lawson).
7 H 334 (Sorrels).
See id. at 335; Sorrels DE 4, p. 1.
CE 769, p. 2.
CE 1360; 4 H 336-337 (Lawson).
CE 768, pp. 6-13; CE 769, p. 5; 4 H 338 (Lawson).
Id. at 325.
Ibid.
CE 769, p. 2; 7 H 337 (Sorrels).
CE 768, p. 4.
Ibid.
CE 769, p. 3.
7 H 338 (Sorrels); 4 H 326 (Lawson); CE 1022, p. 2; CE 769, p. 3.
4 H 341 (Lawson); CE 1022, p. 3.
7 H 333 (Sorrels).
Id. at 337.
Ibid.
4 H 326 (Lawson).
CE 876 is an aerial view of Dealey Plaza and the Triple Underpass; see also CE2188.
7 H 237 (Sorrels); CE 2114-2116.
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Page 818

Notes to Pages 39-51
Ibid.
CE 2967; see 7 H 337 (Sorrels); 4 H 333 (Lawson).
Id. at 326.
CE 769, p. 4; 4 H 326 (Lawson).
Id. at 326-327.
5 H 465-466 (James J. Rowley); 4 H 329, 333 (Lawson).
Id. at 327-329. The adequacy of these arrangements is considered in ch. VIII 447-449.
CE 102,2, p. 2.
CE 1361.
CE 1362.
CE 1363.
CE 1364.
CE 1365.
CE 1366.
CE 1367, 1368.
CE 1369.
CE 1370.
CE 1371.
CE 1372, 1373.
Ibid.
CE 1374.
CE 1375, 1376.
4 H 323 (Lawson); 7 H 339 (Sorrels); CE 769, p. 8.
CE 1377, 1378.
CE 1379.
CE 1380.
CE 996; see also 5 H 534 (Robert G. Klause).
CE 1031; 5 H 504 (Bernard W. Weissman).
CE 1031.
4 H 130 (Connally); 7 H 444-445 O'Donnell).
Id. at 445.
4 H 130 (Connally); 7 H 445 O'Donnell).
7 H 472 (David F. powers).
Ibid.
4 H 130 (Connally); 7 H 445 (O'Donnell).
2 H 63-64 (Kellerman); 7 H 459 (Lawrence F. O'Brien).
7 H 443-444 (O'Donnell).
Id. at 456.
Ibid.
4 H 349 (Lawson); 2 H 67 (Kellerman).
5 H 561 (Pres. Lyndon B. Johnson); 4 H 130 (Connally); CE 2526.
5 H 560 (Johnson); 7 H 474 (Clifton C. Carter); 2 H 146 (Rufus W. Youngblood).
7 H 461 (O'Brien); 2 H 67 (Kellerman); 4 H 339, 350 (Lawson).
Id. at 350; CE 1024.
4 H 339-340 (Lawson).
5 H 560-561 (Johnson); CE 1024, statement of Rufus W. Youngblood.
5 H 561 (Johnson); 2 H 115 (Greer).
See 4 H 335-336 (Lawson).
4 H 132 (Connally); 2 H 135 (Clinton J. Hill); 2 H 70 (Kellerman); 4 H 326, 351 (Lawson).
2 H 135-136 (Hill); 4 H 351 (Lawson).
CE 768, p. 5.
2 H 67 (Kellerman); 4 H 327 (Lawson).
CE 768, p. 5 2 H 67 (Kellerman).
Id. at 68; 4 H 327-328 (Lawson) 2 H 116 (Greer).
CE 344, 345, 346.
2 H 65 (Kellerman); 2 H 114 (Greer).
4 H 349 (Lawson); 2 H 66-67 (Kellerman).
Id. at 67.
Id. at 64-65.
CE 345.
2 H 136-137 (Hill); CE 1025.
4 H 130-131 (Connally); 2 H 68 (Kellerman); 2 H 115 (Greer).
Ibid.
Ibid.
2 H 70 (Kellerman).
4 H 338-339 (Lawson).
2 H 135 (Hill).
Id. at 134.
Id. at 134-135.
7 H 446 (O'Donnell); 7 H 473 (Powers).
4 H 327, 329 (Lawson).
Ibid.; 7 H 342 (Sorrels).
4 H 327 (Lawson); 2 H 135-136 (Hill).
Id. at 136.
2 H 147 (Youngblood).
Id. at 148.
Id. at 147; 5 H 561 (Johnson); 7 H 439 (Senator Ralph W. Yarborough).
2 H 147 (Youngblood).
7 H 474 (Carter); 2 H 69 (Kellerman).
CE 767, attachment 3; CE 1126.
2 H 70 (Kellerman); 4 H 336 (Lawson).
CE 768, pp. 9-10.
4 H 130-131 (Connally); 2 H 67, 70 (Kellerman); 2 H 115 (Greer).
4 H 132 (Connally); 2 H 135 (Hill); 2 H 70 (Kellerman).
Ibid.
4 H 132 (Connally).
7 H 447 (O'Donnell); 7 H 473 (Powers); 4 H 131 (Connally).
2 H 135-136 (Hill); CE 398; CE 1024, statement of Clinton J. Hill, p. 2.
2 H 135 (Hill).
2 H 71 (Kellerman).
2 H 147 (Youngblood).
CE 876; 2 H 71 (Kellerman).
CE 878; 2 H 71-72 (Kellerman).
5 H 561 (Johnson); 4 H 132 (Connally).
7 H 447 (O'Donnell); 7 H 463 (O'Brien); 7 H 473 (Powers).
4 H 147 (Mrs. John B. Connally, Jr.); 4 H 131 (Connally).
2 H 151 (Youngblood).
7 H 473 (Powers).
2 H 120 (Greer).
CE 1974, p. 163.
2 H 119 (Greer).
4 H 134 (Connally) 4 H 149 (Mrs. Connally); 7 H 448 (O'Donnell); 7 H 473 (Powers); 7 H 474 (Carter); 2 H 73 (Kellerman); 2 H 139 (Hill); 3 H 245 (Baker).
5 H 160-161 (Lyndal L. Shaneyfelt).
5 H 179-180 (Mrs. John F. Kennedy).
4 H 132-133 (Connally).
Id. at 135-136.
4 H 147 (Mrs. Connally).
2 H 73-74 (Kellerman).
2 H 117 (Greer).
2 H 74-77 (Kellerman).
4 H 147 (Mrs. Connally).
4 H 133 (Connally).
4 H 147 (Mrs. Connally).
4 H 133 (Connally).
Ibid.; 4 H 147 (Mrs. Connally).
Ibid. 4 H 133 (Connally).
2 H 138 (Hill).
Ibid.
Id. at 138-139.
Ibid.
7 H 473 (Powers).
5 H 180 (Mrs. Kennedy).
CE 1024, statement of John D. Ready.
CE 1024, statement of George W. Hickey, Jr.

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Notes to Pages 51-60
CE 1024, statement of Emory P. Roberts.
Ibid.
2 H 148-149 (Youngblood).
Id. at 149.
5 H 561 (Johnson).
7 H 475 (Carter).
4 H 325 (Lawson).
7 H 347 (Sorrels).
2 H 74 (Kellerman); 2 H 120 (Greer); 2 H 141 (Hill); 2 H 149 (Youngblood).
4 H 353-354 (Lawson).
4 H 161 (Jesse E. Curry).
CE 1974, pp. 163-164.
Ibid.; 2 H 151 (Youngblood); 2 H 141 (Hill); 7 H 450 (O'Donnell); 7 H 475 (Carter).
2 H 151 (Youngblood); CE 1126.
6 H 144 (Doris M. Nelson); 6 H 116 (Ruth J. Standridge).
3 H 358 (Dr. Charles J. Carrico).
6 H 344 (Nelson).
3 H 363 (Carrico); 3 H 369-371 (Dr. Malcolm O. Perry).
4 H 354 (Lawson); 6 H 135 (Diana H. Bowron).
2 H 142 (Hill); 2 H 82 (Kellerman).
4 H 143 (Connally).
6 H 116 (Standridge).
2 H 79 (Kellerman); 2 H 124 (Greer); 4 H 354 (Lawson).
3 H 359 (Carrico); 6 H 141 (Margaret M. Henchliffe); 6 H 136 (Bowron).
3 H 358 (Carrico).
Ibid.
Id. at 359.
Ibid.
Id. at 361-362; 6 H 3 (Carrico).
3 H 361 (Carrico).
Id. at 359-360.
Ibid.
Id. at 360.
Ibid.; 6 H 3 (Carrico).
3 H 360 (Carrico) 3 H 368 (Perry).
Ibid.
Id. at 368-370.
Id. at 370.
Id. at 370, 372.
Id. at 370.
Id. at 371.
Id. at 370.
Id. at 371; 3 H 360 Carrico).
3 H 371 (Perry); 6 H 20 (Dr. William Kemp Clark).
Ibid.
Id. at 25.
Id. at 20; 3 H 371 (Perry).
CE 1126, p. 3.
6 H 20 (Clark); 3 H 372 (Perry); 6 H 41 (Dr. Charles R. Baxter).
6 H 20 (Clark).
3 H 372 (Ferry); 2 H 360 (Comdr. James J. Humes).
3 H 359 (Carrico).
3 H 363 (Carrico); 3 H 382 (Perry); 6 H 25 (Clark).
6 H 3 (Carrico).
3 H 382 (Perry); 6 H 29 (Clark); 6 H 48-49 (Dr. Marion T. Jenkins).
4 H 103-104 (Dr. Robert R. Shaw).
3 H 358 (Carrico).
Ibid.; 6 H 77-78 (Dr. Jackie H. Hunt); 6 H 74-75 (Dr. A. H. Giesecke, Jr.); 4 H 103 (Shaw).
Id. at 102-103.
Id. at 103.
Id. at 104-105; CE 392; 6 H 85, 87 (Shaw).
Id. at 88.
Id. at 85.
4 H 135 (Connally).
6 H 97 (Dr. Charles F. Gregory).
4 H 126-127 (Gregory).
6 H 105-106 (Dr. George Shires).
Id. at 106.
5 H 561 (Johnson); 2 H 149 (Youngblood).
Ibid.
Id. at 152;7 H 475 (Carter).
5 H 564-565 (Mrs. Lyndon B. Johnson); 7 H 475 (Carter).
5 H 561-562 (Johnson); 2 H 152 (Youngblood); 7 H 475 (Carter).
2 H 152 (Youngblood).
5 H 562 (Johnson); 7 H 451 (O'Donnell).
2 H 154-155 (Youngblood).
Id. at 152; 7 H 451 (O'Donnell); 5 H 561 (Johnson).
Ibid.
CE 1026; CE 1024, statement of Emory P. Roberts, p. 5.
5 H 562 (Johnson); 2 H 153 (Youngblood).
Ibid.
2 H 96 (Kellerman); 2 H 126 (Greer); CE 1026.
2 H 80 (Kellerman); 2 H 142 (Hill).
2 H 96 (Kellerman); CE 1024, statements of David B. Grant, Samuel E. Sulliman, Ernest E. Olsson, Jr., .John J. Howlett, Andrew E. Berger, Robert A. Steuart and Richard E. Johnsen.
CE 772. p. 3.
CE 2554. statements of Donald J. Lawton, Roger C. Warner, Henry J. Rybka, and William H. Patterson.
CE 2554, statement of Roger C. Warner, p. 2.
2 H 153 (Youngblood).
7 H 474 (Powers); 3 H 382 (Perry); CE 1126.
7 H 452 (O'Donnell).
Ibid, 2 H 142 (Hill).
7 H 453-454 (O'Donnell); 7 H 468-470 (O'Brien).
7 H 453 (O'Donnell); 2 H 96-97 (Kellerman).
7 H 454 (O'Donnell).
5 H 562-563 (Johnson).
7 H 454 (O'Donnell); 2 H 154 (Youngblood).
2 H 143 (Hill); 2 H 98 (Kellerman).
5 H 563 (Johnson); 5 H 566 (Mrs. Johnson); 7 H 470 (O'Brien).
2 H 143 (Hill); 2 H 98 (Kellerman).
7 H 454 (O'Donnell); 7 H 471 (O'Brien).
2 H 98 (Kellerman); 2 H 143 (Hill).
2 H 98 (Kellerman).
2 H 154 (Youngblood).
7 H 454-455 (O Donnell).
2 H 99 (Kellerman); 2 H 143 (Hill).
Ibid.; 7 H 455 (O'Donnell).
2 H 143 (Hill).
CE 1024, statement of Clinton J. Hill, p. 5.
2 H 349 (Comdr. James J. Humes).
Ibid.
CE 387.
2 H 351 (Humes).
Id. at 354.
Id. at 353-354.
5 H 73 (Robert A. Frazier).
2 H 361-362 (Humes).
Id. at 349; 2 H 100 (Kellerman); 2 H 143-144 (Hill).
7 H 455 (O'Donnell); 2 H 144 (Hill)
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Chapter III

Notes to Pages 63-81
3 H 142-143 (Howard L. Brennan); CE 477, 478.
3 H 149 (Brennan); CE 1437.
CE 479.
3 H 142 (Brennan).
See id. at 142-143.
Id. at 143.
Ibid.
Id. at 143-144.
Id. at 144.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 145.
2 H 204 (Amos Lee Euins).
Ibid.; see CE 365, 366.
2 H 204 (Euins).
6 H 310-311 (D. V. Harkness); 6 H 170 (James R. Underwood).
6 H 313 (Harkness).
Id. at 310; CE 1974 p. 165.
6 H 313 (Harkness) (Euins description of the man he saw is discussed in ch. IV, p. 147).
2 H 157-158 (Robert H. Jackson).
Id. at 158-159.
Id. at 159.
6 H 164 (Tom C. Dillard); 6 H 156- 157 (Malcolm D. Couch); 6 H 169 (Underwood).
6 H 164 (Dillard).
Id. at 164-165; CE 480, 481, 482.
6 H 156-157 (Couch).
Id. at 157.
7 H 485-486 (Mrs. Earle Cabell).
Id. at 486.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.; 7 H 478 (Earle Cabell).
7 H 487 (Mrs. Cabell).
6 H 172-173 (James N. Crawford).
Ibid.
Id. at 173.
Ibid.
6 H 176 (Mary Ann Mitc ).
Ibid.
3 H 202-203 (James Jarman, Jr.).
3 H 190 (Harold Norman).
3 H 169-173 (Bonnie R. Williams).
Id. at 173; 3 H 190 (Norman); 3 H 202, 203 (Jarman).
3 H 195 (Norman).
Id. at 191.
3 H 175 (Williams).
Ibid.
3 H 204 (Jarman).
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 204-205.
Id. at 211.
Ibid.
Id. at 207, 211.
3 H 196 (Norman).
Id. at 195.
See, e.g., the statements of eyewitnesses in CE 1428, 1432, 1433, 1435, 1436, 2084.
See e.g. CE 1428, 1432, 2087, 2088, 2098, 2099.
6 H 249 (J. W. Foster); 6 H 254 (J. C. White).
6 H 256-257 (Joe E. Murphy); Murphy DE A.
6 H 257 (Murphy).
6 H 250 (Foster); 6 H 255 (White); see 6 H 256 (Murphy).
Id. at 257.
6 H 250 (Foster).
6 H 241 (S. M. Holland).
See 6 H 224 (Austin L. Miller); 6 H 22.8 (Frank E. Reilly); 6 H 236-237 (Royce G. Skelton); 6 H 240-242 (Holland); CE 1416-1424 (statements of James L. Simmons, Walter Luke Winborn, Nolan H. Potter, Curtis Freeman Bishop, Richard Calvin Dodd, Thomas J. Murphy, Clemon Earl Johnson, Ewell William Cowsert, and George A. Davis).
6 H 239-24.1 (Holland).
6 H 253 (Foster).
7 H 516 (James W. Altgens); 6 H 226 (Miller).
6 H 284-285 (Lee H. Bowers, Jr.).
Id. at 285.
Id. at 285-286.
Id. at 287.
6 H 229 (Reilly); 6 H 241-242 (Holland); 6 H 258 (Murphy); Murphy DE A.
6 H 250 (Foster); see 6 H 229 (Reilly).
4 H 351 (Winston G. Lawson); 7 H 346 (Forrest V. Sorrels).
4 H 351 (Lawson).
See 6 H 258 (Murphy).
6 H 251 (Foster).
Id. at 251-252.
6 H 225 (Miller).
6 H 237-238 (Skelton).
6 H 230 (Reilly).
6 H 243-245 (Holland).
CE 1421.
6 H 287 (Bowers).
See 6 H 251-252 (Foster).
6 H 244 (Holland).
6 H 225 (Miller); see also CE 1416, 1417.
6 H 287-288 (Bowers); CE 1416-1419, 1423.
6 H 298 (Clyde A. Haygood).
5 H 67 (Robert A. Frazier); 3 H 432 (Frazier); CE 567.
5 H 67 (Frazier); 3 H 435 (Frazier); CE 569.
5 H 66, 71 (Frazier); CE 840.
5 H 68 (Frazier).
Ibid.; CE 350; see 2 H 85-86, 87-89 (Roy H. Kellerman).
5 H 70 (Frazier); CE 349.
5 H 67-69, 72-74 (Frazier).
Ibid.
Id. at 68; 3 H 399 (Frazier).
5 H 68 (Frazier).
2 H 86 (Kellerman); CE 351.
5 H 69 (Frazier).
2 H 84-85 (Kellerman); 2 H 122 (William Robert Greer).
5 H 70 (Frazier).
Ibid.
Ibid.
4 H 204-205 (Jesse W. Fritz); 3 H 283-284 (Luke Mooney).
Id. at 284-285; CE 508.
3 H 285 (Mooney); CE 510, 1974, p. 176.
4 H 205 (Fritz).
3 H 285 (Mooney).
4 H 249-250 (J. C. Day); CE 715, 716.
3 H 293-294 (Eugene Boone); 7 H 107 (Seymour Weitzman); CE 514, 515.
3 H 293 (Boone); 4 H 205 (Fritz); 4 H 257 (Day); CE 718; see 7 H 161 (Richard M. Sims).
4 H 258-259 (Day); 4 H 205 (Fritz); CE 141.
4 H 260 (Day); 4 H 206 (Fritz).
3 H 294 (Boone); 4 H 260 (Day); see 7 H 108-109 (Weitzman).
6 H 116-117 (Ruth J. Standridge).
6 H 121-122 (Jane C. Wester); 6 H 126 (R. J. Jimison).
6 H 129-131 (Darrel C. Tomlinson).
Id. at 130
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Page 821

Notes to Pages 81-96
H 363 (Dr. Charles J. Carrico); 6 H 137 (Diana H. Bowron).
Id. at 137-138; 6 H 141 (Margaret M. Henchcliffe); 6 H 145 (Doris M. Nelson).
Id. at 145-146; 6 H 142 (Henchcliffe); 6 H 137-138 (Bowron).
3 H 392-394 (Frazier); 4 H 260 (Day); CE 139.
3 H 393-394 (Frazier); CE 541.
3 H 392-393 (Frazier).
Id. at 392; CE 540.
3 H 392-393 (Frazier).
7 H 108-109 (Weitzman).
3 H 395 (Frazier).
Ibid.
Id. at 395-396; 4 H 260 (Day).
3 H 397 (Frazier).
Id. at 391.
Id. at 391, 421.
3 H 496 (Joseph D. Nicol).
See generally 3 H 417-419, 429-430 (Frazier).
Id. at 424.
See app. X.
3 H 429, 432, 435 (Frazier); 3 H 498, 500-502 (Nicol); CE 399, 567, 569.
3 H 502 (Nicol); 3 H 434, 436 (Frazier).
3 H 497 (Nicol); 3 H 435 (Frazier).
5 H 73-74 (Frazier).
3 H 415 (Frazier); 3 H 505 (Nicol); CE 543-545.
3 H 440 (Frazier); 7 H 591 (Cortlandt Cunningham); 7 H 591 (Charles L. Killion).
2 H 352-353 (Comdr. James J. Humes); 2 H 377 (Comdr. J. Thornton Boswell); 2 H 380 (Lt. Col. Pierre A, Finck).
2 H 352 (Humes).
Id. at 357-359.
Id. at 859-361.
CE 400.
2 H 379-380 (Finck).
2 H 352 (Humes).
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.; 2 H 377 (Boswell); CE 388.
5 H 75-77 (Dr. Alfred G. Olivier).
Id. at 89; CE 861, 862.
5 H 87 (Olivier).
Id. at 89.
2 H 361 (Humes); CE 387, 391.
2 H 364 (Humes); 2 H 380 (Finck).
Ibid.; 2 H 364 (Humes); 2 H 377 (Boswell).
2 H 363 (Humes).
Id. at 367-368.
Id. at 364.
Ibid.; 2 H 380 (Finck); CE 385.
2 H 368-369 (Humes).
Id. at 367.
Id. at 363.
Id. at 361-362.
3 H 361 (Carrico).
3 H 388 (Dr. Malcolm O. Perry); id. at 372.
3 H 362 (Carrico).
3 H 373 (Perry).
3 H 362 (Carrico).
3 H 373 (Perry).
6 H 42-43 (Dr. Charles R. Baxter); 6 H 35 (Dr. Robert N. McClelland); 6 H 48-50 (Dr. Marion T. Jenkins); 6 H 55 (Dr. Ronald C. Jones).
3 H 369 (Perry).
Id. at 375.
Id. at 375-376.
Id. at 375.
Id. at 368, 372, 375.
Id. at 375.
CE 1415, "The Doctors' Hard Fight To Save Him," New York Herald Tribune, Nov. 23, 1963.
5 H 76-78 (Olivier).
Id. at 78; CE 850.
See 3 H 362 (Carrico); 3 H 368 (Perry).
2 H 364 (Humes); CE 385; see 5 H 60-61 (Frazier); CE 394.
2 H 375 (Humes).
5 H 77-78 (Olivier); CE 849.
5 H 59-62 (Frazier); CE 393, 394, 395.
5 H 59-62 (Frazier).
Id. at 59.
Ibid.
Id. at 59-60.
Id. at 60.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 61.
Ibid.
CE 395.
5 H 62 (Frazier).
Ibid.
4 H 104 (Dr. Robert R. Shaw).
Id. at 104-105; CE 679, 680.
4 H 104 (Shaw); 6 H 85 (Shaw).
4 H 136-138 (Gov. John B. Connally, Jr.).
Id. at 135.
4 H 118, 124 (Dr. Charles F. Gregory).
Id. at 118-119.
Id. at 119-120.
Id. at 120-121.
Id. at 124.
6 H 89 (Shaw).
4 H 109 (Shaw).
4 H 138 (Connally); 6 H 106 (Dr. George T. Shires).
See 5 H 87 (Olivier); 6 H 106 (Shires).
Ibid.; 4 H 125 (Gregory).
6 H 106, 109 (Shires); 4 H 113 (Shaw); 4 H 125 (Gregory).
CE 684; 5 H 63 (Frazier).
Ibid.
Ibid.; CE 683.
5 H 64 (Frazier).
Id. at 63-64.
Id. at 64; CE 685.
5 H 64 (Frazier).
Ibid.
Ibid.; CE 686.
5 H 64-65 (Frazier).
Ibid.
Id. at 65.
Ibid.
CE 687, 688; 5 H 65-66 (Frazier).
Ibid.
5 H 93 (Dr. Arthur J. Dziemian).
Ibid.
Ibid.; see 5 H 82-83 (Olivier).
Id. at 81.
Ibid.; CE 854, 855.
5 H 82 (Olivier); CE 856.
5 H 82 (Olivier).
Id. at 82-83.
Ibid.
4 H 121-122 (Gregory).
See id. at 124.
See 5 H 82 (Olivier).
Id. at 87; see id. at 82.
3 H 430 (Frazier).
6 H 98 (Gregory).
Id. at 98-99.
6 H 91 (Shaw); 6 H 101-102 (Gregory); 6 H 109-110 (Shires).
4 H 139-140 (Connally).
Id. at 138-139; CE 689.
5 H 92 (Dziemian); see 5 H 84-87 (Olivier); 5 H 95-97 (Dr. F. W. Light, Jr.).
2 H 71-73 (Kellerman); 2 H 116-117 (Greer); 4 H 132-133 (Connally)
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Page 822

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Notes to Pages 96-119
CE 347, 354, 699.
5 H 137 (Leo J. Gauthier); CE 884; see 5 H 138-165 (Lyndal L. Shaneyfelt).
Id. at 139-141.
Id. at 153-154.
Id. at 142.
Id. at 153-154; 3 H 407 (Frazier).
See 5 H 93 (Dziemian).
5 H 130-132 (Thomas J. Kelley); see CE 871-874.
5 H 132-134 (Kelley).
5 H 147 (Shaneyfelt).
Id. at 162.
5 H 134 (Kelley); 5 H 167 (Frazier).
5 H 139 (Shaneyfelt).
Id. at 149.
Id. at 147-148.
See id. at 145.
Id. at 147-149.
Id. at 149-150.
Id. at 150-151.
Id. at 152.
Id. at 151.
Id. at 151-152.
Id. at 152.
Id. at 157.
Id. at 153, 156-157.
5 H 168-169 (Frazier).
Id. at 71, 169.
Id. at 70, 169 (Frazier); 5 H 77 (Olivier).
5 H 70-71 (Frazier).
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 174.
CE 697, 698.
5 H 131-132 (Kelley).
3 H 359 (Carrico); 4 H 147 (Mrs. John B. Connally, Jr.); see 4 H 138-140 (Connally).
5 H 169-171 (Frazier).
Id. at 170; 4 H 145 (Connally).
5 H 170 (Frazier).
Ibid.
Id. at 167.
5 H 153 (Shaneyfelt); 5 H 137 (Gauthier).
5 H 153, 162 (Shaneyfelt).
Ibid.
Id. at 162.
Id. at 162-163.
Id. at 163; CE 902, 903.
5 H 133 (Kelley).
5 H 163 (Shaneyfelt).
4 H 137-188 (Connally).
See 4 H 104-105 (Shaw).
5 Id. 164 (Shaneyfelt).
CE 385.
5 H 78-80 (Olivier).
CE 399, 853; 5 H 80 (Olivier).
Id. at 80, 86.
Id. at 86.
Id. at 86-87; 5 H 91-92 (Dziemian).
Id. at 92 (Dziemian).
Ibid.; 5 H 83-84 (Olivier).
Id. at 86.
Id. at 80.
Id. at 84; 6 H 95 (Shaw).
5 H 94, 97 (Light).
Id. at 97.
CE 389, 390, 885.
CE 388, 389.
See 5 H 159-160 (Shaneyfelt).
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 145, 160.
Id. at 160.
E.g. 4 H 147 (Mrs. Connally); 2 H 76 (Kellerman); 2 H 118 (Greer); 2 H 149-150 (Rufus W. Youngblood); 7 H 448 (Kenneth O'Donnell); 7 H 440 (Senator Ralph W. Yarborough); see also the reports of numerous eyewitnesses in CE 1416-1419, 1425, 1427, 1430-1432, 1434-1436, 2084, 2087, 2090, 2098-2107.
E.g. 2 H 139 (Clinton J. Hill); CE 1421, 1429.
E.g. 2 H 194 (James R. Worrell, Jr.); 6 H 207 (Jean L. Hill); 6 H 238 (Skelton).
Hatcher, Jury & Weller, Firearms Investigations, Identification and Evidence, 41.8 (1957).
See supra at p. 85.
CE 1024, statement of Agent Glen A. Bennett.
CE 2112.
4 H 132-133 (Connally).
4 H 147 (Mrs. Connally); 5 H 152 (Shaneyfelt).
4 H 147 (Mrs. Connally).
7 H 517, 520-521 (Altgens).
5 H 158 (Shaneyfelt).
7 H 493 (Phillip L. Willis); 15 H 696 697 (Shaneyfelt); Shaneyfelt DE 25.
4 H 133, 135 (Connally).
5 H 160 (Shaneyfelt).
Id. at 153-154; 3 H 407 (Frazier).
For recollection that the second and third shots were closer together see e.g. 2 H 73-74 (Kellerman); 2 H 118 (Greer); 2 H 150 (Youngblood); 2 H 159 (Jackson); CE 2084, 2098, 2100. For recollection that the shots were evenly spaced see e.g. 7 H 495 (Willis). For recollection that the first and second shots were closer together see the statement of Cecil Ault, CE 2103.
7 H 518 (Altgens).
7 H 560 (Emmett J. Hudson).
5 H 180 (Mrs. John F. Kennedy).
6 H 238 (Skelton).
Ibid.
6 H 252 (J. W. Foster).
See CE 2111.
7 H 553 (James T. Tague).
7 H 546 (Eddy R. Walthers).
Ibid.; 7 H 553 (Tague).
Ibid.
Id. at 555.
CE 1974, p. 166; see 6 H 298 (Haygood).
15 H 700 (Shaneyfelt).
Ibid.
Ibid.
E.g. 2 H 76 (Kellerman); 2 H 118 (Greer); 2 H 139 (Clinton J. Hill); 2 H 150 (Youngblood; 2 H 182-183 (Arnold L. Rowland); 2 H 160 (Jackson)
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Chapter IV
See ch. III.
11 H 207 (Albert Yeargan); 11 H 206 (J. Philip Lux); 7 H 364 (William Waldman).
11 H 205 (Louis Feldsott).
7 H 364-365 (Waldman); 7 H 370-371 (Mitc Scibor).
7 H 420 (James Cadigan); 4 H 373 (Alwyn Cole).
7 H 420 (Cadigan); 4 H 359-362 (Cole).
7 H 365-368 (Waldman); Waldman DE 7, 8, 9, 10; CE 773, 788.
CE 788, 789; 7 H 295 (Harry
Page 823
Holmes); 4 H 373 (Cole); 7 H 423 (Cadigan); Cadigan DE 11.
7 H 366-368 (Waldman); Waldman DE 7, 10; CE 2957.
7 H 365-368 (Waldman); Waldman DE 7, 8, 9, 10; CE 773, 788.
7 H 361-364 (Waldman); Waldman DE 1, 3, 4.
Waldman DE 7.
3 H 393 (Robert Frazier); CE 1977.
Holmes DE 3; Cadigan DE 13; 7 H 295 (Holmes); CE 2011, p. 17; see also CE 791, 792.
4 H 377-378 (Cole); CE 791, 792.
4 H 379 (Cole); 7 H 425-426 (Cadigan); CE 793.
2 H 457-459 (Ruth Paine); 1 H 18-19 (Marina Oswald); 5 H 388 (Marina Oswald).
Cadigan DE 13; CE 791; 7 H 527 (Holmes).
Id. at 528.
3 H 300-301 (M. N. McDonald); CE 143; 7 H 54 (Gerald Hill); 7 Id. 21-22 (Bob Carroll); Cadigan DE 12.
7 H 376 (Heinz Michaelis); CE 135, 790; 7 H 594 (David Goldstein); Cadigan DE 12.
4 H 375 (Cole); 7 H 424 (Cadigan).
CE 801, 802; 7 H 187-188 (Richard Stovall); 7 H 228 (Guy Rose); CE 1986, 1989, 1990; CE 2011, p. 20.
CE 2011, p. 21.
CE 795, 1986, 1989, 1990; 7 H 187-188 (Stovall); 7 H 228 (Rose); CE 2011, pp. 22-23.
Compare CE 801 with 795; For a detailed description of additional steps in the creation of the forged card, see 4 H 386-387 (Cole).
CE 795, 800-801, 806-812; 4 Id. 380-382, 385-387, 389-391 (Cole); 7 H 427 (Cadigan); 7 H 195 (Stovall).
CE 813, 2004; CE 2011, p. 25.
4 H 394-396 (Cole).
CE 1828, 2012.
7 H 296 (Holmes).
CE 817; Cadigan DE 22; 7 H 296 (Holmes); CE 1799, p. 3; CE 2011, p. 19.
4 H 397-398 (Cole); 7 H 431-432 (Cadigan).
1 H 64 (Marina Oswald).
5 H 401 (Marina Oswald).
See e.g., CE 819; CE 1413, pp. 19, 35.
1 H 64 (Marina Oswald); 5 H 401, 403 (Marina Oswald).
Ibid; 1 H 65 (Marina Oswald).
CE 1398.
CE 1945.
CE 2014.
1 H 91 (Marina Oswald). When translated from the Russian, the name was spelled "Alec". Oswald himself spelled the name "Alek" in correspondence. See note 43, infra.
See, e.g., CE 38, 55-56.
3 H 289 (Luke Mooney); 3 H 292-293 (Eugene Boone).
4 H 258 (J. C. Day); cf. 3 H 295 (Boone).
4 H 259 (Day).
Id. at 261; 4 H 20 (Sebastian Latona).
Id. at 21.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 22, 29; see also 4 H 258-259 (Day).
Id. at 260-261.
4 H 24 (Latona).
Ibid.
4 H 261-262 (Day).
4 H 73 (Latona); 4 H 261 (Day).
CE 2637.
4 H 24 (Latona); CE 637-639
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Notes to Pages 119-128
4 H 50 (Arthur Mandella); 15 H 745-746 (Mandella).
4 H 47 (Latona); 7 H 590 (Ronald Wittmus).
4 H 30 (Latona); 4 H 54 (Mandella); 7 H 590 (Wittmus).
4 H 2 (Latona); 4 H 262 (Day).
4 H 260 (Day).
4 H 82, 85 (Paul Stombaugh); CE 674.
4 H 56, 74 (Stombaugh).
CE 150, 673-676; 3 H 302 (McDonald); see CE 2011, p. 13. 15 H 695 (Lyndal Shaneyfelt).
4 H 83-87 (Stombaugh).
Id. at 88.
Id. at 87.
Id. at 87-88.
1 H 121 (Marina Oswald).
3 H 252 (T. L. Baker); 3 H 276 (Mrs. Robert Reid); 2 H 259 (William Whaley).
6 H 412-413 (Mrs. Mary Bledsoe).
7 H 173 (Richard Sims); 2 H 287 (Cecil McWatters); 4 H 223 (J. W. Fritz); CE 381, 381-A; CE 2005, p. I 137-B.
Ibid.
4 H 84 (Stombaugh).
Id. at 83.
3 H 41 (Ruth Paine); see app. XIII.
See footnotes 107-114. infra.
See ch. VI, pp. 318-321.
See footnotes 107-114, infra.
CE 712, 713; 4 H 237, 241 (Fritz); 11 H 155-156 (M. Waldo George).
1 H 15-16, 117-118 (Marina Oswald); CE 134.
CE 133-A.
CE 748; 4 H 281 (Lyndal Shaneyfelt).
Ibid.
CE 133-A, 133-B, 134; 1 Id. 117-118 (Marina Oswald); 5 H 405, 410 (Marina Oswald); CE 750.
CE 749; 7 H 194 (Stovall); 7 H 231 (Rose); CE 2011, p. 26. The recovered negative was of the picture introduced as CE 133-B.
4 H 284-288 (Shaneyfelt).
Id. at 284.
Id. at 289; 15 H 693 (Shaneyfelt).
4 H 237, 241 (Fritz); CE 712, 713, 714.
4 H 288 (Shaneyfelt).
Id. at 290-294; 15 H 687-690 (Shaneyfelt).
4 H 292-294 (Shaneyfelt); 15 H 689-690 (Shaneyfelt); Shaneyfelt DE 13, 14, 18.
See footnote 4, 82, 83, supra.
CE 1406; 15 H 690-692 (Shaneyfelt); Shaneyfelt DE 20, 21, 22, 22-A.
1 H 15, 118 (Marina Oswald); see p. 182, infra.
Michaelis DE 5; Waldman DE 7.
1 H 119 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 14.
Id. at 21; CE 1403, p. 735.
1 H 21-22, 54 (Marina Oswald); but see Id. at 65; contra CE 1403, p. 736.
1 H 26 (Marina Oswald); 3 H 4-5, 7, 10-11, 19 (R. Paine).
1 H 26 (Marina Oswald).
3 H 26-21, 25 (R. Paine); 2 H 507-508 (R. Paine).
1 H 26, 52, 53, 61, 67-78, 74 (Marina Oswald); CE 2003. p. 46.
1 H 26.52 (Marina Oswald).
3 H 21-25 (R. Paine); 9 H 436-443 (M. Paine).
2 H 414-416 (M. Paine); 9 H 437-440 (M. Paine).
9 H 436 (M. Paine)
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Page 824

Notes to Pages 128-140
2 H 417 (M. Paine); 9 H 442-443 (M. Paine).
7 H 229 (Rose); 7 H 548 (Eddy Walthers).
4 H 57-58 (Stombaugh).
3 H 27-39 (R. Paine); 1 H 51 (Marina Oswald); 6 H 401-402 (Bledsoe); 10 H 293-294 (Mrs. A. C. Johnson); 6 H 436 (E. Roberts).
2 H 212-213, 217 (Frazier); 1 H 51,124 (Marina Oswald); 3 H 40, 67, 127 (R. Paine).
1 H 51 (Marina Oswald); 2 H 222 (Frazier); 3 H 40 (M. Paine); see 3 H 28-46 (M. Paine).
2 H 222-223 (Frazier); CE 2003, p. 25.
Ibid.
2 H 247-248 (Mrs. Linnie Mae Randle); 2 H 224 (Frazier).
10 H 297 (Mrs. A. C. Johnson).
CE 2046.
3 H 72-73 (R. Paine); 9 H 424 (R. Paine); R. Paine DE 275, 276; CE 449.
3 H 75-76 (R. Paine).
1 H 68-69 (Marina Oswald).
CE 2640.
3 H 46, 56-57 (R. Paine); 1 H 65 (Marina Oswald).
3 H 48, 59-61 (R. Paine); 9 H 418 (R. Paine); 1 H 71 (Marina Oswald).
3 H 48, 52, 60 (R. Paine); 9 H 397, 418 (R. Paine); CE 430.
CE 429, 430, 434; 3 H 29, 52-53 (R. Paine); 9 H 402 (R. Paine).
9 H 408, 410 (R. Paine); 3 H 20-22 (R. Paine); 1 H 26, 52-53, 67, 119 (Marina Oswald); CE 140; 2003, p. 46.
3 H 47 (R. Paine).
Id. at 47, 62-63.
Id. at 48-49, 65.
1 H 66-67 (Marina Oswald).
Ibid; 3 H 58-59, 67 (R. Paine).
Compare photos in CE 1305 and 1304.
2 H 252 (Cortlandt Cunningham).
1 H 73-74 (Marina Oswald); 3 H 68-69 (R. Paine).
Ibid; 3 H 78-79 (R. Paine); 7 H 229-230 (Rose).
1 H 119 (Marina Oswald).
3 H 79 (R. Paine).
Ibid; 1 H 74 (Marina Oswald).
Ibid; 7 H 305 (Holmes); Holmes DE 4, p. 3-4; see also 4 H 223, 229 (Fritz).
1 H 72-73 (Marina Oswald); 3 H 68, 112 (R. Paine); 2 H 224-226 (Frazier).
1 H 66, 72-73 (Marina Oswald); 3 H 68 (R. Paine).
2 H 248 (Randle); CE 144, 446.
2 H 251 (Randle); CE 144, 446.
2 H 248-249 (Randle).
Id. at 249-250.
Id. at 249.
2 H 225-226 (Frazier).
Id. at 226.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 228.
Id. at 220.
Id. at 228.
Id. at 230.
6 H 376-377 (Jack Dougherty).
See e.g. 6 H 383 (Eddie Piper); 3 H 164-165 (Bonnie Ray Williams); 3 H 188 (Harold Norman); 3 H 200 (James Jarman, Jr.); 3 H 218-219 (Roy Truly); 6 H 328 (William S ey); 6 H 348-349 (Charles Givens); 6 H 358-359 (Troy West); 6 H 364-365 (Danny Arce); 6 H 337 (Billy Lovelady); CE 1381, pp. 2, 9, 12, 13, 18, 20, 25, 33-34, 37, 39, 43, 50, 58, 59, 67, 71, 77, 82, 86, 89, 96, 97, 105.
2 H 226 (Frazier); 2 H 249-250 (Randle).
3 H 395 (Frazier); CE 139.
CE 1304; 2 H 240 (Frazier).
Id. at 241.
Id. at 243.
CE 2009.
2 H 249-250 (Randle).
2 H 239 (Frazier).
2 H 248-249 (Randle); see CE 2008.
Ibid.
2 H 243 (Frazier).
Id. at 229.
See CE 142; 4 H 266 (Day).
4 H 266-267 (Day); 7 H 143-145 (Robert Lee Studebaker); Studebaker DE F; CE 1302.
3 H 395 (Frazier); CE 142, 626.
CE 1301, 1302.
See CE 508, 723, 726; 4 H 265-266 (Day); 3 H 285-286, 289 (Luke Mooney).
4 H 267 (Day).
See app. X, pp. 565-566; 4 H 3-8 (Latona).
Id. at 4-5, 8.
Id. at 7.
Id. at 47; 7 H 590 (Wittmus).
4 H 50-51 (Mandella).
4 H 5, 47 (Latona); 4 H 50-51 (Mandella); 15 H 745-746.
4 H 44-45 (Latona).
Id. at 7; 2 H 228 (Frazier).
See CE 677 which indicates it was picked up by R. L. Studebaker of the Dallas Police Force on November 22, 1963; 4 H 89-90 (Cadigan).
Id. at 93.
Id. at 95.
Id. at 93, 94, 97.
Id. at 93-94, 97, 99, 100.
CE 1077, 364; 4 H 93 (Cadigan).
Id. at 94-96, 99-100.
Ibid.
Id. at 96; CE 1965.
3 H 215-218 (Truly).
4 H 77-78 (Stombaugh).
Id. at 81.
Id. at 78.
Ibid.
Id. at 81.
Ibid.
3 H 214 (Truly).
Id. at 214-215; 6 H 328 (S ey).
Id. at 215; 6 H 328 (S ey).
See infra, p. 143.
4 H 269, 272, 277 (Day); CE 654, 733, 734; 7 H 147 (Studebaker); Studebaker DE J; CE 1309.
4 H 269, 270-271, 277 (Day); CE 641, 733, 734; 7 H 141-143, 147 (Studebaker); Studebaker DE A, B, C, D, E, 5; CE 1306, 1308.
4 H 251, 277 (Day); CE 481, 482, 653, 733, 734; 7 H 141-143, 147 (Studebaker); Studebaker DE A, B, D, E, J.
7 H 141 (Studebaker); 7 H 391 (S ey); 3 H 232, 236 (Truly).
7 H 149 (Studebaker).
CE 733; 734; 1312; 7 H 147 (Studebaker); Studebaker DE J.
CE 1302; see pp. 134-135 supra.
4 H 31, 38, 42 (Latona).
Id. at 42.
Id. at 32, 34.
3 H 231 (Truly); 7 H 391-392 (S ey).
3 H 232 (Truly); 7 H 149 (Studebaker); 7 H 392 (S ey).
7 H 391 (S ey); 3 H 236 (Truly).
7 H 391-392 (S ey).
4 H 269 (Day); CE 1302.
4 H 39 (Latona).
Id. at 38, 39 (Latona).
Id. at 39.
Ibid
Page 825
Id. at 38-39.
4 H 269-270 (Day); 4 H 31, 38-39, 42 (Latona).
CE 313; pp. 17-18.
4 H 51, 52, 54 (Mandella); 15 H 745-746 (Mandella); CE 662.
Id. at 47; 7 H 590 (Wittmus).
4 H 42-44 (Latona); CE 1980, 3135.
6 H 347, 349 (Givens).
Id. at 354.
Id. at 349.
Ibid.
Id. at 349-350, 353.
Id. at 350-351.
Id. at 351; 3 H 223 (Truly).
6 H 351 (Givens).
CE 1381.
6 H 342-345 (Frankie Kaiser); 6 H 332 (S ey); 6 H 335 (Nat Pinkston); 3 H 233-235 (Truly); Kaiser DE A; CE 506.
CE 1966, 3141, 6 H 344 (Kaiser); 6 H 335 (Pinkston).
6 H 344 (Kaiser); 6 H 335 (Pinkston).
Ibid; 6 H 332-333 (S ey); 3 H 215. (Truly).
6 H 332-333 (S ey).
See ch. III.
3 H 144-148 (Howard Brennan); 7 H 354 (Forrest Sorrels).
3 Id. 141-144 (Brennan); CE 477-479.
3 H 149-157 (Brennan); CE 479.
3 H 142 (Brennan).
Id. at 143.
Id. at 143-144.
Id. at 145; 6 H 322-323 (J. Herbert Sawyer); 3 H 197 (Norman); 3 H 207 (Jarman); 7 H 349 (Sorrels); 7 H 540-544 (W. E. Barnett).
6 H 321 (Sawyer); Sawyer DE A; CE 1974, p. 24-25.
CE 2005.
3 H 144 (Brennan).
CE 1991.
CE 1945, 1950, 1951; CE 1944, p. 3.
11 H 471 (Francis Martello); CE 1413, pp. 19,
CE 1981.
CE 1974, p. 59.
Id. at 181.
Id. at 74.
3 H 144 (Brennan).
CE 481, 715, 733, 734.
CE 715, 733, 734.
See 5 H 167 (Frazier); CE 1301.
3 H 144 (Brennan).
See e.g., CE 481, 482, 485.
3 H 174 (Williams); 3 H 190-191 (Norman); 3 H 204 (Jarman); CE 485, 486, 494.
CE 485, 486, 494.
See CE 485, 486, 494, 715, 733, 734, 1912.
3 H 146, 156 (Brennan); 3 H 197 (Norman); but see, 7 H 349 (Sorrels).
3 H 184-185 (Brennan).
3 H 197 (Norman); 9 H 207 (Jarman).
3 H 197 (Norman).
3 H 207 (Jarman).
3 H 147-148 (Brennan); 7 H 355 (Sorrels).
3 H 148 (Brennan); but see 7 354-355 (Sorrels).
3 H 155 (Brennan).
CE 2006; 3 H 155-156 (Brennan).
Id. at 155.
Id. at 148.
Ibid; see also id. at 155.
Id. at 148; 7 H 354 (Sorrels).
6 H 193-194 (Ronald Fischer); 6 H 203-205 (Robert Edwards)
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Notes to Pages 141-152
6 H 192 (Fischer); 6 H 202-203 (Edwards).
3 H 141 (Brennan).
6 H 193 (Fischer).
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 194.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 197-198.
Id. at 197.
Id. at 198.
Ibid.
Id. at 198-199.
6 H 203 (Edwards).
Id. at 203-204.
See ch. III, p. 64.
2 H 203 (Amos Euins); CE 365
2 H 204-207 (Euins).
CE 367.
6 H 170 (James Underwood).
2 H 208 (Euins).
7 H 349 (Sorrels).
7 H 519 (James Altgens).
Ibid; CE 369, 203.
5 H 158 159 (Shaneyfelt); 7 H 519 (Altgens); CE 900.
CE 1408.
6 H 338-339 (Lovelady); CE 1407.
2 H 233 (Frazier); 6 H 328 (S ey).
Ibid; CE 369.
3 H 244 (Baker).
Id. at 245.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 246.
Ibid.
Id. at 247.
Ibid.
Id. at 248.
Ibid.
Id. at 248-249.
Id. at 249.
CE 1118.
3 H 249 (Baker).
Ibid.
3 H 223 (Truly).
Ibid.
3 H 249-250 (Baker).
Id. at 255-256; 3 H 222-223 (Truly).
CE 1118.
7 H 591 (Truly).
3 H 224 (Truly); 3 H 250 (Baker); CE 498.
3 H 250, 255 (Baker).
Ibid.
Id. at 250; CE 1118.
3 H 223-224 (Truly).
3 H 255 (Baker).
Id. at 250.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 255.
Id. at 251.
3 H 225 (Truly).
Ibid.; 3 H 251 (Baker).
3 H 225 (Truly); 3 H 251 (Baker).
Id. at 252 (Baker).
3 H 225 (Truly).
Ibid.
3 H 247-248 (Baker).
3 H 228 (Truly).
3 H 252 (Baker).
Id. at 254; see also 3 H 240 (Truly).
3 H 254 (Baker); Truly, however stated that the second run was timed at 1 minute 15 seconds, 3 H 240 (Truly).
7 H 592 (John Howlett).
7 H 592-593 (Baker); 3 H 247-248 (Baker).
Id. at 253
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[monosylab1k]

Page 826

Notes to Pages 152-165
Id. at 252; accord, 3 H 228 (Truly).
Id. at 223.
Ibid.
3 H 254 (Baker).
3 H 226 (Truly); see also 3 H 254 (Baker).
3 H 226-227 (Truly).
6 H 379 (Dougherty); see also 3 H 229 (Truly).
6 H 380 (Dougherty).
6 H 382-386 (Piper).
3 H 180 (Williams).
Ibid; 3 H 193 (Norman); 3 H 206 (Jarman); 3 H 231 (Truly); CE 490, 492.
3 H 201-206 (Jarman); 3 H 89-97 (Norman); 3 H 171-176 (Williams).
3 H 201-206 (Jarman); 3 H 89-97 (Norman); 3 H 171-176 (Williams); 6 H 378 (Dougherty); CE 1381, pp. 27, 49, 70, 101-102.
6 H 388 (Victoria Adams).
Ibid.
6 H 329 (S ey); 6 H 339 (Lovelady).
Ibid.; 6 H 329 (S ey).
6 H 329 (S ey).
Id. at 329-330; 6 H 338-340 (Lovelady).
Id. at 340.
3 H 273 (Mrs. Reid).
Ibid.
Id. at 274.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 278; CE 1118.
3 H 276 (Mrs. Reid).
1 H 122 (Marina Oswald).
Ibid.
6 H 345 (Kaiser).
3 H 275 (Mrs. Reid).
Id. at 275, 279.
Id. at 279.
CE 1118.
7 H 542-543 (Barnett).
See ch. III, p. 63.
7 H 543 (Barnett).
Ibid.
6 H 310 (D. V. Harkness); CE 1974, p. 165.
6 H 311 (Harkness).
Id. at 312.
CE 1974, p. 165; 6 H 316-317 (Sawyer).
Id. at 317-318.
Id. at 320.
Id. at 318, 320.
Id. at 320.
7 H 348 (Sorrels).
3 H 238 (Truly).
3 H 230, 238 (Truly).
Id. at 230.
Id. at 239.
4 H 206 (Fritz).
Id. at 211; 7 H 173 (Sims); CE 381.
Compare CE 381 A and 372; 2 H 268 (McWatters).
2 H 263-264, 286 (McWatters).
Id. at 271.
Id. at 264, 271.
Id. at 264-265.
Id. at 271.
Id. at 279-280, 282; CE 377.
2 H 280-283 (McWatters).
CE 2641.
2 H 270 (McWatters).
6 H 401, 402 (Mrs. Bledsoe).
Id. at 406.
Ibid.
Id. at 408-409.
Id. at 409.
Ibid.
CE 150; 7 H 33-34 (Thomas Hutson); 1 H 121-122 (Marina Oswald); 15 H 695 (Shaneyfelt).
6 H 412-413 (Mrs. Bledsoe).
CE 1985.
Ibid; CE 1984.
6 H 411 (Mrs. Bledsoe).
2 H 275 (McWatters); CE 376.
2 H 276 (McWatters).
Id. at 275-276.
10 H 292-293 (Mrs. A. C. Johnson).
CE 2017.
2 H 283 (McWatters).
CE 1987.
Ibid.
6 H 266, 270 (Roger Craig); CE 1967, 1992, 1993.
Ibid.; 6 H 266-267 (Craig).
Ibid.
6 H 270 (Craig).
Ibid.
4 H 245 (Fritz).
Ibid., 7 H 404 (Fritz).
2 H 260 (Whaley).
Ibid.
Id. at 260-261.
Id. at 261.
Ibid.
2 H 260 (Whaley); 6 H 432 (Whaley); CE 2003, p. 293.
2 H 294 (Whaley); 6 H 430, 432 (Whaley).
CE 1054, 2003, p. 293.
CE 370, 382.
2 H 254 (Whaley).
Id. at 255.
Ibid.
Id. at 256.
Ibid.
Id. at 258, 371.
2 H 258 (Whaley).
CE 1119-A.
6 H 428-429 (Whaley).
Id. at 429.
Ibid.
Id. at 434.
Ibid.
2 H 260 (Whaley).
6 H 345 (Kaiser).
6 H 409 (Mrs. Bledsoe).
2 H 259 (Whaley).
2 H 256-257, 292 (Whaley).
CE 383-A, 2003, p. 289.
4 H 214 (Fritz).
Id. at 211, 223; CE 2003, p. 289.
4 H 223 (Fritz).
CE 1119-A.
6 H 440 (Mrs. Roberts).
Id. at 435-436.
Id. at 436; 10 H 294-295 (Mrs. A. C. Johnson); Mrs. A. C. Johnson DE A.
6 H 438-440 (Mrs. Roberts); 7 H 439 Mrs. Roberts); CE 2017.
CE 1119-A.
CE 1974, pp. 52-53.
CE 1995.
4 H 177 (Jesse Curry).
3 H 297 (McDonald); CE 1976, p. 8; 522.
7 H 77 (Rio Pierce); Sawyer DE B, p. 1; CE 1974. p. 24.
4 H 179 (Curry); CE 1974. p. 26.
CE 1974, pp. 36-37; Sawyer DE A; 4 H 179, 184 (Curry); 7 H 75 (James Putnam).
Id. at 76; 4 H 179 (Curry).
Ibid; CE 1974, pp. 24-25, 28, 37.
4 H 179 (Curry); CE 1974, pp. 24-25, 28, 37.
Ibid.
CE 1305.
3 H 322-327 (William Scoggins); CE 1305.
3H 333 334 (Scoggins); 7 H 265-266 (James Leavelle); CE 2003, p. 293
Page 827
3 H 334-335 (Scoggins).
6 H 446-449 (Domingo Benavides).
Id. at 449; CE 1974, p. 52.
6 H 450-451 (Benavides); 7 H 68 (J. M. Poe); CE 2011, pp. 7-8.
6 H 451-452 (Benavides); 7 H 263-264 (Leavelle).
3 H 306-307, 313 (Helen Markham).
Id. at 307.
Id. at 307-308, 313-316; 3 H 343 (Barbara Davis); 6 H 456-457 (Virginia Davis).
3 H 308 (Markham).
Id. at 308-309, 316, 321.
Id. at 309, 320.
7 H 68 (Poe).
CE 1974, p. 58-59.
CE 2002; 3 H 310 (Markham).
Id. at 311; see 4 H 176 (Curry); 4 H 212 (Fritz); 7 H 253-254 (L. C. Graves); 7 H 263 (Leavelle); CE 2003, p. 293.
7 H 252 (Graves).
Id. at 254.
3 H 311 (Markham).
2 H 51 (Mark Lane).
Markham, DE 1.
Id. at 3-4, 8.
Id. at 3, 7.
7 H 68 (Poe); CE 1974, p. 59.
3 H 317 (Markham).
7 H 500-506 (Markham).
3 H 343-344 (B. Davis); 6 H 455-458 (V. Davis).
3 H 344-345 (B. Davis).
Id. at 345-346; 6 H 458, 460, 463-464 (V. Davis); 7 H 153 (C. N. Dhority); CE 2011, pp. 7-8.
CE 2003, p. 293; 6 H 461-462 (V. Davis); 3 H 349 (B. Davis); 7 H 153-154 (Dhority); 7 H 250 (C. W. Brown).
3 H 348 (B. Davis).
Id. at 349.
6 H 461 (V. Davis).
CE 2003, p. 293; 6 H 462 (V. Davis); 3 H 350 (B. Davis); 7 H 153-154 (Dhority); 7 H 250 (Brown).
6 H 462 (V. Davis).
Ibid; 3 H 350 (B. Davis).
Ibid; 6 H 462 (V. Davis).
7 H 83-84 (William Smith).
Id. at 84.
Id. at 84-85.
Id. at 85.
3 H 351-352 (Ted Callaway); 7 H 395-396 (Sam Guinyard).
3 H 352-353 (Callaway); 7 H 396-397 (Guinyard).
3 H 353-354 (Callaway).
7 H 398 (Guinyard).
Ibid; 3 H 354 (Callaway).
Ibid.
Ibid; 3 H 332 (Scoggins).
7 H 264 (Leavelle); 3 H 355 (Callaway); 7 H 399-400 (Guinyard); CE 2003, p. 293.
3 H 355 (Callaway).
7 H 400 (Guinyard).
Ibid.; 3 H 355 (Callaway).
CE 1054.
Ibid.; 7 H 253 (Graves); 1 H 167-168 (Sims); 4 H 166, 175 (Curry); 7 H 262-266 (Leavelle).
CE 1305.
CE 2523; 11 H 434, 436-437. (Warren Reynolds).
7 H 594 (Harold Russell).
15 H 744-745 (B. M. Patterson); B. M. Patterson DE A, B.
15 H 703 (L. J. Lewis); L. J. Lewis DE A.
CE 2523; 11 H 435 Reynolds); 15 H 744-745 (B. M. Patterson); B. M. Patterson DE A, B
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Notes to Pages 166-178
7 H 594 (Russell).
15 H 744-745 (B. M. Patterson); B. M. Patterson DE A, B.
CE 2523; 11 H 435-4, 37(Reynolds).
15 H 703 (L. J. Lewis); L. J. Lewis DE A.
3 H 200 301 (McDonald); 7 H 54-55 (Gerald Hill); 7 H 24-25 (Carroll).
6 H 449-450 (Benavides); 3 H 345 346 (B. Davis); 6 H 463-464 (V. Davis).
3 H 465-466, 468 (Cunningham).
Id. at 466.
3 H 511 (Joseph Nicol).
CE 2011, p. 9.
3 H 475-476 (Cunningham).
Id. at 475, 485; 3 H 512 (Nicol).
3 H 475 (Cunningham).
Id. at 483.
CE 603.
3 H 512 (Nicol).
3 H 465 (Cunningham).
3 H 352 (Callaway).
7 H 372-374 (Michaelis).
Id. at 373-375; Michaelis DE 1.
7 H 375 (Michaelis).
7 H 376 (Michaelis); CE 135, 790.
7 H 367-377 (Michaelis); CE 135, 790.
7 H 376-378 (Michaelis); Michaelis DE. 2-5.
4 H 361, 375 (Cole); 7 H 424 (Cadigan).
1 H 118 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 120.
Id. at 118, 120; 11 H 405 (Edwin Walker).
CE 144, 2003, p. 286; 7 H 213-214 (Henry Moore); Moore DE 1; 7 H 222-223 (F. M. Turner), 7 H 197-199 (Walter Ports); Ports DE
1 H 120 (Marina Oswald).
6 H 440 (Roberts); CE 1974, p. 52.
6 H 439 440 (Roberts).
Hill DE B; 3 H 302 (MacDonald); 7 H 53 (Rill).
CE 705, pp. 10, 22, 82.
CE 1974, p. 59.
7 H 68-70 (Poe).
7 H 593 (Alvin Brock).
CE 1974, p. 60.
7 H 116-118 (Capt. W. R. Westbrook).
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 118.
CE 1843.
6 H 345 (Kaiser); CE 163.
1 H 122 (Marina Oswald).
Ibid; 7 H 117-118 (Westbrook).
6 H 439 (Roberts).
3 H 356 (Callaway).
3 H 312 (Markham); 3 H 347 (B. Davis); 3 H 328 (Scoggins).
Ibid.
CE 1119-A. See pp. 168-169, supra.
7 H 2 (Johnny Brewer).
Id. at 3.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 4.
7 H 10-11 (Mrs. Julia Postal).
Id. at 11.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
CE 1974, p. 83.
Id. at 83-84; 3 H 298-299 (McDonald); CE 2003, p. 75.
3 H 299 (McDonald).
7 H 19 (Carroll); 7 H 49 (Hill).
CE 2003, p. 77
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Page 828

Notes to Pages 178-189
7 H 6 (Brewer); 3 H 299 (McDonald); 7 H 30 (Hutson); 7 H 37 (C. T. Walker).
7 H 5-6 (Brewer); 3 H 299 (McDonald); 7 H 37 (C. T. Walker).
Id. at 38.
7 H 49 (Hill); 7 H 31 (Hutson).
3 H 299 (McDonald).
Ibid.
Id. at 300.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid; 7 H 93 (Ray Hawkins).
3 H 300 (McDonald).
Ibid.
Id. at 300-301; 7 H 20 (Carroll).
7 H 547-548, 551 (Walthers).
7 H 39 (Walker); 7 H 93-94 (Hawkins).
7 H 32 (Hutson); 7 H 39-40 (Walker); see also 7 H 94 (Hawkins).
3 H 461 (Cunningham).
Id. at 464- 465.
7 H 87-88 (George Applin Jr.).
Id. at 88-90.
7 H 547 (Walthers).
7 H 94-95 (Hawkins).
7 H 72 (John Gibson).
Id. at 73.
7 H 6 (Brewer).
Ibid.
7 H 40 (C. T. Walker); 7 H 52 (G. Hill); CE 1974, p. 181.
3 H 301 (McDonald).
CE 1974, p. 88.
4 H 206 (Fritz); 7 H 163 (Sims).
7 H 59 (Hill).
Ibid.
Ibid.
4 H 275-276 (Day).
3 H 514 (Nicol); 3 H 495 (Cunningham).
Id. at 487.
For testimony relating to the interrogation sessions, see 4 H 152-153, 157 (Curry); 4 H 207-211, 217, 221-231, 239-240 (Fritz); 4 H 355-357 (Winston Lawson); 4 H 466-470 (James Hosty, Jr.); 7 H 123-127 (Elmer Boyd); 7 H 164-182 (Sims); 7 H 309-318 (James Bookhout); 7 H 320-321 (Manning Clements); 13 H 58-62 (Sorrels); 7 H 590 (Kelley); 7 H 296-306 (Holmes); CE 1982.
4 H 214, 217, 230-231 (Fritz); 7 H 299 (Holmes).
7 H 215 (Moore); 7 H 193-194 (Stovall); 7 H 231 (Rose); 7 H 203-205 (John Adamcik).
CE 1982; p. 137; 4 H 226 (Fritz); CE 2003. p. I 138-B, 138-C.
4 H 226-231 (Fritz); CE 2003, p. I 138-B, 138-C; 7 H 298-299 (Holmes).
See pp. 126-127, supra.
4 H 214 (Fritz).
Id. at 224, 230.
See pp. 172-173, supra.
CE 795, 1986, 1989, 1990; 7 H 187-188 (Stovall); 7 H 228 (Rose); CE 2011, p. 20.
4 H 222 (Fritz).
Ibid.
Ibid; 7 H 299 (Holmes); Holmes DE 4.
Ibid; 7 H 299 (Holmes).
Ibid.
4 H 211 (Fritz); CE 2003, p. I 136-D; 7 H 311-312 (Bookhout).
Mrs. A. C. Johnson DE A; see 10 H 294-295 (Mrs. A. C. Johnson).
CE 2003, p. 137-B.
7 H 305 (Holmes).
3 H 41 (R. Paine).
7 H 305 (Holmes); Holmes DE 4, pp. 3-4; see also 4 H 223, 229 (Fritz).
Id. at 218, 228.
2 H 220 (Frazier).
4 H 467-468 (Hosty); see also 4 H 213-214 (Fritz); CE 2003, p. I 136-B, 136-C.
6 H 328-329 (S ey); see also 3 H 230 (Truly).
CE 1988; 4 H 224 (Fritz); CE 2005, p. I 137-C; Holmes DE 4, (Kelley).
3 H 201 (Jarman); CE 1980.
3 H 201 (Jarman).
11 H 405 (Walker).
CE 2958.
5 H 446 (Surrey).
CE 1997.
CE 1785, 2525; 9 H 393-394 (R. Paine); 1 H 18 (Marina Oswald).
CE 1; 1 H 17, 37 (Marina Oswald).
7 H 437 (Cadigan).
CE 1130.
1 H 16 (Marina Oswald).
Ibid.
Id. at 17.
11 H 155 (Waldo George).
7 H 292 (Holmes).
CE 1979.
1 H 16-17 (Marina Oswald); 11 H 292-294 (Marina Oswald).
Ibid; 1 H 18 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 38; see CE 2, P-2; CE 3, P-1; CE 5.
CE 3, P-l; CE 5.
CE 1397.
CE 1006-1009, 1011-1012.
CE 2, P-2; see CE 1397.
CE 2001, p. 3.
CE 1351, p. 8.
Waldman DE 7.
15 H 692 (Shaneyfelt); Shaneyfelt DE 20.
CE 4, P-5; 1 H 39 (Marina Oswald).
CE 1953, pp. 23-24, CE 4, P-5.
CE 1824-A, p. 385; 1953, pp. 24-25; CE 1953-A, P-1.
1 H 16 (Marina Oswald); CE 1403, pp. 733-734.
CE 1953, pp. 2-4.
Id. at 4-5.
CE 2524, 2011, p. 5.
3 H 439 (Frazier).
Id. at 434.
Id. at 440.
3 H 503 (Nicol).
Ibid.
1 H 17 (Martina Oswald); CE 1403, p. 733.
CE 1953, p. 14.
CE 2521, 1790.
CE 1953, pp. 27-31; CE 1979.
1 H 334-335 (Robert Oswald); CE 323, p. 27.
1 H 123 (Marina Oswald).
CE 1357.
1 H 334-340 (Robert Oswald).
5 H 392 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 389-390.
Id. at 390.
Ibid.
Michaelis DE 2.
1 H 18-19 (Marina Oswald); 2 H 457-459 (R. Paine).
CE 1795, 1975.
CE 1973.
CE 2522, 1795, 1975.
CE 1972.
5 H 390 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 397.
Ibid.
CE 1972.
5 H 395 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 389 (Marina Oswald).
11 H 305-306 (Maj. Eugene D. Anderson)
Page 829
762. 11 H 305-306 (Anderson); 11 H 309 (Sgt. James A. Zahm).
11 H 310 (Zahm).
11 H 305-306 (Anderson).
3 H 413 (Frazier).
3 H 450 (Ronald Simmons).
11 H 306 307 (Zahm).
Id. at 307.
Ibid.
Id. at 308.
Id. at 307, 309.
11 H 310 (Zahm).
11 H 302-303 (Anderson).
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 304; Anderson DE 1.
Ibid; 3 H 304 (Anderson).
Id. at 305; Anderson DE 1.
Ibid.
11 H 304 (Anderson).
Id. at 305.
11 H 308 (Zahm).
Ibid.
1 H 327 (Robert Oswald).
Id. at 325-327.
Ibid.
CE 1402, 2007; CE 1403, p. 731; 1 H 327-328 (R. Oswald); 1 H 96 (Marina Oswald); 2 H 465-466 (R. Paine).
1 H 327 (R. Oswald).
1 H 14-15 (Marina Oswald); CE 1156, p. 442.
CE 1404, pp. 446-448
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Notes to Pages 189-200
9 H 249 (George De Mohrenschildt); 9 H 315-317 (Jeanne De Mohrenschildt).
1 H 21-22, 53-54, 65 (Marina Oswald); CE 1814, p. 736.
CE 2964.
See discussion, ch. III, p. 117, supra.
3 H 399, 437-438 (R. A. Frazier); 3 H 449 (Simmons).
Id. at 444.
Id. at 445-447.
Id. at 445.
Id. at 446.
Ibid.
Id. at 444; See discussion Chanter III, p. 115, supra.
See ch. III, pp. 64-68, supra.
3 H 446 (Simmons).
Id. at 447.
Id. at 447, 449.
Id. at 450; See also fn 794, supra.
3 H 403-404 (R. A. Frazier).
Id. at 404.
Ibid.
Id. at 404-405.
Id. at 405-407.
Id. at 406-407.
Id. at 411, 443 (Simmons).
3 H 413-414 (R. A. Frazier).
11 H 309, 310 (Zahm); 11 H 305, 306 (Anderson).
11 H 309 (Zahm).
Id. at 309-310

[monosylab1k]

Chapter V
4 H 152 (Jesse E. Curry); CE 701, 2139, 2140.
4 H 209 (J. W. Fritz); 7 H 22 (Bob K. Carroll); 7 H 59-60 (Gerald Hill); 7 H 123 (Elmer L. Boyd); 7 H 164 (Richard Sims).
7 H 125 (Boyd); 7 H 166 (Sims).
7 H 126 (Boyd); 7 H 173 (Sims).
7 H 128 (Boyd); 7 H 168 (Sims).
7 H 128-129 (Boyd); 7 H 169-170 (Sims); 7 H 264 (James R. Leavelle); 7 H 151 (C. N. Dhority).
4 H 216-217 (Fritz); 7 H 129 (Boyd); CE 2003, p. 104; 15 H 506-508 (David L. Johnston); see also sources cited in footnote 45.
4 H 217 (Fritz); 7 H 130 (Boyd); 7 H 171-172 (Sims).
4 H 218 (Fritz); 7 H 278-285 (W. E. Barnes); 7 H 288-289 (J. B. Hicks); CE 2003, pp. 167, 206, 283.
CE 2003, p. 168; 15 H 507 (Johnston).
WFAA-TV reel PKT 11; see infra, p. 208.
7 H 132 (Boyd); 7 H 177 (Sims); CE 2003, pp. 238-239; 4 H 153 (Curry); see 4 H 219 (Fritz); 7 H 266 (Leavelle).
4 H 153 (Curry); 12 H 96 (M. W. Stevenson); 12 H 389-391 (Woodrow Wiggins); 7 H 328 (H. Nichols).
4 H 155 (Curry); 4 H 221 (Fritz); CE 2003, p. 104; 15 H 507-508 (Johnston).
4 H 222, 226 (Fritz); 7 H 133 (Boyd).
Ibid.
CE 2003, pp. 207, 393; 1 H 77-79 (Marina Oswald); 1 H 149-150 (Marguerite Oswald).
CE 1999, 2187.
4 H 227 (Fritz); 7 H 265 (Leavelle).
CE 2023.
CE 2003, pp. 207-208, 393; 1 H 461-462 (Robert Oswald).
3 H 85-86 (Ruth Paine).
7 H 328 (H. Nichols); CE 2165.
CE 2003, p. 142; 4 H 228 (Fritz); 7 H 178 (Sims).
3 H 87-88 (R. Paine).
CE 2003, p. 142; 7 H 258 (L. C. Graves); 7 H 266 (Leavelle).
4 H 230 (Fritz); CE 2003, p. 320.
CE 2003, p. 301.
CE 2024.
For testimony relating to the interrogation sessions, see 4 H 152-153, 157 (Curry); 4 H 207-211, 217, 222-231, 239-240 (Fritz); 4 H 355-357 (Winston G. Lawson); 4 H 444-470 (James P. Hosty); 7 H 123-137 (Boyd); 7 H 164-182 (Sims) 7 H 309-318 (James W. Bookhout); 7 H 320-321 (Manning C. Clements); 13 H 58-62 (Forrest V. Sorrels); 7 H 297-301 (Harry Holmes); CE 2003, pp. 136a-138b, CE 2060, 2061.
CE 2003, pp. 141-142.
4 H 207 (Fritz); CE 2003, p. 125.
CE 2003, pp. 136d-138e, 161; 5 218 (Henry Wade).
4 H 215 (Fritz).
CE 2003, pp. 173, 184, 208.
4 H 215 (Fritz); 7 H 318 (Bookhout).
4 H 231-232, 246 (Fritz); 7 H 133, 135 (Boyd); 7 H 180-182 (Sims); 7 H 266- 267, 269 (Leavelle); 7 H 259 260 (L. Graves).
4 H 239 (Fritz).
7 H 310 (Bookhout).
4 H 152 (Curry); see also 4 H 232 (Fritz).
4 H 238 (Fritz); 7 H 311 (Bookhout).
4 H 153, 175-176 (Curry); 15 H 829
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Page 830

Notes to Pages 200-212
129 (Curry); 4 H 238 (Fritz); 7 H 128, 134-135 (Boyd); 7 H 330 (Nichols); 7 H 311, 316-317 (Bookhout); 7 H 321 (Clements); 7 H 297 (Holmes); 15 H 512-513 (Johnston); see WFAA-TV reel PKT 21; KRLD-TV reel 20; WFAA-TV reel PKT 25.
7 H 59 (G. Hill); 7 H 21 (Carroll); 7 H 134-135 (Boyd); 7 H 330 (Nichols).
4 H 216 (Fritz); 7 H 314, 316-317 (Bookhout).
4 H 216-217, 221 (Fritz); 15 H 506-508 (Johnston).
CE 2166.
See supra, p. 182.
7 H 323 (Gregory L. Olds).
CE 2073, see CE 1999.
3 H 88-89 (R. Paine); 10 H 116 (John J. Abt).
7 H 325-332 (Nichols); 7 H 322- 325 (Olds); CE 2165.
7 H 299-300(Holmes).
12 H 30 (Curry); Glen King DE 4, 5; 15 H 55 (King); NBC-TV reel 3.
CE 1359, p. 4.
5 H 218 (Wade).
For testimony describing conditions on third floor see, e.g., 4 H 152, 153, 158, 160 (Curry); 4 H 231-232 (Fritz) 4 H 355 (Lawson); 4 H 462-463 (Hosty) 7 H 277 (Barnes) 7 H 318 (Bookhout) 7 H 322 (Clements); 13 H 40 (Thomas D. McMillon); 13 H 58-59 (Sorrels); 15 H 54-55 (King); Seth Kantor DE 4; CE 1353; 7 H 157 (Dhority); 15 H 512 (Johnston); WFAA-TV reel PKT 21; WFAA-TV reel PKT 14; KRLD-TV reel 9.
4 H 463 (Hosty).
4 H 151 (Curry); 12 H 30 (Curry); 15 H 55 (King); Kantor DE 4; Leo Sauvage, "The Oswald Affair," Commentary 64 (March 1964); CE 2176.
12 H 30 (Curry).
4 H 151 (Curry).
4 H 355 (Lawson).
7 H 157 (Dhority); 4 H 151 (Curry); 12 H 30 (Curry); 5 H 218 (Wade); CE 1359.
5 H 218 (Wade).
4 H 355 (Lawson).
2 H 260 (William W. Whaley).
King DE 5, p. 7; WFAA-TV reel PKF-5; WFAA-TV reel PKT-8.
15 H 55 (King).
7 H 269 (Leavelle).
7 H 358-359 (Sorrels).
12 H 96 (Stevenson); CE 1353.
12 H 34 (Curry); CE 1353.
15 H 54 (King); 12 H 112 (Cecil E. Talbert).
15 H 54 (King); see 12 H 112 (Talbert).
12 H 96 (Stevenson); 12 H 135-138 (Charles O. Arnett); 15 H 590-591 (Thayer Waldo); CE 1757, 2037-2043, 2047-2059; John G. McCullough DE 2; CE 2062, 2066; Waldo DE I; Icarus N. Pappas DE 3.
13 H 58-59 (Sorrels).
See, e.g., Waldo DE 1; CE 1757, 2044, 2048, 2052, 2053.
13 H 40 (McMillon); 13 H 131 (Jimmy Turner); 15 H 591-592 (Waldo); CE 2040, 2074; 15 H 373-377 (McCullough); WBAP-TV reel FW 2.
KRLD-TV reel 23.
CE 2074.
7 H 64 (G. Hill); WFAA-TV reel PKT 24-27;28; CE 2160.
CE 2003, pp. 125, 141-142, 293.
4 H 232, 246 (Fritz); 12 H 33 (Curry).
For testimony describing Oswald's passage through the third-floor corridor, see, e.g., 12 H 33 (Curry); 4 H 231 232 (Fritz); 7 H 181 (Sims); 7 H 268-269 (Leavelle); Kantor DE 4, pp. 10-19; WFAA-TV reel PKT 14.
For testimony describing the Friday evening press conference, see 4 H 166-167 (Curry); 12 H 96 (Stevenson); 5 H 221- 222 (Wade); 15 H 510-512 (Johnston); 15 H 591-593 (Waldo); 13 H 115-116 (Robert L. Hankal); 7 H 132-133 (Boyd); 7 H 175-176 (Sims); 7 H 322 (Clements); 7 H 323-324 (Olds); 4 H 219 (Fritz); 4 H 357-358 (Lawson); 13 H 189-192 (A. M. Eberhardt); CE 2173.
12 H 32 (Curry); Waldo DE 1; CE 2040; 15 H 592 (Waldo); 15 H 510-511 (Johnston); CE 2052; 7 H 324 (Olds); WFAA-TV reel PKF 5; KRLD-TV reel 23.
4 H 219 (Fritz).
CE 2173.
12 H 34 (Curry); 7 H 132 (Boyd); 7 H 176 (Sims).
4 H 219 (Fritz).
4 H 167, 175 (Curry); 4 H 219 (Fritz).
15 H 131 (Curry).
4 H 175 (Curry); KRLD-TV reel 23.
4 H 175 (Curry).
12 H 44-46 (J. E. Decker); see also 4 H 180-181 (Curry); 12 H 35 (Curry); 15 H 116 (Charles O. Batchelor).
12 H 2 (Batchelor).
12 H 35 (Curry).
CE 2013, 2018, 2021; W. B. Frazier DE 5087; Talbert DE 5065; 12 H 53-55 (W. B. Frazier).
12 H 37 (Curry); 15 H 125 (Curry); 12 H 6-7 (Batchelor); 15 H 116-118 (Batchelor).
12 H 36-37 (Curry); see 12 H 6-7 (Batchelor); 15 H 116 (Batchelor).
12 H 7-8, 12 (Batchelor); 15 H 116-118 (Batchelor); 12 H 37 (Curry); 12 H 99-100 (Stevenson).
12 H 35-36 (Curry); 15 H 128, 132 (Curry); 15 H 115, 122-123 (Batchelor); 15 H 134, 137 (Stevenson).
13 H 17 (Leavelle).
Ibid.
13 H 63 (Sorrels).
12 H 91 (James M. Solomon); 12 H 138 (Arnett); 12 H 292 (Logan W. Mayo); 12 H 317-318 (Wm. J. Newman).
12 H 112 (Talbert); 12 H 421-422, 426 (Patrick T. Dean).
12 H 208 (Wilbur J. Cutchshaw); R. L. Lowery DE 5083; 12 H 307 (L. Miller); 12 H 396 (Don R. Archer); 13 H 268 (Vernon S. Smart).
12 H 47-49 (Decker).
12 H 117 (Talbert); 15 H 184 (Talbert); 12 H 16 (Batchelor); 12 H 100 (Stevenson).
See, e.g., B. H. Combest DE 5100; Robert S. Huffaker DE 5333.
12 H 113-117 (Talbert); 15 H 183-184 (Talbert); 12 H 141-143 (Arnett); 12 H 166 (Buford L. Beaty); 12 H 173-175 (Alvin R. Brock); 12 H 319 (Newman); 12 H 338-340 (R. Pierce); 12 H 354 (D. F. Steele); 12 H 384-386 (Gano G. Worley); 12 H 421-426 (Dean); 13 H 118 (Huffaker); 13 H 8.5-88 (Fred A. Bieberdorf); 13 H 14.3 (Hal Fuqua); 1.3 H 146-147 (Edward Kelly); 13 H 149-156 (Louis McKinzie); 13 H 166-175 (A. Riggs); 13 H 175-181 (John O. Servance); 13 H 156-166 (E. Pierce); James A. Putnam DE 5071; CE 2010, 2032, 2066
Page 831
13 H 159-160 (E. Pierce); 13 H 180 (J. 0. Servance); 12 H 422-423 (Dean); 12 H 173-174 (Brock); 12 H 141-144 (Arnett).
CE 2027, 2062; KRLD TV reel 13; but see CE 2029.
12 H 67 (0. A. Jones); 12 H 112 (Talbert); 13 H 131 (J. Turner); 12 H 335- 336 (Bobby G. Patterson); 12 H 183-184 (Combest); 12 H 360 (Roy E. Vaughn); 12 H 422 (Dean); CE 2051, 2069; Hankal DE 5337; CE 2037, 2039, 2043, 2047, 2050, 2055, 2056, 2057.
12 H 36 (Curry); 12 H 10-15 (Batchelor); 12, H 97-98 (Stevenson); 15 H 134 (Stevenson); 15 H 125-127 (Curry); 15 H 115, 119 (Batchelor).
12 H 164-168 (Beaty); 12 H 180 (Combest); 12 H 313 (L. Miller); 12 H 409-411 (Barnard S. Clardy); 12 H 428 (Dean); 12 H 209 (Cutchshaw); CE 2028.
13 H 43 (McMillon).
12 H 66 (0. A. Jones); 12 H 191 (Kenneth H. Croy); 12 H 209-210 (Cutchshaw); 12 H 270 (Harry M. Kriss); 15 H 119-120 (Batchelor); 15 H 135 (Stevenson).
In addition to the testimony cited in footnotes 114 and 115, see 12 H 119 (Talbert); 12 H 150-157 (Arnett) 12 H 181 (Combest); 12 H 189 (Croy); 12 H 275-276 (Lowery); 13 H 45 (McMillon); 12 H 287 (Billy J. Maxey); 12 H 345-346 (Putnam); 12 H 17 (Batchelor); 15 H 120 (Batchelor); 12 H 102 (Stevenson); 15 H 135 (Stevenson); 13 H 8 (L. Graves); 13 H 109 (Ira Beers); 13 H 121 (Huffaker); 13 H 127 (George R. Phenix); CE 2002; WFAA-TV reel PKT 17 38.00-47.18.
CE 2052, 2053.
12 H 8, 15 (Batchelor); 12 H 426 (Dean); CE 2070, pp. 9, 10; KRLD-TV reel 13; WBAP-TV reel FW 1.
13 H 6 (L. Graves); 13 H 28 (L. D. Montgomery); CE 2054; 15 H 594-596 (Waldo); CE 2052, 2053, 2059; Pappas DE 4.
12 H 15 (Batchelor); 15 H 117 (Batchelor); 12 H 118 (Talbert); 12 H 167 (Beaty).
4 H 188-189 (Curry); 12 H 37-38 (Curry); 15 H 125 (Curry); 4 H 233 (Fritz); 12 H 100 (Stevenson); 15 H 136 (Stevenson); 13 H 61-63 (Sorrels).
7 H 155-156 (Dhority); 12 H 339 (R. Pierce) CE 2003, pp. 312, 314.
12 H 16 (Batchelor); 12 H 68 (O. A. Jones); 12 H 100 (Stevenson).
13 H 5 (L. Graves); Leavelle DE 5088; 13 H 27 (Montgomery); CE 2064; CE 2003, pp. 220-221.
15 H 137 (Stevenson); CE 2003, p. 171; CE 2060 12 H 391 (Wiggins); 13 H 28 (Montgomery).
12 H 145-146 (Arnett); 12 287-288 (Maxey); 12 H 339-340 (R. Pierce); 12 H 345-347 (Putnam); 12 361-362 (Vaughn); 12 H 377 (James G. Watson); 12 H 427-428 (Dean); 13 H 134-135 (J. Turner).
7 H 155-156 (Dhority); CE 2003, pp. 312-314; WFAA-TV reel PKT 16.
WFAA TV reel PKT 10; CE 2038, 2039, 2042.
CE 2039.
CE 2038, 2042. 2059, 2062.
McMillon DE 5018; see also 13 H 7 (L. Graves); 13 H 16-17 (Leavelle).
See sources cited in footnote 129, WFAA TV reel PKT-16; WFAA-TV reel PKT-10; NBC TV reel 66; KRLD-TV reel 13.
13 H 29 (Montgomery); see reels cited in footnote 135
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Notes to Pages 212-224
12 H 183 (Combest); see also 12 H 169 (Booty); 12 H 376-377 (Watson); 13 H 7, (L. Graves); 13 H 115 (Hankal); CE 2052.
For testimony describing the final seconds culminating in the shooting of Oswald, see, e.g., 4 H 234-235, 243 (Fritz); 13 H 137 (J. Turner); see also WFAA TV reel PKF-10; KRLD TV reel 13; NBC-TV reel 66.
12 H 434-438 (Dean); 15 H 188-189 (Talbert); Dean DE 5009, p. 2; McMillon DE 5018; see Sorrels DE 1.
12 H 433 (Dean); 12 H 412 (Clardy).
C. R. Hall DE 2.
13 H 71 (Sorrels); 5 H 181-213 (Jack Ruby); C. R. Hall DE 3, p. 11.
CE 2025; 13 H 221-226 (D. Lane).
KRLD-TV reel 13.
12 H 348-349 (Willie B. Slack); 12 H 392 (Wiggins); 13 H 90-91 (Frances Cason); 13 H 96 (Hardin); 13 H 101 (Hulse); 13 H 239-243 (Priddy); Michael Hardin DE 5125, 5126, 5127; F. Cason DE 5135; CE 2022; see also reels cited in footnote 138.
CE 2002, pp. 112-113; CE 2026.
Compare Dean DE 5009, p. 2 and 12 H 228-234 (N.J. Daniels) with 12 H 434 (Dean) and 12 H 412 (Clardy). See also 12 H 347 (Putnam) and KRLD-TV reel 13; C. R. Hall DE 3, pp. 11, 12, which suggests that the Pierce car may have passed Ruby before Putnam entered the car, which would have been at the bottom, rather than the top, of the Main Street ramp.
13 H 135-137 (J. Turner).
12 H 323-329, 332-334 (Newman); 12 H 192-193 (K. H. Croy). Cf. 12 H 262-264 (Howard B. Holly); 12 H 89-90 (Solomon).
12 H 232 (N.J. Daniels).
12 H 228-234 (Daniels); Daniels DE 5325; Compare 12 H 362-363 (Vaughn); Vaughn DE 5325, p. 2.
N.J. Daniels DE 5325, pp. 1-2; 12 H 369 (Vaughn).
12 H 359-362 (Vaughn); CE 2034, 2035, 2043, 2058.
12 H 359-362 (R. Pierce) 12 H 346 347 (Putnam); 12 H 287 (Maxey); see also CE 2035, 2063; 15 H 681-685 (Harry T. Tasker).
12 H 212, 215-216; Cutchshaw); Lowery DE 5083.
KRLD-TV reel 13.
13 H 132-136 (J. Turner).
KRLD TV reel 13.
CE 2071.
KRLD-TV reel 13; 15 H 117-118 (Batchelor).
See sources in note 112.
CE 2003 pp. 260-261a; 12 H 49-50 (McMillon); C. R. Hall DE 3, pp. 11, 12; CE 2182.
KLIF reel 75 (Duncan interview with Sergeant Dean), Nov. 24, 1963.
See supra, p. 212.
CE 2030; Vaughn DE 5335; Putnam DE 5071.
See sources in footnote 152. 12 H 190 (Croy).
CE 2002.
5 H 198 199 (Jack Ruby); 14 H 545 (Jack Ruby).
See Commission Exhibits in footnote 74.
See app. XVI.
14 H 167, 191-192 (Curry).
12 H 427, 420 (Dean).
12 H 156-157 (Arnett); 12 H 192 194 (Croy); 12 H 252-253 (Wm. J. Harrison); King DE 3.
KRLD TV reel 13
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Page 832

Notes to Pages 224-246
E.g., 12 H 182-183 (Combest); 12 H 211 (Cutchshaw); 12 H 249, 251 (Harrison); 12 H 275-276 (Lowery); 12 H 399 (Archer); KRLD-TV reel 13.
See infra, pp. 353-354; CE 2019; 5 H 199 (J. Ruby); C. R. Hall DE 3. Cf. 13 H 244 (George Senator); Senator DE 5401.
5 H 199 (J. Ruby); 13 H 244 (Senator); Senator DE 5491.
CE 2068.
CE 1982, 2072; 12 H 30 (Curry); 4 H 241 (Fritz); 12 H 94 (Stevenson).
Talbert DE 1; 12 H 112 (Talbert).
Talbert DE 2; 15 H 123 (Batchelor); King DE 4, p. 9.
15 H 55 (King).
12 H 39 (Curry). See also 15 H 54-55 (King).
15 H 55 (King).
15 H 53 (King); Talbert DE 2.
King DE 4, p. 9; 15 H 55, 58 (King); 15 H 127 (Curry).
4 H 152 (Curry).
See supra, pp. 202-206.
CE 1359, p. 4.
King DE 4, p. 10; 15 H 54 (King).
CE 1353; King DE 4, 5; KRLD-TV reel 9; WFAA TV reel PKT 21; CE 2052.
15 H 55-56 (King).
See supra, p. 208.
See supra, 208; CE 2052.
15 H 188-191 (Talbert); WFAA-TV PKT-30-35.01-36.21; 15 H 128 (Curry).
CE 2018; 4 H 187-188 (Curry).
See supra, p. 212.
This judgment is shared by the officials of the Dallas Police Department. See, e.g., 15 H 127-128 (Curry); 15 H 122 (Batchelor).
King DE 4, pp. 8-9.
See supra, p. 201.
15 H 125 (Curry); 15 H 120-121 (Batchelor).
12 H 40; see also 4 H 186 (Curry).
4 H 233 (Fritz).
12 H 53-54 (W. B. Frazier); 15 H 153 (Fritz).
13 H 17 (Leavelle); 13 H 63 (Sorrels).
4 H 233 (Fritz); 12 H 35 (Curry); see sources cited in footnote 101.
12 H 69 (O. A. Jones).
See supra, p. 213.
12 H 155 (Arnett); 12 H 247 (Harrison); 12 H 281, 284 (Frank M. Martin); 12 H 428 (Dean); CE 2031.
4 H 187 (Curry); 12 H 35 (Curry); 12 H 9-10, 13 (Batchelor); 12 H 390 (Wiggins).
See sources in footnote 133.
See supra, p. 215.
7 H 156 (Dhority); 4 H 233-234 (Fritz); WFAA-TV reel PKT-16; 13 H 17 (Leavelle); see supra, p. 216.
13 H 17 (Leavelle).
12 H 69 (0. A. Jones).
15 H 53 (King).
CE 1353, p. 3.
4 H 152, 181 (Curry); 12 H 30-31 (Curry); 5 H 218 (Wade).
See CE 2142 through 2152 and CE 2168 through 2173.
WFAA audio reel 2, Nov. 23, 1963; KRLD audio reel 33-1, -9, Nov. 23, 1963; WFAA-TV reels PKT 12 10.16; PKT 7; PKT 21 48.30; see also 4 H 160, 199 200 (Curry).
CE 2153, 2155.
CE 2157, 2159, 2160, 2162, 2163, 2164, 2167.
5 H 238-239 (Wade).
5 H 238-240 (Wade); see, for instance, CE 2168 through 2173.
5 H 223 (Wade); KRLD-TV reel 23; CE 2169.
5 H 227 (Wade); CE 2170.
5 H 250 (Wade); CE 2169, 2172.
7 H 108 (Weitzman).
3 H 169 (B. R. Williams); CE 2160.
CE 2146.
CE 2178.
5 H 239 (Wade).
5 H 228 (Wade); see sources cited in footnote 219.
5 H 115 (J. Edgar Hoover).
5 H 115 116 (Hoover); 15 H 58 (King); CE 2072; cf. 15 H 129 (Curry).
CE 2148.
5 H 237 (Wade).
5 H 237-238 (Wade).
CE 2168; 5 H 237-238 (Wade).
See 165, 174.
CE 2180.
WBAP Fort Worth audio reel 12 "A," Nov. 24, 1963; CE 2168.
6 H 368 370 (Joe R. Molina); CE 2086, pp. 12-14.
CE 2146, 2147, 2162, 2181.
KRLD-TV audio reels 21 "B"-11, 22 "A"-5, 24 "A," 25 "A," Nov. 23, 1963; 6 H 370 (Molina).
6 H 372 (Molina).
CE 2186.
6 H 370 (Molina); CE 3132.
6 H 371 (Molina); CE 2036, pp. 14-16, CE 2049, 2065, 1970.
5 H 223 (Wade); CE 2169; see Vernon's (Tex.) Ann. C. P. art. 714.
CE 2144; see Washburn v. State, 165 Grim. Rep. 125, 318 S.W. 2d 627, 637 (Tex. Ct. Grim. App. 1958), certiorari denied, 359 U.S. 965 (1958).
CE 2168; see supra, pp. 179 180.
CE 2153, 2172, 2152; see also WBAP-TV reel FW 2.
CE 2146, 2172; WBAP-TV reel FW 2.
CE 2183.
CE 2184.
4 H 201 (Curry); see also 12 H 39 (Curry).
King DE 5, p. 5.
CE 1353, 2052; Waldo DE 1.
4 H 153 (Curry).
See supra, p. 208.
13 H 17 (Leavelle); 13 H 63 (Sorrels).
4 H 166 (Curry); King DE 4, 5. Felix McKnight, executive editor of the Dallas Times-Herald, discussed this pressure in an address at Northwestern University in February 1964. See CE 2185.
King DE 5, p. 6.
Elgin E. Crull DE 1.
King DE 4; CE 1359
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Chapter VI
CE 2768, 2772, 2444, 3042, pp. 59, 65.
See pp. 31-40, supra.
10 H 152 (Irving Statman); Helen Cunningham DE l-A; 11 H 477-78 (H. Cunningham).
See app. XIV, p. 745.
Burcham DE 1, p. I; 11 H 473 (John Burcham).
3 H 37 (Ruth Paine); CE 401.
See footnote 3, supra
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Notes to Pages 246-259
CE 1871; Gangl DE 1; 11 H 478-479 (Theodore Gangl).
CE 427; 11 H 478-479 (Gangl).
Gangl DE 1; 11 H 478-479 (Gangl).
Ibid.
3 H 33-34 (R. Paine); 2 H 246-247 (Linnie Mae Randle); see 1 H 29 (Marina Oswald).
2 H 246 (Randle).
3 H 33-34 (R. Paine); 3 H 213 (Roy Truly).
3 H 34-35 (R. Paine).
3 H 214 (Truly).
10 H 132 (H. Cunningham); H. Cunningham DE 1-A.
10 H 132 (H. Cunningham).
Ch. II, p. 31.
Ibid.
Id. at 40.
Ch. IV, p. 131-137.
2 H 216 (Buell Wesley Frazier).
Ibid; CE 3118.
2 H 222 (B. W. Frazier).
Id. at 226.
1 H 65 (Marina Oswald); 3 H 46 (R. Paine); see app. XIII, p. 740.
Ch. IV, pp. 130-131.
Id. at pp. 135-136.
1 H 73 (Marina Oswald); 3 H 49 (R. Paine).
CE 142, 626; 1, 304.
See 3 H 232 (Truly).
Id. at 231; CE 483.
3 H 231 (Truly).
Id. at 232.
Ibid.
Ch. IV, pp. 137-140.
CE 1131; 1301; see 3 H 231-232 (Truly).
3 H 232, 236 (Truly); CE 1131.
See 3 H 232 (Truly).
Ch. IV, footnotes 217, 223; p. 140-146.
Id. at footnote 215, p. 140.
CE 3135.
Ch. IV, footnote 232, p. 141.
CE 3131, pp. 17-18.
Ibid.
See 4 H 2-3 (Sebastian Latona).
See CE 3155 representing the FBI opinion based on Sebastian Latona's findings.
6 H 349-351 (Charles Givens).
Ibid.
3 H 169-170 (Bonnie Ray Williams).
Id. at 169.
Id. at 170-171.
Id. at 169.
Id. at 169, 171.
Id. at 171-172.
Ch. IV, pp. 143-147.
Ibid.
2 H 167-168 (Arnold Rowland); CE 354.
Id. at 169, 171.
Id. at 172.
Id. at 169, 182, 185; CE 357.
Id. at 175-176.
Id. at 188.
Id. at 178; CE 357.
2 H 183-184 (A. Rowland).
Id. at 184; CE 2782.
6 H 185-188 (Barbara Rowland).
Id. at 188.
CE 2783. This statement cons utes an amendment to the original testimony; see 6 H 188 (B. Rowland).
Id. at 181-182, 185-186.
Id. at 190.
Compare 2 H 165, 166, 179, 188 (A. Rowland), with CE 2644.
6 H 263-264 (Roger D. Craig).
Id. at 264.
Id. at 272.
CE 1381, pp. 74, 96.
CE 1381.
Id. at 5.
Ch. IV, pp. 156-164.
Id. at 155-163.
7 H 543 (W. E. Barnett).
Ibid.
Ch. IV, pp. 149-156.
2 H 195-196 (James Worrell).
6 H 276 (George Rackley); 6 H 282 (James Romack).
Ch. IV, p. 160.
Id. at 163.
6 H 443, 7 H 439 (Earlene Roberts).
Ibid.
Id. at 443-444.
CE 2781.
CE 2645.
Id. at 3; CE 2045.
7 H 439 (E. Roberts).
See also CE 3106 and CE 3107.
5 H 364-365 (Dean Rusk).
E.g., 9 H 242-243 (George De Mohrenschildt); 11 H 172-173 (William Stuckey); 8 H 323 (Erwin Donald Lewis); 8 H 316-317 (Donald Camarata); 322-323 (Richard Call); 8 H 315-316 (James Botelho); 8 H 320-321 (Henry Roussel, Jr.); 8 H 319-320 (Paul Murphy); 8 H 319 (David Murray, Jr.); 8 H 321-322 (Mack Osborne). But see 8 H 285 (Daniel Powers). For Oswald's Marine service, see app. XIII, pp. 681- 689.
Priscilla Johnson DE 1, pp. 3, 7-8; CE 1385, p. 10 (Aline Mosby); CE 908.
9 H 242-243 (G. De Mohrenschildt).
CE 1385, p. 7 (Mosby); Johnson DE 1, p. 11.
See e.g., 2 H 399 (Michael R. Paine); 11 H 172-173 (Stuckey).
CE 295, p. 4.
CE 2767.
CE 2716.
CE 2767; 1 H 203 (Marguerite Oswald).
CE 3099.
CE 2673.
11 H 444-446, 459-460 (P. Johnson); and P. Johnson DE 1, pp. 6, 8.
CE 24, entry for Nov. 17 to Dec. 30, 1959; see also CE 206, 202 (Oswald running out of money); CE 24, entry for Nov. 17 to Dec. 30, 1959, in which Oswald says he has only $28 left.
CE 1385, p. 11; see also P. Johnson DE 1, p. 3; 11 H 455 (P. Johnson).
E.g., 8 H 323 (Lewis); 8 H 316-317 (Camarata); 8 H 322-323 (Call); 8 H 315-316 (Botelho); 8 H 320-321 (Roussel); 8 H 319-320 (Murphy); 8 H 319 (Murray); 8 H 321-322 (Osborne); but see 8 H 285 (Powers).
8 H 307 (Allison Folsom); Folsom DE 1, p. 7.
5 H 291 (Richard E. Snyder); 11 H 455-456 (P. Johnson).
CE 24, entry of Nov. 17 to Dec. 30, 1959.
CE 24, entry of Jan. 7 to Mar. 16, 1960; CE 93, p. 4 (reference to "Rosa Agafanova" probably should be to "Rosa Kuznetsova.").
CE 1401, p. 277.
CE 2945 (Felkner).
Folsom DE 1, pp. 11, 28.
CE 2676, 2711; CE 946, p. 7.
CE 2677; app. XIII, p. 690.
See CE 946, p. 7.
CE 946, p. 9 (translated, CE 2776).
CE 946, p. 8 (translated, CE 2775); CE 2676.
CE 2769.
CE 2780.
Ibid.
CE 2773.
CE 908
CE 24.
E.g., CE 92, 101, 827.
E.g., CE 24, entry of Oct. 31, 1959,
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Page 834

Notes to Pages 259-272
refers to a reporter named "Goldstene" whose name is A. L Goldberg, see CE 2719; CE 24, entry for Nov. 15, 1959, records an interview with Aline Mosby which appeared in the Fort Worth Star Telegram on Nov. 15, datelined Nov. 14 (CE 2716).
1 H 30, 104-105 (Marina Oswald).
E.g., CE 18, 1438.
CE 2774, 3096.
E.g., compare CE 931, 251-256 with V. T. Lee DE 1, 2, 4-7 and CE 2779.
CE 24.
The files have been assigned CD 1114, 1115.
5 H 260-299 (Snyder); 5 H 299-306, 318-326 (John A. McVickar).
CE 1385.
11 H 442-469 (P. Johnson).
CE 985.
CE 24, entry of Oct. 16, 1959.
CE 24, entry of Oct. 21, 1959.
CE 24, entries of Oct. 20 and 21, 1959; 5 H 617; and CE 935, p. 2; CE 1438 and CE 827 indicate that Oswald was interviewed by "Leo Setyaev" (perhaps Lev Setyayev, an English-speaking commentator for Radio Moscow), a "Radio Moscow Reporter," probably also working for the KGB on this occasion. The interview was apparently never broadcast. 2 H 274 (Richard E. Snyder); but see CE 25, p. 3.
CE 2760.
CE 24, entry of Oct. 21, 1959.
CE 2778.
CE 985, doc. 1C-2, 1C-3.
CE 2776.
1 H 91 (Marina Oswald).
E.g., 8 H 382, 384, 386 (Anna N. Meller); 9 H 240 (G. DeMohrenschildt); 9 H 309, 311 (Jeanne De Mohrenschildt); 11 H 474 (Hilda Smith); and see comments of fellow Marines in app. XIII, pp. 681-689, and discussion of his character in ch. VII; see also 2 H 318 (Katherine Ford), relating an incident in which Oswald reacted violently to a suggestion that Marina Oswald may have contemplated suicide.
CE 908.
5 H 270 (Snyder).
Id. at 262.
Id. at 295-296.
CE 908.
5 H 290 (Snyder).
Id. at 289.
CE 913; 5 H 263 (Snyder).
CE 2774.
5 H 280 (Snyder); but see 8 H 287-288 (Powers).
CE 908, p. 2.
CE 912. See app. w, pp. 747-751, for further details regarding Oswald's attempted expatriation.
5 H 287-288 (Snyder); CE 941, p. 3; 5 H 302-303 (McVickar).
11 H 453-455 (P. Johnson); see also CE 1385; CE 911, p. 1 (contemporaneous observation that Oswald used words as though he had learned them out of a dictionary).
5 H 279, 287, 290 (Snyder); CE 941, 958; 5 H 300-301 (McVickar); and see 11 H 447-460 (P. Johnson).
App. XIII, pp. 675, 679, 683, 685-688, 722.
See ch. VII, pp. 384, 388-390; app. XIII, pp. 679, 686-687.
See, e.g., CE 24, entry of Oct. 16, 1959 5 H 616 (Marina Oswald).
See CE 1385, pp. 15-17 (Mosby) 5 H 272, 287-288 (Snyder); CE 908 (Snyder); CE 941, p. 3, 5 H 302-303 (McVickar); 11 H 453 (P. Johnson).
CE 24, entry of Oct. 31, 1959.
5 H 287 (Snyder); but see 5 H 272 (Snyder).
P. Johnson DE 6, p. 1; 11 H 444 (P. Johnson).
Id. at 452.
CE 913.
CE 912.
8 U.S.C. see. 1481.
5 H 269, 290 (Snyder).
See Johnson DE 5, passim, and especially p. 13; 11 H 447, 456, 458-459 (Johnson).
CE 24, entries of Nov. 16, 1959, and Jan. 4, 1960.
CE 985, doc. Nos. 1A, 2A, and 3A (1).
CE 1885, p. 4.
11 H 456-457 (P. Johnson); P. Johnson DE 1, pp. 3-4.
CE 24, entry of Nov. 16, 1959.
CE 297.
CE 202; CE 206; 1 H 204 (Marguerite Oswald).
See also CE 297 (Oswald seemed to associate acceptance by Soviet authorities with leaving the hotel in Moscow).
CE 3125.
P. Johnson DE 5, p. 7.
CE 985, doc. Nos. 1A, 2A, and 3A (1).
CE 2762, p. 2.
CE 960, question 2.
CE 2762, p. 2.
CE 960, question 2.
CE 2760.
CE 24, entries of Oct. 28, 1959, and Nov. 17 to Dec. 30, 1959.
CE 24.
CE 985.
M. Kramer DE 1, 2.
11 H 213 (Rita Naman); 11 H 212 (Monica Kramer).
11 H 211-212 (Katherine Mallory).
See generally app. XV.
E.g., CE 298, 315, 184.
E.g., CE 1392-1395.
E.g., 9 H 171, 229, 241-242 (G. de Mohrenschildt); see also 8 H 359 (George A. Bouhe) (conversation about Leningrad, Marina's native city).
E.g., 1 H 92 (Marina Oswald); CE 2761, 104; CE 1401, pp. 275-276; CE 994, p. 1.
CE 2761.
CE 24, entries of Jan. 4, 5, 7, and 13, 1960, and see CE 25, pp. 1B-2B.
CE 24, entry of Jan. 8, 1960.
CE 24, entry of Mar. 16, 1960.
CE 24, entries of Jan. 11 and 13, 1960; CE 1109 (union membership booklet) and 1108 (workbook); CE 24, entry of Jan. 13, 1960 (700 rubles); CE 1110 (750-850 rubles); CE 1401, p. 270 (800-900 rubles).
1 H 95 (Marina Oswald).
CE 1401, p. 271.
CE 2720.
CE 24, entry of Jan. 13, 1960; CE 25, pp. 1B-2B; see generally 5 H 293- 294 (Snyder).
CE 24, entry of Jan. 4-31, 1961.
1 H 93.
CE 2721; see also 5 H 293-294 (Snyder).
CE 2760.
10 H 203 (Dennis Hyman Ofstein).
CE 25, pp. 1B-2B.
Ibid.
5 H 407 (Marina Oswald).
5 H 616 (Marina Oswald).
E.g., 8 H 360 (Bouhe); 9 H 145 (Paul Gregory); 9 H 79 (Gary E. Taylor); 2 H 339 (Peter Gregory)
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Notes to Pages 272-281
E.g., 8 H 350 (Max E. Clark); 2 H 397 (R. Paine).
CE 1401, p. 275; 1 H 93 (Marina Oswald); 5 H 590 (Marina Oswald).
CE 985, doc. No. 8A.
9 H 114 (Ilya Mamantov); but see 8 H 362 (Bouhe) (commenting that there is nothing unusual about hunting in Soviet Union).
CE 2670.
Ibid.
Ibid.
CE 2770.
1 H 96 (Marina Oswald).
CE 1964, pp. 2-3, 5.
CE 24, entry of Apr. 30, 31 [sic], 1961.
1 H 327-328 (Robert Oswald); 2 H 466 (R. Paine); 8 H 385 (Meller); 8 H 362 (Bouhe).
CE 2649.
CE 303.
CE 1964.
Id. at 6.
CE 2733.
CE 24, entry of Apr. 31 [sic], 1961; CE 1111.
CE 960, attachment 2, p. 2.
See, e.g., 1 H 25 (Marina Oswald); 2 H 342 (Peter Gregory); 10 H 59 (Lt. Francis Martello).
CE 931.
5 H 277 (Snyder).
CE 930.
CE 2757.
5 H 276 (Snyder); moreover, it arrived too late to have prompted Oswald's letter even if it had been delivered, see CE 2757 and date stamped on CE 2681.
CE 931.
CE 933.
CE 940.
CE 251, 252.
CE 1074.
5 H 252-254 (Waterman); CE 970, 971; and see CE 934.
CE 24, entry of July 8, 1961; CE 935.
CE 24, entry of July 9, 1961; 1 H 96-97 (Marina Oswald); CE 1401, pp. 278, 280.
CE 2762, p. 1.
CE 2762, p, 1.
Ibid.
CE 960.
CE 24, entry of July 8, 1961.
The factual and legal basis of this decision is set forth and evaluated in app. XV. pp. 747-751.
CE 935, p. 2.
CE 938, 946.
CE 935.
5 H 318-319 (McVickar).
CE 946, 979.
CE 246-247, 249, 251-256, 931, 1083, 1093.
CE 2774.
E.g., V.T. Lee DE 1, 2, 4-7.
5 H 287-288 (Snyder).
CE 2687, 2688; 5 H 280 (Snyder).
Id. at 278, 288; see also CE 2687, 2688.
CE 1401, pp. 277-278, 280.
CE 985, Docs. Nos. 1B-4B; CE 1122.
CE 24, entry of Dec. 25, 1961; CE 1403, p. 725.
5 H 591,604-605, 617-619 (Marina Oswald).
CE 1403, p. 745.
CE 246, 255.
CE 29.
CE 316.
CE 824, p. 4.
5 H 604, 617-618 (Marina Oswald).
CE 2722.
CE 960; 5 H 340 (Abram Chayes).
CE 2756.
CE 2762, p. 3; CE 2771.
CE 301.
CE 24, entry of July 15 to Aug. 20, 1961.
E.g., 9 H 147, 151 (Paul Gregory).
CE 1122.
1 H 89-90, 97 (Marina Oswald).
Ibid. (Marina Oswald); but see 5 H 604-605 (Marina Oswald). (In a later interview, the official did not try to discourage her.)
1 H 89-90, 97 (Marina Oswald); 5 H 608-609 (Marina Oswald); in an earlier interview with the FBI Marina Oswald said she was "thrown out" because she failed to pick up her membership card, CE 1401, p. 276; this was probably only the ostensible reason, however; 5 H 608-609 (Marina Oswald).
9 H 147 (Paul Gregory).
5 H 598, 604 (Marina Oswald).
See CE 960.
1 H 7 (Marina Oswald); 8 H 358 (George H. Bouhe); 9 H 224-226 (George De Mohrenschildt); id. at 306-311 (Jeanne De Mohrenschildt); 2 H 297-299 (Katya Ford); 2 H 323-324, 328-330 (Declan P. Ford); 8 H 344-345, 353 (Max E. Clark); 9 H 64-69 (Lydia Dymitruk); id. at 142-143 (Paul Gregory); 2 H 338-341 (Peter Gregory); 8 H 393-399 (Elena Hall); id. at 407-409 (John R. Hall); 11 H 119-123 (Alexander Kleinlerer); 8 H 381-385 (Anna Meller); id. at 416-419 (Valentina Ray); 9 H 77-78, 82-83 (Gary E. Taylor); id. at 29-30 (Natalie Ray); id. at 22 (Paul M. Raigorodsky); id. at 39-42 (Thomas M. Ray); id. at 46-48 (Samuel B. Ballen); id. at 107 (Ilya A. Mamantov); id. at 134-135 (Dorothy Gravitis); id. at 161-162 (Helen Leslie); 8 H 435 (Mrs. Igor Voshinin); id. at 466-468 (Igor Voshinin); CE 1858, pp. 12-13; 11 H 125-128, 130-133 (Alexandra De Mohrenschildt Gibson); CE 1861; 10 H 16-17 (Everett D. Clover); 2 H 435-437 (R. Paine).
See e.g., 9 H 2 (Raigorodsky); id. at 46 (Ballen); id. at 103 (Mamantov); id. at 199, 202-203, 210, 280-282 (G. De Mohrenschildt); 10 H 3, 13 (Glover).
1 H 134-135 (Marguerite Oswald); id. at 7 (Marina Oswald); 8 H 372-373 (Bouhe); id. at 345-346 (M. Clark); 9 H 228-231 (G. De Mohrenschildt); id. at 306-310 (J. De Mohrenschildt); 2 H 299-300 (K. Ford); id. at 329 (D. Ford); 9 H 64-65 (Dymitruk); id. at 144 (Paul Gregory); 8 H 393-395 (E. Hall); id. at 407-408, 411 (J. Hall); 11 H 118-123 (Kleinlerer); 8 H 382-384 (A. Meller); id. at 422-423 (V. Ray); 11 H 147-149 (A. Gibson).
8 H 373 (Bouhe); 9 H 228 (G. De Mohrenschildt); id. at 306, 324 (J. De Mohrenschildt); 8 H 387-388 (A. Meller); 11 H 118-123 (A. Kleinlerer); 2 H 329 (D. Ford); 9 H 65-68 (Dymitruk); 11 H 125-128, 130-134, 135-139, 140, 143-145, 147-149, 150-151 (A. Gibson).
1 H 11-12, 31 (Marina Oswald); 11 H 118-123 (Kleinlerer); 8 H 365 (Bouhe); id. at 394 (E. Hall); 9 H 82, 84 (G. Taylor); id. at 310 (J. De Mohrenschildt); id. at 231-233 (G. De Mohrenschildt); 2 H 298-299 (K. Ford); 2 H 325 (D. Ford); 9 H 64 (Dymitruk); 8 H 345 (M. Clark); id. at 394-395, 403 (E. Hall); id. at 407 (J. Hall); id. at 416-417 (V. Ray).
App. XIII, pp. 673-675.
CE 2692; 1 H 318, 372, 330-331, 380-381 (R. Oswald); id. at 131-132 (Marguerite Oswald); id. at 4 (Marina Oswald).
1 H 133, 135 (Marguerite Oswald); id. at 4-5 (Marina Oswald)
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Notes to Pages 281-285
1 H 134 (Marguerite Oswald); id. at 5 (Marina Oswald).
See 1 H 7 (Marina Oswald); see the accounts of how members of the community met Oswald in footnote 301, supra.
8 H 344-345 (M. Clark); CE 1389; cf. 2 H 338 (Peter Gregory).
8 H 344-345 (M. Clark).
2 H 338, 340 (Peter Gregory); 9 H 142-144 (Paul Gregory).
2 H 341 (Peter Gregory); 8 H 358-359, 372-373 (Bouhe); id. at 381-385 (A. Meller).
See e.g., 9 H 224-226 (G. De Mohrenschildt); 2 H 297 (Katya Ford); see also footnote 301, supra.
Those testifying include G. Bouhe, G. De Mohrenschildt, J. DeMohrenschildt, K. Ford, D. Ford, M. Clark, L. Dymitruk, Paul Gregory, Peter Gregory, E. Hall, J. Hall, E. Glover, A. Meller, V. Ray, G. Taylor, N. Ray, P. Raigorodsky, T. Ray, S. Ballen, I. Mamantov, D. Gravitis, H. Leslie, Mrs. I. Voshinin, I. Voshinin, A. Gibson. See also e.g., CE 1857 (Mrs. Max Clark); CE 1858 (Mrs. Tatiana Biggers); CE 1860 (Charles Edward Harris. Jr.); CE 1861 (Mrs. Charles Edward Harris); CE 1865 (Leo Aronson); 11 H 118 (Kleinlerer).
E.g., 8 H 367, 377 (Bouhe); 2 H 309-310 (K. Ford); 9 H 238, 252-253 (G. De Mohrenschildt); 1 H 34-35 (Marina Oswald).
1 H 11-12, 31 (Marina Oswald); 8 H 365-367 (Bouhe); 11 H 118-123 (Kleinlerer); 8 H 393-394 (E. Hall); 9 H 82-83 (G. Taylor); id. at 310, 325 (J. De Mohrenschildt); id. at 231-233 (G. De Mohrenschildt); 2 H 298-299, 304 (K. Ford); 2 H 325 (D. Ford); 8 H 345 (M. Clark); id. at 394-395, 403 (E. Hall); id. at 412 (J. Hall); id. at 386-388 (A. Meller); id. at 416-417 (V. Ray).
1 H 31 (Marina Oswald); 8 H 394-395, 403 (E. Hall); id. at 412 (J. Hall); 11 H 119-121 (Kleinlerer).
1 H 11-12 (Marina Oswald); 8 H 365 (Bouhe); 2 H 298-299, 304 (K. Ford); 2 H 325 (D. Ford); id. at 386-388 (A. Meller); id. at 416- 417 (V. Ray); 9 H 310, 325 (J. De Mohrenschildt); id. at 231-233 (G. De Mohrenschildt); id. at 64 (Dymitruk).
1 H 10 (Marina Oswald); see app. XIII, pp. 717-722.
8 H 365 367 (Bouhe); 2 H 307 (K. Ford).
2 H 307 (K. Ford); see 8 H 367, 377 (Bouhe); 2 H 300-310 (K. Ford); 9 H 252-253 (G. De Mohrenschildt); 1 H 34-35 (Marina Oswald).
2 H 459-462, 468-469, 3 H 4-11, 28-30 (R. Paine); 1 H 18-19, 23, 27-28, 46 (Marina Oswald); 8 H 133-134, 139 (Lillian Murret); 8 H 184-186 (Charles Murret).
9 H 273 (G. De Mohrenschildt); 2 H 473 (R. Paine); 9 H 69 (Dymitruk).
See e.g. 8 H 388-389 (A. Meller); id. at 401 (E. Hall); id. at 419, 422 (V. Ray); 2 H 305-310 (K. Ford); 9 H 248, 250 (G. De Mohrenschildt); id. at 317 (J. De Mohrenschildt); S H 410-411 (J. Hall).
CE 1781, pp. 546-547; CE 1929, pp. 192-193; 2 H 499 (R. Paine); CE 419-421; CE 409-B, p. 2.
See footnote 326, supra; 9 H 106-107 (Mamantov).
See 9 H 224-266. 309-313 (G. De Mohrenschildt); 9 H 306-327 (J. De Mohrenschildt); 1 H 11 (Marina Oswald); 10 H 260-261 (M. F. Tobias); 10 H 245-246 (Mrs. Tobias); 9 H 93 (G. Taylor).
9 H 248-249 (G. De Mohrenschildt); id. at 314-315 (J. De Mohrenschildt).
Id. at 315-317 (J. De Mohrenschildt); see id. at 249-250 (G. De Mohrenschildt).
Id. at 317 (J. De Mohrenschildt); see id. at 249 (G. De Mohrenschildt).
Id. at 249 (G. De Mohrenschildt).
1 H 18 (Marina Oswald).
9 H 249-250 (G. De Mohrenschildt); see id. at 317 (J. De Mohrenschildt).
Id. at 248, 250 (G. Mohrenschildt); id. at 317 (J. De Mohrenschildt).
Id. at 299, 317-318 (J. De Mohrenschildt).
Id. at 318.
Id. at 272, 276 (G. De Mohrenschildt).
In addition to the testimony and exhibits included in the record to this report, additional data relative to the background of the De Mohrenschildts is included in the files of the Commission.
9 H 168-179 (G. De Mohrenschildt); CE 3100.
9 H 179-180, 190-191 (G. De Mohrenschildt).
Id. at 191-192, 195, 201-203, 211-212; id. at 300-302 (J. De Mohrenschildt).
Id. at 213-216 (G. De Mohrenschildt); id. at 302-303 (J. De Mohrenschildt).
Id. at 216 (G. De Mohrenschildt).
Id. at 276, 280 282, 217 (G. De Mohrenschildt); see id. at 305 (J. De Mohrenschildt).
Id. at 296-297 (J. De Mohrenschildt); 8 H 352-353 (Max E. Clark); id. at 377 (Bouhe); id. at 431-433 (Mrs. Voshinin); id. at 467-469 (Igor Voshinin); 9 H 99 100 (G. Taylor); id. at 120-121 (Ilya Mamantov); id. at 164-165 (Helen Leslie); 10 H 10-12 (Everett Glover).
9 H 222 (G. De Mohrenschildt); and see id. at 296 (J. De Mohrenschildt).
id. at 285-286, 291-295.
CE 3116, 3117. See CE 869, footnote 340, supra.
2 H 433-436, 438-439 (R. Paine).
10 H 16, 18-19, 24-26 (Glover); 9 H 256, 258 (G. De Mohrenschildt).
2 H 440 (R. Paine); 9 H 435 (M. Paine).
2 H 459-462, 468-469; 3 H 9 (R. Paine).
2 H 468-469; 3 H 9 (R. Paine).
CE 408, 409, 409 B. 410, 411, 412, 415, 416; 2 H 483-498 (R. Paine); cf. CE 422; 2 H 501 502 (R. Paine).
3 H 4-5. 9 (R. Paine); 1 H 26 (Marina Oswald); CE 461.
See app. XIII, pp. 730-731.
See note 356, supra; CE 421.
3 H 10 (R. Paine); 1 H 23 (Marina Oswald).
3 H 10 (R. Paine).
CE 461; 9 H 345 346 (R. Paine).
3 H 29-30 (R. Paine).
1 H 37 (Marina Oswald).
3 H 27-41, 84-85 (R. Paine).
Id. at 33-39; 9 H 345-346 (R. Paine); 1 H 46, 51-52, 63 65 (Marina Oswald).
4 H 451 452 (Hosty); 3 H 38, 92, 96 (R. Paine).
4 H 452 (Hosty); 3 H 38, 96 (R. Paine).
3 H 97. (R. Paine); 4 H 450, 452 (Hosty).
CE 103; 2 H 405-406 (M. Paine); 3 H 13-18 (R. Paine); 9 H 395 (R. Paine). See up. 309-310 infra.
3 H 13-18, 97 (R. Paine); 2 H 406 (M. Paine).
3 H 15, 18. 100-102 (R. Paine).
4 H 459 (Hosty).
3 H 44-45 (R. Paine).
Id. at 44
Page 837
2 H 431 (R. Paine); 9 H 831-832, 339 (R. Paine); CE 1831, pp. 4-5.
Ibid.
9 H 332 (R. Paine).
2 H 432 (R. Paine); 3 H 133-134 (R. Paine).
3 H 133-134 (R. Paine).
2 H 387-388 (M. Paine).
3 H 134 (R. Paine).
2 H 387 (M. Paine); 9 H 338 (R. Paine); 3 H 135 (R. Paine).
Ibid.; 9 H 338-339 (R. Paine); 9 H 134 (Gravitis).
2 H 508 (R. Paine).
2 H 385 (M. Paine); CE 1830, pp. 4-5.
2 H 390-392 (M. Paine); CE 1830, pp. 4-5.
2 H 389-390 (M. Paine); CE 1830, p. 6.
2 H 389-392 (M. Paine).
Id. at 385, 386; 2 H 432 (R. Paine).
2 H 385 (M. Paine); 4 H 448 (Hosty).
2 H 387-388 (M. Paine).
Id. at 389.
3 H 9-10, 93, 129 (R. Paine); 9 H 343 (R. Paine), see CE 429-440.
3 H 15-18, 43-46, 96-105 (R. Paine); 2 H 405-406 (M. Paine); CE 103.
3 H 21 25, 79, 81 (R. Paine); 9 H 393-394, 408-410 (R. Paine).
3 H 17-18 (R. Paine); 4 H 462, 473 (Hosty).
Id. at 450-454; CE 830, p. 11.
R. Paine DE 277, 278, 278-A, 469; CE 404-424.
CE 401, 402.
E.g., 9 H 342 (R. Paine).
CE 3116, 3117; in addition to the testimony and exhibits included in the record to this report, additional data relative to the background of the Paines is included in the files of the Commission.
CE 3116, 3117, 821-824, 826, 829, 830, 833, 836; 4 H 403-430 (John W. Fain); 4 H 431-440 (John L. Quigley); 4 H 440-476 (James P. Hosty, Jr.).
CE 1172; cf. A. Johnson DE 1; see 9 H 455 (M. Paine); 3 H 118 (R. Paine); CE 1145, p. 1.
A. Johnson DE 1-3; 10 H 97-98, 100 (Arnold S. Johnson); CE 93; see also 10 H 209-210 (Dennis H. Ofstein); CE 1799; Oswald also subscribed to several Russian periodicals. CE 1147; 8 H 370-371 (Bouhe).
A. Johnson DE 1, 3-4 10 H 98-100 (A. Johnson).
A. Johnson DE 2; 10 H 99-100 (A. Johnson).
A. Johnson DE 6, 4-A.
A. Johnson DE 4, 4-A; cf. Johnson DE 3, 7.
A. Johnson DE 7; 10 H 103-104 (A. Johnson).
Weinstock DE 1; 11 H 207-208 (Louis Weinstock); A. Johnson DE 5, 5- A; Tormey DE 1, 2; 10 H 107-108 (James J. Tormey).
See pp. 299-307, infra.
CE 2564.
See app. XIII, notes 1110-1119, infra. When questioned by Mexican police shortly after the assassination, Señora Duran did not recall whether or not Oswald had in fact told her he was a member of the Communist Party. CE 2120, p. 5.
See ch. V, p. 201, supra; 10 H 116-117 (Abt).
Dobbs DE 9, 11; see also Dobbs DE 10, 13.
Dobbs DE 12; 10 H 113-114; 11 H 208-209 (Farrell Dobbs)
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Notes to Pages 285-295
Dobbs DE 1-8; 10 H 109-110, 113 (Dobbs); CE 1799; see 3 H 119 (R. Paine).
Dobbs DE 13; 10 H 114-115; 11 H 209 (Dobbs).
CE 3153. 824, p. 7; CE 826, p. 12; CE 869, 2973, 3037, 3038, 3041; see also 5 H 28 (Alan H. Belmont); 4 H 411 (Fain); 4 H 302 (Robert I. Bouck).
10 H 97, 102-105 (A. Johnson); 10 H 108 (Tormey); 10 H 110-111,114-116 (Dobbs); 11 H 208-209 (Dobbs); 11 H 207-208 (Weinstock).
H. Twiford DE 1; 11 H 179 (Horace Twiford); CE 3085; CE 2335, pp. 6- 7.
11 H 179 (H. Twiford); 11 H 179-180 (Estelle Twiford).
CE 3085.
Ibid., in 1956, when Oswald was 16 years old, he apparently obtained information about the Socialist Party of America. Gray DE 1; 11 H 209-210 (V. Gray).
V. T. Lee DE 1; 10 H 87-88 (Vincent T. Lee).
Lee DE 2, 3; CE 828; 11 H 93 (Lee).
Lee DE 2.
Lee DE 3.
Lee DE 4; CE 1410, 1411, 2349, 2542, 2543, 2544, 1413, pp. 28-31; CE 2545.
Lee DE 5-7.
Lee DE 5.
10 H 37-42 (Bringuier); Pizzo DE 453-A, 453-B; CE 1413, pp. 19 30; CE 1412, 2548, 2546, 3029; 10 (Steele); Bringuier DE 1. See also 11 475 (Rachal); see app. XIII, pp. 728-729.
10 H 37-39 (Bringuier); CE 1413, pp. 19-30, 34, 42; CE 826, pp. 5-10; 10 H 53-57 (Martello); Lee DE 6; 1 H 21 (Marina Oswald); CE 1412, 2210, 2216, 2520, 2860, 2895, 3032; CE 3119, pp. 12-14; CE 826, pp. 9-10.
10 H 35-37 (Bringuier); see app. XIII, p. 728.
CE 826, pp. 5-10; 10 H 53-57 (Martello).
Lee DE 6, 7; Bringuier DE 1; 11 H 158-171 (Stuckey); 10 H 39-43 (Bringuier); Stuckey DE 2, 3; Pizzo DE 453-A, 453-B.
Holmes DE 1.
10 H 90, 93 (Lee).
See pp. 407-412, infra.
See CE 826, p. 7; CE 1413, p. 31; CE 1414; CE 3119, pp. 14-15; CE 3120. The Cuban Revolutionary Council, an anti-Castro organization, at one time did maintain an office at 544 Camp St., but it vacated the building early in 1962, before Oswald had returned from the Soviet Union, CE 1414.
CE 1410, 1411, 2542-2544; 10 H 90 (Lee).
5 H 401-402 (Marina Oswald).
10 H 62-71 (C. Steele, Jr.); see 10 H 93-94 (Lee); cf. Lee DE 5.
CE 826, p. 12; CE 2952. p. 3; CE 2973. 3037; cf. 5 H 9 (Belmont); 4 H 444-445 (Hosty); 4 H 432-436 (Quigley); compare, e.g., CE 3029, 3128.
2 H 403, 407 (M. Paine); CE 783, 2213; 7 H 325 (Gregory L. Olds).
2 H 403, 407-408 (M. Paine); 9 H 462-464 (Raymond F. Krystinik).
11 H 424-425 (Maj. Gen. Edwin A. Walker, Jr., Resigned, U.S. Army).
A. Johnson DE 7; 10 H 96, 103-104 (A. Johnson).
See pp. 182-187, supra.
In addition to the preceding discussion. see ch. VII, infra.
5 H 489-500 (Bernard Weissman); CE 1811, pp. 4-15; CE 1815, pp. 710- 714; CE 1034
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Page 838

Notes to Pages 295-307
5 H 496 (Weissman).
CE 1033, p. 1.
5 H 497 (Weissman).
CE 1815, 1032, 1033, 1035, 1037, 1042, 1044, 1047, 1049; 5 H 498 (Weissman).
CE 1041, 1042; cf. CE 1049; see 5 H 526 (Weissman); see also note 458, infra.
CE 1032, 1033, 1037, 1038, 1040, 1044, 1047, 1049.
CE 1033, p. 2.
5 H 491 (Weissman).
CE 1032; see CE 3112.
5 H 490, 514, 519-520 (Weissman); CE 1811, pp. 6-7; CE 1813.
CE 1811, p. 8; CE 1878; 5 H 501, 505, 511, 519-520 (Weissman).
5 H 506; 11 H 429 (Weissman); CE 1811, p. 9.
5 H 505 (Weissman); see also CE 1815, p. 711; CE 1811, p. 9.
Id. at 505-508 (Weissman); CE 1815, p. 2; CE 1878, p. 298; CE 1811, p. 9.
5 H 507-508 (Weissman), CE 1031, 1811, p. 9.
5 H 504 (Weissman); CE 1878, 1882, 1811, p. 10; CE 1815, p. 712.
5 H 506, 509, 511 (Weissman); CE 1878, p. 298; CE 1885, 1883, p. 306; CE 1884, p. 307.
CE 1882-1885.
5 H 507-509 (Weissman).
5 H 510-512 (Weissman); CE 1815, p. 712.
Ibid.; CE 1882, pp. 1-2.
5 H 509 (Weissman); CE 1811, p. 11; CE 1815, p. 711; CE 1878, p. 298.
Ibid.; CE 1031.
5 H 509 (Weissman).
5 H 508-509 (Weissman); CE 1811, p. 11; CE 1815, p. 712.
5 H 507 (Weissman).
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 511, 517.
Id. at 511, 520; CE 1815, p. 713.
5 H 511 (Weissman).
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 515-516, 521-524; CE 1811, p. 12; CE 1815, p. 713; 3139.
2 H 60 (Mark Lane).
5 H 553-555 (Lane); see CE 2510-2518.
5 H 522-524 (Weissman).
CE 996.
CE 2473, 2474 1837, 5 H 541 (Robert G. Klause).
CE 1835.
5 H 536-537, 539-544 (Klause); CE 1836, 2474, 1835.
5 H 425-426, 429, 431 (Surrey); 11 H 412 (Walker).
5 H 428 (Surrey).
Ibid.
Ibid.
CE 1835, p. 2; 5 H 537-539 (Klause).
Id. at 537 (Klause); CE 2473.
5 H 536 (Klause).
Id. at 537-538.
Id. at 539.
Id. at 537; CE 1836, p. 2.
5 H 539 (Klause); CE 1836, p. 2.
5 H 538 (Klause).
Id. at 538-539 (Klause); CE 1836, p. 2; CE 2473, pp. 1-2.; CE 2474.
5 H 539 (Klause); CE 1836, p. 2.
5 H 539 (Klause); CE 1836, pp. 1-2; CE 2473, p. 1; CE 2474, p. 6.
5 H 539-540 (Klause).
Id. at 546; CE 1836, p. 2.
CE 2473, p. 2.
Id. at p. 3.
CE 1836, p. 2.
CE 2473, p. 2
5 H 530-531 (Weissman).
CE 1835 1836, 2473-2474, 3103.
5 H 531 (Weissman).
5 H 542 (Klause); 5 H 447-448 (Surrey); 11 H 424-425 (Walker).
1 H 23, 28, 45 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 28, 45.
CE 2478.
1 H 22-24, 44-47 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 45.
Id. at 22-23; CE 1404, pp. 451-453.
11 H 214-215 (Dr. and Mrs. John B. McFarland); and see 11 H 179-180 (Estelle Twiford) (Oswald told her in Houston, Tex. that he was a member of the Fair Flay for Cuba Committee and on his way to Mexico.)
1 H 23, 46-47 (Marina Oswald).
1 H 24-25 (Marina Oswald); see also ch. VII, pp. 412-413; app. XIII. p. 730. (One purpose of Oswald's Fair Play for Cuba activities was to get him into Cuba.)
See app. XIII, pp. 731-733, for time of departure from New Orleans; see CE 2121, p. 47; CE 2566, p. 2, for arrival in Mexico City.
CE 2121, p. 39.
Ibid.
Ibid.
See app. XIII, pp. 730-731.
CE 2121, p. 39.
1 H 24-25 (Marina Oswald); and see CE 2121, p. 69.
CE 2121, pp. 39-40.
See CE 2121, pp. 39-40; CE 2564.
See app. XIII, pp. 734-736.
1 H 27- 28, 50 (Marina Oswald).
CE 2121, pp. 35-41.
CE 2120, pp. 4-6.
CE 2121, p. 42; CE 2120, p. 3. The official report of the Government of Mexico is set out in CE 2120 and CE 2123.
CE 2121, p. 38 (Silvia Duran).
CE 2123, attachment 5, p. 3.
Ibid.; CE 2121, p. 35.
See app. XIII, pp. 730-731, for do ents Oswald took with him; CE 2121, pp. 39-40 (Silvia Duran's statement); 1 H 24-25 (Marina Oswald); CE 18, p. 54 (the "notation" of the address Silvia Duran gave Oswald).
CE 2445.
CE 2564.
CE 2564.
E.g., compare CE 2564 with CE 1969.
CE 3127.
Compare 2564 with CE 155, 161.
CE 2121, pp. 26-28.
CE 2121, pp. 53, 58.
11 H 214-15 (Dr. and Mrs. John B, McFarland); 11 H 217 (Pamela Mumford); CE 2121, pp. 72-78.
CE 2121, pp. 53-58.
CE 2121, pp. 57-58. The only witness who places Oswald with anyone else during the trip was thoroughly discredited. See CE 2450, 2451, 2569, 2570, 2571, 2572, 2573, 2574, 2575, 3095.
CE 2450.
11 H 217 (Mumford); CE 2195, pp. 2-3, 40-42.
CE 2195, pp. 44-46.
11 H 220-221 (Mumford); 11 H 214 (McFarland); CE 2195, pp. 5-6.
CE 2195 passim.
CE 2121, p. 59.
Id. at 48-59; CE 3074.
CE 18, p. 54.
CE 2568.
CE 2567, p. 3.
567. This is the case of "D" treated at 55, infra.
CE 2949
Page 839
CE 2948.
CE 2676.
CE 2950.
CE 2952, 2953, 2954, 2955, p. 5.
CE 2959.
E.g., CE 2951.
CE 2946.
CE 3047.
CE 2952, p. 2; CE 2955, pp. 1-4.
CE 3152, 1161.
5 H 365 (Dean Rusk).
CE 986, pp. 1-3; CE 29.
CE 6; CE 986.
CE 8.
CE 986.
CE 2768, 2772, 2444, 3042, pp. 59, 65.
CE 15.
CE 16.
3 H 13-18, 51-52 (R. Paine).
1 H 45 (Marina Oswald).
CE 2764.
CE 2764.
CE 3126.
1 H 44, 49.
Oswald entered Mexico on Sept. 26 and his tourist card was good for 15 days thereafter; CE 2478. reproduced in report, p. 300.
CE 792; 7 H 295 (Harry Holmes); Holmes DE 3.
7 H 527 (Holmes); see Holmes DE 1-A.
See pp, 118-122, 172-174, supra.
CE 1158.
CE 817; 7 H 296 (H. Holmes).
Holmes DE 1; 7 H 292-293 (H. Holmes).
Holmes DE 4, pp. 1, 2; app. XIII, pp. 713-730, 737-740.
10 H 294 (Mrs. A. C. Johnson); 6 H 435-437 (Earlene Roberts).
CE 1160, 1158, 1152, 1178.
CE 1799, p. 1.
See footnotes 594, 597, 599, supra.
CE 791; 11 H 136, 149 (Gibson).
CE 817; 8 H 91 (L. Murret).
Holmes DE 1; 10 H 292-293 (Mrs. A. C. Johnson).
1 H 350, 356, 392 (R. Oswald); CE 322; Cunningham DE 3. 3 A; Hunley DE 2, 5; Creel DE 1; Rachal DE 1; CE 427;10 H 198 (Dennis H. Ofstein); CE 1167, p. 489. See also, e.g., Holmes DE 3-A; Arnold Johnson DE 5; V. T. Lee DE 7, 8 A, 8 B, 8 C, 9; Dobbs DE 6, 9, 10; R. Watts DE 1, 4, 5.
See pp. 121-122, supra.
See, e.g., CE 1135, 2973, 2971-2972, 3113; Semingson DE 3001.
See CE 796, 815, 809, 806, 819, 1398 see 4 H 380-399 (Alwyn Cole).
Id. at 387.
Id. at 387-388; 10 H 184-186 (John J. Graef), 196-197 (Ofstein), 169 (Robert L. Stovall).
10 H 186 (Graef), 198, 201 (Ofstein).
4 H 378 389 (Cole).
10 H 186-187 (Graef), 198 (Ofstein), 172 (Stovall).
CE 800; CE 115.
CE 2478.
CE 2539, p. 1.
CE 2121, p. 47; CE 2480.
CE 2463;11 H 217, 220 (Pamela Mumford); CE 2120, pp. 39 41; cf. 11 H 179-180 (Mrs. E. Twiford).
See footnote 601, supra.
6 H 401 (Mary E. Bledsoe).
CE 1410, 1411.
CE 135; 7 H 377 (Heinz W. Michaelis); CE 3088.
CE 1398.
11 H 226-231 (Dial D. Ryder); CE 1333; Greener DE 1; CE 1334
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Notes to Pages 307-319
11 H 226 (Ryder), 251 (Charles W. Greener); see p. 119, supra.
See pp. 118-122, 172-174, supra.
11 H 231-233 (Ryder); CE 1334, p. 4.
CE 2454, p. 6; 7 H 224-225 (F. M. Turner); CE 1334, p. 24; 11 H 246-247 (Greener).
CE 1325; 11 H 227 (Ryder).
CE 1334, pp. 1-2, 13.
11 H 226, 230-231, 234 (Ryder), 246, 251 (Greener).
11 H 234, 226, 230-231 (Ryder); CE 1333. p. 2.
11 H 225-226, 233, 235-238 (Ryder).
CE 1330, p. 2.
11 H 241-242, 244, 237 (Schmidt), 464-467 (Lehrer).
CE 1334, pp. 14-20; CE 3030.
11 H 254-259 (Gertrude Hunter); 11 H 263-275 (Edith Whitworth).
11 H 261-262, 282, 284 (Mrs. Hunter), 11 H 272, 283 (Mrs. Whitworth).
11 H 277, 300-301; 5 H 399-400 (Marina Oswald).
CE 1337,2974.
11 H 226, 228-229 (Ryder); CE 2974.
11 H 264, 274, 286-288 (Mrs. Whitworth); 11 H 257 (Mrs. Hunter).
CE 1327.
11 H 263, 265-266 (Mrs. Whitworth); see CE 1327, 3089.
11 H 254, 280, 289 (Mrs. Hunter).
11 H 280 (Marina Oswald); see footnotes 707, 708, infra.
11 H 256 (Mrs. Hunter); 11 H 266 (Mrs. Whitworth); CE 2454; 11 H 290-292 (Marina Oswald), 11 H 155 (R. Paine).
11 H 154 (R. Paine).
See ibid.; 11 H 277 (Marina Oswald).
11 H 255, 280, 288 (Mrs. Hunter).
CE 2976.
CE 2976.
CE 2977.
CE 2975.
CE 2977, p. 3.
E.g., compare CE 2903 and CE 2446 with app. XIII, pp. 730-736; compare CE2446 with CE 2448, CE 3049, 3 H 214 (Roy Truly), and CE 2454; compare 2447 with CE 2904 and CE 3049; see CE 2547; compare CE 3110 with CE 2925; compare CE 2926, 2927, 2928 with CE 3019; see CE 2933, 2908; see also, e.g., 10 H 309-327 (Clifton M. Shasteen); 2209, 3130.
10 H 372 (Malcolm H. Price, Jr.).
10 H 380 (Garland G. Slack).
10 H 392 (Sterling C. Wood), 10 H 385-390 (Homer Wood).
10 H 375-376 (M. Price). 10 H 383-384 (Slack), 10 H 388-389 (H. Wood), 10 H 391-395 (S. Wood).
CE 2934, 2935.
10 H 356-363 (Floyd G. Davis). 10 H 363-369 (Virginia Davis); CE 2916, 2919.
CE 2915, 2917.
CE 2930, 2923, 2924, 2919, 2898, 2922, 2906, 3077; see 10 H 381 (Slack).
CE 2909, p. 238.
CE 2910.
10 H 370 (M. Price); see app. XIII. pp. 730-736 infra.
10 H 371 (M. Price); 10 H 380 (Slack); 10 H 361 (F. Davis).
10 H 380 (Slack); but see 10 H 361 (F. Davis).
11 H 154-155 (R. Paine); see also 2 H 515, 3 H 41 (R. Paine); 1 H 58, 62 (Marina Oswald).
10 H 370 (M. Price), 10 H 365 (V. Davis)
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Page 840

Notes to Pages 319-328
See footnotes 707, 708 infra; cf. CE 2209.
10 H 365 (V. Davis); CE 2941.
10 H 393 (S. Wood), 10 H 381-382 (Slack); CE 2909; 10 H 358 (F. Davis).
Ibid.; 10 H 365-366 (V. Davis), 373 (M. Price); CE 2909, 3077.
CE 2897; CE 2898, pp. 116-117.
10 H 373-374 (M. Price), 10 H 392, 395-397 (S. Wood), 10 H 381-383 (Slack); CE 2913.
CE 139; 3 H 392-396 (Robert A. Frazier).
10 H 370 (M. Price), 10 H 386 (H. Wood), 10 H 391-392 (S. Wood); cf. 10 H 380 (Slack).
10 H 374 (M. Price), 10 H 382 (Slack); 10 H 392 (S. Wood); see also CE 2916, 2935, 2915.
10 H 374 (M. Price), 10 H 382 (Slack).
10 H 386 (H. Wood), 392 (S. Wood); CE 2924, 2915.
CE 139, 3133; 3 H 392-296 (Frazier), 154 (Howard L. Brennan).
10 H 374 (M. Price), 10 H 382 (Slack); 4 H 257 (J. C. Day); CE 139; 10 H 395 (S. Wood).
10 H 374 (M. Price); 3 H 394 (Frazier); CE 541, pp. 3, 4.
10 H 372-373 (M. Price).
See pp. 315-316, supra. ch IV. pp. 113-122.
10 H 395 (S. Wood), 10 H 382 (Slack).
10 H 370-371 (M. Price), 10 H 391 (S. Wood), 10 H (F. Davis); but cf. CE 2910.
CE 2921, 2918, 2905, 2920, 3049.
See, e.g., 2 H 226-229, 241 (Buell W. Frazier); 10 H 297 (Mrs. A. C. Johnson); 6 H 426 (Mary Bledsoe); CE 2932.
See 10 H 352-356 (Albert Guy Bogard).
In addition to the corroborating evidence discussed in text, it is to be noted that on Feb. 24, 1964, Mr. Bogard was interviewed by the FBI In regard to his allegation with the use of a polygraph. No corded by the polygraph when Bogard was asked relevant questions concerning his report. The responses recorded were those normally expected of a person telling the truth. CE 3031. However, because of the uncertain reliability of the results of polygraph tests, see app. XVII, pp. 813-816, infra. the Commission has placed no reliance upon these results.
10 H 342-345 (Frank Pizzo); CE 3078, p. 7.
CE 3091, 3092.
CE 3071, p. 365.
10 H 344 (Pizzo); CE 3078, p. 7.
Ibid.
See 10 H 354 (Bogard); CE 3071, 2969.
10 H 346, 350 (Pizzo); CE 3071 p. 2.
CE 3091.
10 H 347-351 (Pizzo); CE 2970.
CE 3078, p. 7.
1 H 112-113, 5 H 402, 11 H 280 (Marina Oswald); 8 H 142-143 (L. Murret); id. at 185 (C. Murret); 2 H 292-293 (R. Oswald); 8 H 399 (E. Hall); 9 H 87 (G. Taylor); 10 H 126 127 (Cunningham); 11 H 56-57 (J. Pic).
2 H 502-517, 11 H 153-154 (R. Paine).
2 H 515, 3 H 41. 11 H 153-154 (R. Paine); 1 H 58, 62 (Marina Oswald).
11 H 368-369, 373, 375, 377, 379 (Sylvia Odio).
Id. at 370-372.
Id. at 370, 382.
Id. at 370-371.
Id. at 372.
Ibid.
Id. at 372-373, 377.
Id. at 373.
Id. at 382, 385.
CE 2907.
11 H 370, 374 (S. Odio); CE 2942.
1 H 26 (Marina Oswald); CE 2124. p. 383; CE 405, 1156, pp. 443-444; CE 2125, pp. 475, 477; CE 2479; 10 H 276-277 (Jesse J. Garner).
CE 2131; 2939.
CE 2938, 2939, 2940, 3109, 2131, 2476.
CE 2131, 2939.
CE 2961, 2132, pp. 10-14; CE 2533, 2962.
1 H 27 (Marina Oswald); 11 H 214 (McFarland); 179-180 (Estelle Twiford); 11 H 179 (Horace E. Twiford).
CE 2191, pp. 5-7.
11 H 214-215 (McFarland).
CE 2193, pp. 1-2; CE 2123, 2566, pp. 2-3; CE 2534.
CE 2138, pp. 12-14; CE 3075, 3086. But see 11 H 179 (Estelle Twiford).
CE 3090.
CE 2534.
11 H 214-215 (McFarland); CE 2534, 2732.
11 H 214-215 (McFarland); see also 1 H 27 (Marina Oswald).
11 H 179-180 (E. Twiford).
CE 3045.
Ibid.; see 11 H 372 (S. Odio).
See note 736, supra.
CE 3148.
Ibid.
Ibid.; 11 H 375 (S. Odio).
CE 2390.
CE 3147.
CE 3146.
Ibid.
Ibid.
11 H 370 (S. Odio).
11 H 341-346 (Rodriguez).
Compare 11 H 341-342 (Rodriguez) with 11 H 370, 382-383 (S. Odio).
11 H 343 (Rodriguez).
11 H 350-351 (Orest Pena).
CE 2902.
Id. at 15; compare 11 H 355-356 (O. Pena).
11 H 342 (Rodriguez); 351 (O. Pena); CE 2477, p. 10.
1 H 35, 83, 100 (Marina Oswald); 2 H 487 (R. Paine); 8 H 389 (A. Meller); 9 H 244 (G. De Mohrenschildt); 11 H 150 (D. Gibson).
11 H 325-339 (Dean Andrews).
Id. at 331; CE 3094; CD 2899.
CE 2900, 2901, 3104.
1 H 142, 191-193, 195-196, 200 (Marquerite Oswald); but see e.g., 1 H 20, 83 (Marina Oswald); 3 H 108 (R. Paine).
CE 1138, p. 3; 1 H 206 (Marguerite Oswald).
CE 821; 4 H 408-409 (John Fain).
1 H 214 (Marguerite Oswald); see generally footnote 865.
CE 2580 p. 4; 2581.
8 H 341 (Pauline Bates).
Ibid.
5 H 120-121 (John A. McCone); 5 H 121 122 (Richard M. Helms); see also CE 3138 (Department of Defense).
CE 870.
5 H 105-106 (J. Edgar Hoover); 5 H 14-15, 26-27 (Alan H. Belmont); 4 H 429 (Fain); 4 H 440 (John L. Quigley); 4 H 469 (James P. Hosty).
CE 825.
CE 835.
CE 18, address book, p. 76
Page 841
4 H 451 (James P. Hosty); 3 H 18, 103-104 (Ruth Paine).
1 H 48 (Marina Oswald); 3 H 99 (R. Paine).
1 H 48 (Marina Oswald).
Ibid.
See generally CE 1135, 1141, 1150, 1152, 1158, 1159, 1160, 1161, 1162, 1163, 1164, 1165, 1166, 1167, see CE 1169.
1 H 82-83 (Marina Oswald).
CE 1148, 1149, 1155.
CE 1169, 1 H 62 (Marina Oswald).
10 H 230 (Chester A. Riggs, Jr.); CE 1160; 10 H 237-241 (Mrs. Mahlon Tobias); CE 1133, 1134; 11 H 155 (M. Waldo George); 10 H 265 (Mrs. Jesse Garner); CE 1139; see 1 H 10 (Marina Oswald) see CE 1160.
11 H 140-141 (Mrs. Donald Gibson); 2 H 470-472 (R. Paine); 9 H 225-226 (G. De Mohrenschildt), 308 (J. De Mohrenschildt), 77 (Gary E. Taylor); 1 H 134-135 (Marquerite Oswald).
See app. XIII, pp. 713-715.
1 H 7-8 (Marina Oswald); 8 H 394-395 (Elena Hall); 11 H 120 (Alexander Kleinlerer).
2 H 299, 304 (Katherine Ford); 8 H 386-387 (Anna N. Meller); 1 H 11-12 (Marina Oswald); 8 H 416 (Valentina Ray).
10 H 288-290 (Colin Barnhorst); id. at 281-283 (Richard L. Hulen); CE 1160, p. 3; 10 H 307 lA. C. Johnson); 6 H 401-402 (Mary Bledsoe); cf. CE 1166. p. 3.
8 H 133-135, 138-139 (Lillian Murret); 2 H 459-468 (R. Paine).
3 H 9, 12-13, 18, 32, 39-41 (R. Paine); 1 H 26, 51, 53-55, 79 (Marina Oswald); 2 H 217 (Buell W. Frazier).
1 H 8 (Marina Oswald); 8 H 394 (E. Hall); 2 H 299 (Katherine Ford); 3 H 9 (R. Paine).
3 H 93 (R. Paine); 1 H 62, 69, 70 (Marina Oswald); 1 H 134 (Marguerite Oswald); see e.g., 1 H 134 (Marguerite Oswald); 1 H 6 (Marina Oswald); see also note 304. supra. Oswald purchased a TV set on credit, but it was returned without any payment having been made on it; CE 1165, pp. 17-21; CE 1167, pp. 490- 495; 11 H 210 (Albert F. Staples); 9 H 360, 361, 362, 363 (R. Paine).
1 H 135-136 (Marguerite Oswald); 8 H 372-373 (Bouhe), 382 (Meller), 394 (E. Hall); 9 H 324-325 (J. De Mohrenschildt); 11 H 119 (Kleinlerer); see also 9 H 66-68 (Dymitruk); 8 H 410 (V. Ray).
2 H 487 (R. Paine); 1 H 35 Marina Oswald); 8 H 153 (L. Murret); 8 H 418 (V. Ray).
E.g., 1 H 5, 5 H 416 (Marina Oswald).
1 H 134 (Marguerite Oswald).
2 H 217 (B. W. Frazier).
11 H 171 (William K. Stuckey); 8 H 133, 135, 148 (L. Murret), 193 (John Murret); CE 146, 148, 149, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 163.
9 H 144 (Paul Gregory).
1 H 134-135 (Marguerite Oswald); 1 H 7; 8 H 382-385 (A. Meller); 8 H 393-394 (E. Hall); 8 H 416 (V. Ray); 8 H 372-373 (Bouhe); see 9 H 144 (Paul Gregory); cf. 8 H 369 (Bouhe); id. at 387 (Meller).
1 H 69-79 (Marina Oswald).
1 H 318 (R. Oswald).
CE 1138, pp. 11-12.
1 H 30 (Marina Oswald).
7 H 376 (Heinz W. Michaelis); Michaelis DE 2; CE 1137; seen app. XIV, p. 743.
CE 1410, 1411
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Notes to Pages 328-335
10 H 64-66 (C. Steele, Jr.). It is not known whether the second person who assisted Oswald was also paid by him. CE 2216; see generally, note 434, supra.
See app. XIV, p. 744.
2 H 468-469; 9 H 343 (R. Paine); 1 H 19 (Marina Oswald).
3 H 9-12 (R. Paine).
8 H 186-187 (Charles Murret).
1 H 27 (Marina Oswald); CE 2131, 2476; see app. XIII, p. 731.
See app. XIII, pp. 730-736; app. XIV, p. 745.
10 H 334-336, 340 (Leonard A. Hutchison).
CE 3121; CE 1165, pp. 5-6; 1 H 58 (Marina Oswald), CE 3129, p. 4
10 H 328-333, 340 (Hutchison).
11 H 155 (R. Paine), 290-291 (Marina Oswald); 10 H 296 (Mrs. A. C. Johnson); 6 H 404-405 (Mary Bledsoe); CE 2454, pp. 2-4.
CE 2789, pp. 630-631.
10 H 328-329, 336-338 (Hutchison); but see CE 2789, pp. 629-630.
Note 814, supra; 2 H 213, 222-225 (B. W. Frazier); 10 H 328 (Hutchison); see CE 3129, p, 6.
10 H 328, 338 (Hutchison).
CE 3129, p. 1; see also 1 H 58 (Marina Oswald).
Compare. 10 H 338 (Hutchison) with CE 1132; 1 H 348 (R. Oswald).
10 H 414-415. 422-423 (L. Wilcox).
11 H 315-318 (Robert G. Fenley). 311-312 (C. A. Hamblen); Wilcox DE 3005. Hamblen repeated the story to a second journalist the following day, 11 H 316 (Fenley).
Wilcox DE 3005; see also Wilcox DE 3007; 11 H 312 (Hamblen); 10 H 415-417 (L. Wilcox).
11 H 311-314 (Hamblen).
11 H 318-325 1A. Lewis); Wilcox DE 3006; 10 H 417-421 (L. Wilcox).
Wilcox DE 3008; 10 H 412-413 (Semingsen), 423 (L. Wilcox).
10 H 419-425 (L. Wilcox). 407-413 (Semingsen); Semingsen DE 3001.
11 H 313 (Hamblen); 10 H 424 (L. Wilcox), 412 (Semingsen).
10 H 424 (L. Wilcox), 412-413 (Semingsen).
See 13 H 436 (Curtis LaVerne Crafard).
Crafard DE 5226, p. 150; CE 2319.
Crafard DE 5226, pp. 147-148, 150; but see CE 2322.
CE 2270, 2291.
CE 1669.
CE 2265.
CE 2251.
CE 2269, 2288; see also CE 2319.
CE 2245.
Newnam DE 2; see also CE 2265.
Crafard DE 5226, p. 150; 15 H 323 (Eva L. Grant); 15 H 283 (Eileen Kaminsky).
15 H 626, 628 (Lawrence V. Meyers), CE 1606, 2267.
CE 2259, 2274; 14 H 153 (Ralph Paul); C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 3; 5 H 183 (Jack Ruby); CE 2405, p. 26.
CE 2434, 2435.
15 H 629 (Meyers); CE 2268.
Id. at 627; 15 H 667 (Paul); see also CE 2266. 13 H 326 (Armstrong).
15 H 183 (J. Ruby); C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 3.
Crafard DE 5226, p. 150.
Ibid.
5 H 183 (J. Ruby); 13 H 330 (Armstrong); C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 4; CE 2436; see also 15 H 539 (John W. Newnam); CE 2438
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Page 842

Notes to Pages 335-343
C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 4; see also CE 1479, 2321.
5 H 183 (J. Ruby).
CE 2405, pp. 17-18; CE 2436.
15 H 183 (J. Ruby); CE 2405, p. 26; CE 2436; see also 13 H 319-320 (Armstrong); 15 H 219-220 (Joseph Weldon Johnson, Jr.).
CE 2405, pp. 24, 26; CE 2436; cf. 5 H 184 (J. Ruby).
15 H 535-539 (Newnam); Newnam DE 4; CE 2405, pp. 17-20; see also CE 3050.
CE 1031; 15 H 544-545 (Newnam); 5 H 184 (J. Ruby).
15 H 323 (Grant).
15 H 540-541 (Newnam).
Id. at 541.
5 H 184 (J. Ruby).
Ibid.; 15 H 541 (Newnam); 15 H 575 (Billy A. Rea); CE 2264.
15 H 579-580 (Richard L. Saunders).
15 H 580-581 (Saunders).
Id. at 581; see also 15 H 575 (Rea); CE 2408. p. 49; CE 2264.
13 H 330 (Armstrong).
15 H 542, 545 (Newnam); see 15 H 324 (Grant).
5 H 184 (J. Ruby).
Id. at 184 185.
14 H 542-544 (Newnam); 15 H 583-584 (Saunders); see also CE 2408, p. 49; CE 2264.
15 H 79-81 (Seth Kantor); see also 15 H 388-396 (Wilma May Tice).
See 15 H 388-396 (Tice); CE 2290; CE 2293; CE 2437.
14 H 561-563 (J. Ruby); 5 H 185 (J. Ruby).
See KRLD TV Reel 5; compare 15 H 81 (Kantor).
CE 2303, p. 27; 13 H 331-332 (Armstrong); 13 H 208-209 (Karen B. Carlin); see also 5 H 185 (Ruby); but see 13 H 452 (Crafard).
15 H 75-76 (Kantor); CE 2301.
15 H 76-82 (Kantor).
CE 2303, p. 27; 13 H 333-335 (Armstrong); 13 H 208-209 (K. Carlin).
CE 2068.
15 H 579 (Saunders); 15 H 419 (Nancy M. Powell).
See pp. 340-342, infra.
15 H 81-82 (Kantor).
15 H 79, 81-82, 87-88 (Kantor);. pp. 342-343, infra; see CE 2441, 2442.
5 H 185 (Ruby); 13 H 333-335 (Armstrong); see 14 H 85 (Crafard); see also 15 H 195 (Marjorie R. Richey).
13 H 452-453 (Crafard); 14 H 42 (Crafard); 13 H 331-335 (Armstrong); see CE 2414.
14 H 151 (Paul); 5 H 185 (J. Ruby); CE 2303, p. 27; 13 H 331-332 (Armstrong).
CE 2303, p. 27; 15 H 282-283 (Eileen Kaminsky); 14 H 123 (Alice R. Nichols).
Ibid.; see also 13 H 331 (Armstrong).
14 H 123-124 (A. Nichols); 15 H 283 (Kaminsky).
14 H 113-115, 123-124 (A. Nichols).
CE 2243; 2303, p. 27; CE 2284.
CE 2284; 5 H 185 (J. Ruby); see also 13 H 423-424 (Crafard).
5 H 185 (J. Ruby); CE 2284.
CE 2303, p. 27; 14 H 151-152 (Paul).
15 H 325 (Grant); CE 2296; 13 H 333 (Armstrong); see also 13 H 454 (Crafard) cf. 14 H 318-319 (Senator).
12 H 455 457 (Crafard); see also CE 2427, 2273; 14 H 433 (Grant); 13 H 336 (Armstrong); but see 14 H 86-87 (Crafard).
15 H 325 (Grant); 13 H 456 (Crafard).
5 H 186 (J. Ruby); CE 22.60, 2296.
15 H 325-331 (Grant); 5 H 186 (J. Ruby).
Ibid.
15 H 327 (Grant); CE 2262.
CE 2261, 15 H 330 (Grant).
5 H 186-187 (J. Ruby); 15 H 330 (Grant); see also CE 2242, 2275.
14 H 124 125 (Nichols); Nichols DE 5356; 15 H 330 (Grant).
13 H 457 (Crafard); but see 14 H 86 (Crafard).
15 H 332 (Grant).
5 H 186-187 (J. Ruby).
13 H 187 (Augustus M. Eberhardt); 15 H 612 (Roy G. Standifer); 15 H 601-602 (Ronald L. Jenkins); CE 2254, pp. 424-425; compare with CE 2249, p. 13; compare 15 H 351-352 (Victor F. Robertson, Jr.); CE 2439 with 15 H 599 (Clyde F. Goodson); CE 2439; see CE 2423; pp. 342-343, 347; KRLD TV reel 23, 45; 16-23; see also CE 2289; 15 H 375-376 (John G. McCullough); 15 H 455 (Dave L. Miller); 13 H 335-336 (Armstrong).
Compare 15 H 601-603 (Jenkins); 15 H 375-376, 380-381 (McCullough); with CE 2790, 2415, 2423, 2424, 2439.
15 H 351-352 (Robertson).
15 H 588-599 (Goodson); CE 2289; see also CE 2440; but cf. CE 2423, 2439.
13 H 187 (Eberhardt); CE 2410. pp. 106-108; 15 H 617 (Standifer); but see 5 H 188 (J. Ruby); see also, pp. 342-343, infra.
5 H 188 (J. Ruby); see also 15 H 327 (Grant).
14 H 152 (Paul); CE 2302. p. 14.
CE 2302, p. 14; CE 2300.
15 H 31-32 (Hyman Rubenstein).
5 H 187 (J. Ruby); CE 2281.
CE 2281; see also CE 2282.
CE 2281.
CE 2282, 2283.
5 H 187 (J. Ruby).
Ibid.
CE 2252.
5 H 187 (J. Ruby); CE 2248.
5 H 187-188 (J. Ruby); see also 14 H 434 (Grant).
CE 2247, 2277, 2278, 2279, 2280.
CE 2252.
5 H 188 (J. Ruby).
KRLD-TV reel 23 0.00-0.19; CE 2423, 2439; see 5 H 188 (J. Ruby); C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 5.
CE 2410, pp. 104-105; see CE 2424; 5 H 188 (J. Ruby).
13 H 187-189 (Augustus M. Eberhardt); see CE 2424.
KRLD TV reel 23, 0.00 3.00; CE 2423, 2439; 5 H 188 (J. Ruby).
Ibid.; KRLD-TV; reel 23; WFAA-TV, PKT 11 6.50-6.55; see C. Ray Hall DE 2 p. 13-14.
CE 2424; 13 H 189-190 (Eberhardt); 5 H 223 (Wade); 15 H 616-617 (Standifer); CE 2244, 2249, 2256, 2257, 2272, 2276, see also McMillon DE 5017, p. 3; CE 2258.
CE 2424, 5 H 188-195 (J. Ruby) 13 H 189-190 (Eberhardt).
KRLD-TV reel 23, CE 2169; NBC-TV reel 43.
KRLD-TV reel 23; NBC-TV reel 43; 5 H 189 (J. Ruby); 5 H 223-224 (Wade); CE 2295.
5 H 223-224 (Wade); KRLD-TV reel 23, 45.16-23 CE 2439, 2441, 2442, 5 H 189 (J. Ruby).
15 H 505-506, 508-509 (Johnston); CE 2272

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Notes to Pages 343-350
15 H 346 (Icarus M. Pappas); see also CE 2257; 15 H 588-589 (Thayer Waldo).
CE 2257; see also CE 2256.
15 H 531-532 (Danny Patrick McCurdy); 15 H 485 (William G. Duncan, Jr.); see also CE 2295.
15 H 364-365 (Pappas); 5 H 224 (Wade).
15 H 485-486 (Duncan); 15 H 254 (Russell Lee Moore, also known as Russell Knight).
Id. at 254-255, 267.
15 H 483 (Duncan); see also 15 H 256-259 (Knight); 15 H 532 (McCurdy).
15 H 257 (Knight); CE 2294; see also 14 H 318 (Senator).
15 H 530-531 (McCurdy); 15 H 259 (Knight).
15 H 530-531 (McCurdy).
15 H 487-488 (Duncan).
15 H 259-260 (Knight); 15 H 224-225, 228 (Edward J. Pullman); 2285; see also 15 H 339 (Grant).
CE 2285.
15 H 260, 264-265 (Knight).
Ibid.
5 H 191 (J. Ruby); see also CE 2318; 14 H 631 (Harry N. Olsen); 14 H 647 (Kay Helen Olsen).
C. Ray Hall DE 1, 2, 3.
5 H 191 (J. Ruby).
14 H 632 (H. Olsen); 14 H 648 (K. Olsen).
14 H 632 (H. Olsen); 14 H 647 (K. Olsen).
Ibid.
15 H 555-559 (Roy A. Pryor); see also 5 H 194 (J. Ruby).
15 H 558-562 (Pryor); CE 2297; see also 5 H 206-207 (J. Ruby).
15 H 566-568 (Arthur W. Watherwax); see CE 2297; CE 2816, pp 1508-1509.
CE 2816. p. 1509.
CE 2816, p. 1506; 5 H 194 (J. Ruby); 15 H 569-570 (Watherwax); CE 2791.
App. XVI, at p. 800, infra; 13 H 437-448 (Crafard); CE 2791.
15 H 570 (Watherwax).
5 H 193-194 (J. Ruby).
CE 2816, p. 1510.
5 H 203 (J. Ruby); 15 H 569 (Watherwax); see also 14 H 218 (Senator); 14 H 87 (Crafard).
15 H 568 (Watherwax); CE 2816, pp. 1507-1508; CE 2297.
14 H 219-220 (Senator).
Id. at 218-219; 13 H 463 (Crafard).
5 H 203 (J. Ruby); 13 H 463 (Crafard).
5 H 203 (J. Ruby); CE 2286; see also 14 H 90 (Crafard); 13 H 464-466 (Crafard); 14 H 219 (Senator).
14 H 222 (Senator); see also 13 H 503-504 (Crafard); but see 14 H 567-568 (J. Ruby).
5 H 203 (J. Ruby); 14 H 220 (Senator); 15 H 336 (Grant).
14 H 220-224 (Senator).
C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 9; 14 H 224 (Senator); see also 13 H 466 (Crafard).
C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 9; 13 H 466-468 (Crafard).
Ibid.; C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 9.
13 H 337-339 (Armstrong); 13 H 468-469 (Crafard).
5 H 198 (J. Ruby); C. Ray Hall DE 2, p. 14, DE 3, p. 12.
5 H 198 (J. Ruby).
15 H 196 (Marjorie R. Richey).
C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 9; CE 2324, 2413, p. 83; see also CE 2330, 2340.
C. Ray Mall DE 3, p. 9; CE 2324.
CE 2413, pp. 82-83, 89, 92; CE 3039, see CE 2324; C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 9.
C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 9.
CE 2341; see 15 H 490 (Garnett Gland Hallmark).
15 H 489-490 (Hallmark); G. C. Hallmark DE 1, p. 1.
15 H 491 (Hallmark).
Ibid.
15 H 434 (Kenneth L. Dowe); Dowe DE 2, p. 2; see 15 H 491 (Hallmark).
Id. at 492-493.
15 H 587-588 (Thayer Waldo); 15 H 355-357 (Frederic Rheinstein); CE 2276, 2326, 2327.
CE 2327; see also 15 H 82-83 (Seth Kantor).
15 H 587-589 (Waldo); see also CE 2276.
15 H 357 (Rheinstein).
CE 2276; 2326.
15 H 386-387 (Abraham Kleinman); see also C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 9.
15 H 468-469 (Frank Bellochio); 15 H 383-386 (Kleinman); CE 3043, 3044, 3045, 3046; see also 15 H 610-613 (Speedy Johnson).
15 H 470 (Bellochio); 5 H 203-204 (J. Ruby); 15 H 336 (Grant).
15 H 470 (Bellochio).
Id. at 470-471.
Id. at 471.
Ibid.
Id. at 470-472; CE 3043, 3044.
Id. at 472.
C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 9; 15 H 519 (Stanley M. Kaufman); see also 15 H 337-338 (Grant).
15 H 520 (Kaufman).
15 H 519-520 (Kaufman); see also 15 H 337-338 (Grant).
15 H 337 (Grant).
C. Ray Hall DE 3, pp. 9-10.
CE 2329.
13 H 339 340 (Armstrong); see 15 H 454 (Dave L. Miller).
15 H 338-339 (Grant).
15 H 262 (Knight); cf. 14 H 222 (Senator); but see 15 H 337 (Grant).
15 H 339, 341 (Grant).
CE 2325, 2407.
13 H 209-210 (Karen B. Carlin); 15 H 421-423 (Nancy M. Powell); see 15 H 342 (Grant); compare 15 H 474 (John Henry Branch) with Branch DE 1; 15 H 334 (Grant); CE 2336.
15 H 421-423 (Powell); 15 H 647, 652 (Bruce R, Carlin); 13 H 209 (K. Carlin).
13 H 209-210 (K. Carlin); see C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 10; 15 H 69-70 (C. Ray Hall); 13 H 204-205 (B. Carlin).
13 H 210 (K. Carlin).
15 H 342 (Grant).
15 H 626-635 (Meyers); see p. 334, supra.
15 H 631-634 (Meyers).
Id. at 633-635; see 14 H 265 (Senator).
15 H 632 (Meyers).
13 H 210 (K. Carlin); 13 H 203-204 (B. Carlin).
Id. at 204; see also 13 H 210 (K. Carlin).
13 H 204 (B. Carlin).
15 H 422 (Powell).
13 H 211 (K. Carlin); see 13 H 205 (B. Carlin); 15 H 423-424 (N. Powell).
13 H 246-247 (Huey Reeves); CE 1476, 2334; 13 H 210-211 (K. Carlin).
15 H 336, 339, 342 343 (Grant).
CE 2300, 2306; see also CE 2310.
CE 2300.
15 H 339 (Grant).
14 H 153 (Paul); 15 H 671, 673 (Paul)
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Notes to Pages 350-360
15 H 397, 399 (Wanda Y. Helmick); CE 2834.
15 H 399 (Helmick).
Id. at 400, but see 15 H 672, 678-679 (Paul); CE 2339.
15 H 671-672, 675, 678-679 (Paul).
15 H 399 (Helmick); 14 H 153 (Paul); 15 H 671-672 (Paul).
13 H 247 (Reeves); see C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 10; see CE 1476.
14 H 635 (H. Olsen); 14 H 649 (K. Olsen).
CE 2307.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.; 14 H 605 (Breck Wall).
CE 2307.
14 H 532-533, 543, 559, 564 (J. Ruby); 5 H 197 (J. Ruby); see also C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 12.
Paul DE 5319, p. 7.
14 H 153 (Paul); 15 H 671-673 796-797, 805 (Paul).
14 H 605-607 (Wall).
See app. XVI, pp. 796-797, 805; CE 2344.
CE 2302, p. 14; CE 2303. p. 26; 2328, 2331, 2333.
14 H 605-606 (Wall).
CE 2068.
CE 2337.
C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 10; 15 H 552 (Robert L. Norton); 5 H 198 (J. Ruby).
15 H 552-553 (Norton).
Id. at 553; see 5 H 198 (J. Ruby); see CE 2836.
5 H 198 (J. Ruby); see 15 H 551 (Norton); CE 2836.
14 H 529 (J. Ruby); 5 H 198 (J. Ruby).
14 H 236 (Senator).
15 H 343 (Grant).
14 H 236 (Senator).
5 H 199 (J. Ruby); 14 H 236-240 (Senator).
13 H 256-261 (Warren E. Richey); 13 H 279-283 (John A. Smith); 13 H 292-294 (Ira N. Walker).
13 H 256-258 (W. Richey); 13 H 279-282 (J. A. Smith); 13 H 291-294 (I. Walker).
13 H 256-258 (W. Richey); 13 H 278-282 (J. A. Smith); 13 H 292 (I. Walker).
13 H 283 (J. A. Smith).
13 H 257 (W. Richey).
13 H 283 (J. A. Smith); see also 13 H 257 (W. Richey).
App. XVI, pp. 787, 792; CE 2424, 1478; see 15 H 523 (Kaufman); see also 15 H 332 (E. Grant).
14 H 236, 238-239 (Senator); Pappas DE 1.
13 H 257 (W. Richey).
CE 2790, 2415; Pappas DE 1; but see 15 H 508 (Johnston); 15 H 603 (Ronald L. Jenkins).
Compare 13 H 292-293 (I. Walker) with 13 H 278-280 (J. A. Smith).
13 H 292 (Walker); 13 H 278-281, 283 (J. A. Smith).
KRLD-TV reel 13; CE 3072.
14 H 236 (Senator); Senator DE 5402, p. 4.
13 H 232-233 (Elnora Pitts); see 14 H 289-240 (Senator).
13 H 231-232 (Pitts).
Id. at 230-232.
13 H 197-198, 200 (Sidney Evans, Jr.); see also 13 H 263-264 (Malcolm R. Slaughter).
14 H 232-233 (Senator); see also Senator DE 5402.
14 H 236-239 (Senator); CE 2298.
13 H 210- 211 (K. Carlin).
Id. at 210-212.
14 H 239 (Senator).
14 H 236 (Senator); see also 14 H 532 (J. Ruby).
5 H 198-199 (J. Ruby);.see 14 H 532 (J. Ruby); see also 13 H 502 (Crafard); 14 H 207 (Senator).
14 H 210, 211, 240 (Senator); C. Ray Hall DE 2, p. 15; 5 H 198-199 (J. Ruby).
C. Ray Hall DE 2, p. 15; 5 H 199 (J. Ruby); 14 H 83-85 (Crafard); 13 H 311-312 (Armstrong); 14 H 147 (Paul); 14 H 211, 312 (Senator).
C. Ray Hall DE 3, pp. 10-11; 5 H 199 (Paul).
CE 2068; KRLD TV reel 12, 20. WBAP-TV reel FW No. 2.
13 H 272-274 (Smart); Smart DE 5021; CE 1322, pp. 732, 747-751; see H 501 (Crafard); 14 H 329-330 (Senator).
C. Ray Hall DE 2, p. 15; CE 1322, pp. 726-731; 15 H 199 (J. Ruby); see also 14 H 327 (Senator).
13 H 226 (Doyle E. Lane).
Id. at 224; D. Lane DE 5118, 5119; CE 2420, 2421, 1322, p. 726.
Id. at 225.
Ch. V at pp. 216-225; KRLD-TV reel No. 13; KRLD-TV reel No. 59; WBAP-TV reel FW No. 1.
See 15 H 369-371 (Pappas); Pappas DE 1,2; C.D. 1314-A (tape recording in Commission files); J. R. Leavelle DE 5088, 5089; 13 H 8-9 (L. C. Graves); 12 H 308, 313-314 (Louis D. Miller); L. D. Miller DE 5013, 5014; 13 H 29 (L. D. Montgomery); McMillon DE 5016; 12 H 179 (B. H. Combest); Combest DE 5101, p. 3; Kantor DE 3, pp. 3S, 3T; W. J. Harrison DE 5029, pp. 2-3; CE 2002. p. 45; NBC-TV reel No. 66, Nov. 24, 1963. But see CE 2409, p. 300;5 H 199 (J. Ruby); 14 H 562 (J. Ruby).
KRLD-TV reel 13; CE 3072.
See app. XVI at 787, 788-789, 793-795, 798-799; see 15 H 258 (Knight); 15 H 636; (Meyers).
13 H 469 (Crafard).
14 H 39-40 (Crafard); see Crafard DE 5226, p. 147.
CE 2429.
Crafard DE. 5226, p. 152; see also 13 H 469 (Crafard).
CE 2793; Crafard DE 5227.
14 H 92-93 (Crafard).
Crafard DE 5226, pp. 148-149; 13 H 420-422 (Crafard); see 14 H 23-25 (Crafard).
13 H 466-468 (Crafard); C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 9.
CE 2429; see 13 H 471-472 (Crafard); see also CE 2792.
13 H 404-408 (Crafard).
Id. at 407-410, 413-416.
Id. at 470 (Crafard); see 14 H 38-39 (Crafard).
CE 2302, 2303, 2307; 14 H 152 153 (Paul); 15 H 665, 670-673 (Paul); app. XVI at 795.
14 H 153-154 (Paul); 15 H 672-673 (Paul).
CE 2311, 2316.
CE 3026, 2980, 3034; 15 H 677 (Paul); CE 2817.
CE 2823; 15 H 401-402 (Helmick).
Id. at 401; CE 2338.
CE 2338, 2339.
CE 2431; 15 H 399 (Helmick).
14 H 605-606 (Wall); see 15 H 671-672, 675, 678-679 (Paul); 14 H 532-533, 543, 559, 564 (J. Ruby); 5 H 197 (J. Ruby).
CE 2300
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CE 2314.
CE 2317.
CE 2306, 2433.
7 H 286 (W. E. Barnes); see ch. V, pp. 216, 224, 230.
See. e.g. CE 2794, 2795, 2797, 2798, 2799, 2804, 2806, 2808, 2809, 2810, 2822, 1481, 2824, 2826, 2875, 2814; 15 H 48-51 (William S. Biggio).
See, e.g., CE 2796. 2800, 2801, 2802, 2803, 2813, 2818, 2819, 2821, 2825, 2829, 2878, 1818, 2383.
See, e.g. CE 2805, 2812, 2827, 2828, 2874, 2877, 2879.
CE 2830, 2884.
CE 2830.
CE 2884, 2885, 2886.
Crafard DE 5226, p. 149,
3 H 595 (Paine); see also CE 1949, p. 5; app. I at notes 1253-1255.
Crowe DE 2; 15 H 97 100 (William D. Crowe. Jr.); see also CE 2372.
15 H 104-105 (Crowe).
Id. at 106.
Id. at 105; CE 2983.
15 H 106 (Crowe); see KRLD-TV reel 43-a.
15 H 106 (Crowe).
Crafard DE 5205, 5206; CE 2991
15 H 113 (Crowe).
Id. at 107-109; CE 2995. pp. 207-209.
15 H 107-109 (Crowe).
CE 2995, p. 212.
CE 2367.
CE 2370, 2432.
2 H 515 (R. Paine); 3 H 41 (R. Paine).
CE 2414.
CE 2998; 15 H 658 (K. Carlin).
See, e.g. CE 1479, 1623, 1652, 2362, 2380, 2401, 2403; Armstrong 5310 A; Crafard DE 5226, p. 152.
14 H 102, 104-106 (Wilbryn Waldon Litchfield II).
Compare CE 3149, 2991, 2243, 2284.
CE 3149, p. 270.
Pizzo DE 453-C; Shaneyfelt DE 24; see also CE 3002.
CE 3149, p. 271.
14 H 96-97 (Litchfield).
Id. at 102-104.
Id. at 102.
CE 2889; see also CE 3194, p. 267.
CE 2999, 369.
CE 3004, 3005; see also CE 3003.
CE 2807, 2820, 3010, 3027; see also CE 2876, 2877, 2880.
3 H 214 (R. Truly); see also CE 1949.
CE 2302; 13 H 421 (Crafard); 14 H 192, 216 (Senator).
CE 371, 3150.
See p. 321 supra; app. XIII, footnote 1224 infra.
See CE 371,376, 1979.
6 H 437 (E. Roberts); see 6 H 404-406 (Bledsoe); see also CE 2833.
See app. XIII at pp. 737-740; CE 2833.
CE 2303; see Crafard DE 5226. pp. 148. 150; CE 2319.
CE 3000, 3001, 3006, 3009.
CE 3001, 3006, 3009.
4 H 240 (Fritz); CE 1410, 1491, 3020, 3021, 3022.
Holmes DE 1; see pp. 312-314, supra; app XIII, p. 739, infra.
CE 1322, p. 727; CE 3146. 2791, 1567; 14 H 560 (Ruby).
CE 2882.
CE 2883.
13 H 383, 385-389, 400-401 (Bertha Cheek); Cheek DE 5353.
CE 2386, 3011
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Notes to Pages 350 368
CE 1509; 14 H 91-92 (Crafard) 15 H 237-238 (Joseph Rossi).
Cheek DE 5353; CE 2996, 2997.
CE 2831.
CE 2832, 2862, 2881.
14 H 203, 312-313 (Senator); CE 3012;14 H 158 (Paul); 13 H 322 (Armstrong); app. XVI at pp. 803-804; 8 H 265 (Delgado); 8 H 300 (Donovan); see, also 13 H 438-440 (Crafard); 8 H 270-271 (Powers); 8 H 319 (Murray); CE 1339.
See CE 3013; 15 H 246 (Wright).
1 H 152-154, 237-238 (Marguerite Oswald).
Id. at 237-238; CE 3028, 237.
11 H 468 (Bardwell D. Odum); 11 H 469 (Richard Helms); Odum DE 1.
CE 237; Compare Odum DE 1; see 11 H 469 (Malley); 11 H 468(Odum) 11 H 469 (Helms).
Compare CE 237; Odum DE 1; with CE 2422, 2425.
11 H 470 (Helms); 5 H 208 (J. Ruby); see p. 373, infra.
CE 2243; CE 1237, p. 5; 15 H 10 (Rubenstein); cf. app. XVI, p. 783-784.
App. XVI, pp. 792, 794-795, 802-803.
Id. at pp. 784-785, 786 790, 791-792, 794-795, 799-800.
Id. at pp. 794 795, 802-803; 14 H 143 (Paul); 14 H 383 (E. Ruby).
App. XVI at 797-799.
14 H 396-407 (Earl Ruby); 14 H 473-476, 483 (Grant); 15 H 35-36 (Hyman Rubenstein); see CE 3070.
15 H 11-14, 43-44 (Rubenstein); Rossi DE 1; CE 3052.
CE 1322. p. 763.
See 15 H 229 (Pullman); 14 H 209 (Senator).
E.g., 14 H 206-210 (Senator); 15 H 241 (Rossi); 15 H 492 (Hallmark); CE 1512, 1515, p. 554; CE 1500, 1621, 1748, 2414.
App. XVI, at 791.
CE 1485.
5 H 206, 209 (J. Ruby); 14 H 567 568 (J. Ruby); 14 H 468. 484 (Grant); 15 H 624 (L. Meyers); C. Ray Hall DE 2, p. 14; CE 3053; CE 1515, p. 554; CE 2161, 1508, 1540, 1542, 1711, 2392, 3052, 3142, 3143, 3144.
14 H 437-439 (Grant); 15 H 16-17 (Rubenstein).
CE 3033; see also CE 2980, 2863, 2864, 2866, 2867, 2868, 2869, 2870, 2871, 2872, 2873; cf. ulative Index, 1938-1954, Committee on Un-American Activities, U.S. House of Representatives, p. 730.
CE 3034.
15 H 306-308 (George W. Fehrenbach); CE 2837, 2838, 2843.
CE 2848, 2849; see CE 2850, 2851, 285l.
CE 2853, 2854; see CE 2855.
Compare 15 H 308 (Fehrenbach) and CE 2838, with CE 1189.
Compare 15 H 307 (Fehrenbach) with app. XVI, pp. 787-790, 791-792.
15 H 301-303 (Fehrenbach); CE 2838, 2835.
CE 2835.
15 H 311, 316, 319 (Fehrenbach).
CE 2835, pp. 1-2; see also CE 2861, 3008.
CE 2839, 2840; see also CE 2844, 2845, 2846.
CE 3151, p. 10-14; CE 2847, 2852, 2841.
CE 2842, 2845, 2835, pp. 4-6; CE 2858, 2859, 2860.
15 H 303-304 (Fehrenbach).
15 H 225 (Pullman); CE 1822, p. 734; CE 2285
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Notes to Pages 368-377
15 H 259-261, 264-265 (Knight).
CE 2270, 2888.
CE 2890, 2981, pp. 1, 3, 8; CE 2982; see also CE 305.
2 H 57-58, 60 (M. Lane).
14 H 69 (Crafard); CE 2984, cf. 13 H 353 (Armstrong); 15 H 662 (Mrs. Carlin).
14 H 559-561 (Ruby); 5 H 515-516, 522-525 (Weissman); CE 2985, p. 7; CE 3115.
CE 1620; 14 H 559-560 (J. Ruby); see CE 2430; compare id. at 3.
CE 2430.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
See pp. 335, 347-348, supra.
See pp. 344-345, supra.
CE 2985, pp. 7, 9, 10, 12, 14; cf. CE 2986.
See CE 2985. pp. 6-7.
CE 2987.
CE 2985, p. 10.
Id. at 6-7.
CE 2985, pp. 15-17.
See ch. IV at 163-164.
Sawyer DE A; 4 H 179, 184 (Jesse E. Curry); 7 H 75-76 (James Putnam); see ch. IV at 163-164.
Compare ch. IV at 143-144 with CE 3002.
CE 3054, 3055, 3056, 3057; 14 H 330-364 (Nancy Perrin Rich); Nancy Perrin Rich DE 1-4; CE 3058, 3059, 3060, 3061, 3062, 3063, 3064, 3065, 1688, 1689, 3067, 3068.
5 H 202 (J. Ruby); C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 15; CE 1688, 1689, 3069; see also 14 H 506 (J. Ruby); CE 2414.
CE 2988, 3069; see CE 1748, 1752.
CE 2303, p. 19.
See CE 2988, 3069.
CE 2989.
See 5 H 200-201 (J. Ruby); CE 1697, 1545, 1690, 1691.
CE 2993, 2994, 1697, 1546.
CE 2978, pp. 4-5.
14 H 384-385 (Earl Ruby).
See app. XVI at 803.
CE 2980, 2979, pp. 13-14.
CE 2428.
CE 2980.
See app. XVI at p. 801; CE 2988.
See app. XVI at pp. 785, 790, 801.
14 H 565-566 (J. Ruby); 5 H 103 (J. Edgar Hoover); CE 1353, 1628, 1760; cf. CE 2332, 2333, 3012, 2328, 2331, 1697, 1221, 1500.
14 H 165-168
14 H 168-172, 181-182, (Senator).
14 H 175-178, 181-184, 304-305, 309-310 (Senator).
Senator DE 5400, p. 297; CE 3027; 14 H 165-210, 310-311 (Senator); CE 3014, 3026, 3028.
14 H 249-250 (Senator).
See 14 H 244-245, 302-303 (Senator); Senator DE 5400, 5401, 5402, 5403.
Ibid.
CE 2419.
See 14 H 217-218, 230-235, 261-262, 299-300, 314-315 (Senator).
CE 3015.
14 H 216, 314-315 (Senator).
14 H 532 (J. Ruby).
Ibid.
CE 2419; Senator DE 5401; see 14 H 245-246, 302-304, 316-317 (Senator).
CE 3023, pp. 17-18; 14 H 245 (Senator); see Senator DE 5401.
CE 3023; Senator DE 5401; but compare CE 2419; 14 H 245-246, 252-253, 303-304 (Senator).
CE 3024; see also CE 3013 p. 196.
14 H 246-251, 253 (Senator); CE 3024.
CE 2344, 2302, 2303, 2345.
Ibid.
See, e.g., CE 3036, see also 5 H 208 (J. Ruby).
14 H 150 (Paul); C. Ray Hall DE 3. pp. 15-16.
CE 2344, 3018, 1695, 3019, 1567.
CE 1561, p. 302; 15 H 248 249 (Wright).
14 H 216-217 (Senator); 13 H 447 (Crafard).
See CE 1322, pp. 733-751.
See app. XVI at pp. 794, 796-797, 804-806.
5 H 272 (Dean Rusk); CE 3025 (Robert F. Kennedy); 5 H 585-586 (C. Douglas Dillon); CE 3138 (Robert S. McNamara); 5 H 103 (J. Edgar Hoover); CE 2980 (John A. McCone); 5 H 485 (James J. Rowley)
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Chapter VII
5 H 394 (Marina Oswald); 2 H 400 (Michael Paine); 10 H 56 (Francis L. Martello); see discussion of Fair Play for Cuba Committee activities, infra.
1 H 91 (Marina Oswald); 5 H 394, 408 (Marina Oswald); 9 H 145 (Paul R. Gregory); 10 H 56 (Martello).
1 H 10-12, 21-22, 66 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 22; see authority at notes 125 and 314. infra.
8 H 150 (Lillian Murret); see authority at notes 125 and 314, infra.
1 H 22 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 22-23; see 11 H 100 (Kerry Thornley); 11 H 402 (Michael Paine).
See 8 H 272 (Daniel P. Powers); 11 H 96-97 (Thornley) and discussion, infra.
11 H 96, 99; authority at note 151, infra.
11 H 170 (William Kirk Stuckey); Stuckey DE 2, p. 2; CE 1385, p. 7.
1 H 96, 123 (Marina Oswald); 10 H 97 (Arnold Johnson); CE 100; CE 2564.
1 H 225 (Marguerite Oswald); see 8 H 104-105 (L. Murret).
11 H 4, 10, 20 (John Edward Pic); 1 H 253 (Marguerite Oswald).
Id. at 253-254; 1 H 94 (Marina Oswald); 11 H 12, 74 (J. Pic); 8 H 48 (Myrtle Evans); 1 H 271 (Robert Oswald).
11 H 12 (J. Pic); J. Pic DE 3, 5.
1 H 254 (Marguerite Oswald); 8 H 47-48, 63-64 (M. Evans); 8 H 36, 37 (Anne Boudreaux); 8 H 112 (L. Murret).
J. Pic DE 2-A; 1 H 255 (Marguerite Oswald).
J. Pic DE 2, p. 4; H 272 (R. Oswald); 11 H 15, 22 (J. Pic).
11 H 23 (J. Pic); 8 H 53 (M. Evans); 1 H 255 (Marguerite Oswald); see CE 1960 A, p. 1.
1 H 275-277 (R. Oswald); 11 H 23-25, 28-30 (J. Pic); 11 H 472 (Mrs. J. U. Allen).
8 H 51 (M. Evans); 8 H 68-69 (Julian Evans); 8 H 117 (L. Murret); see 1 H 277-278 (R. Oswald)
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11 H 27 (J. Pic).
1 H 250-252 (Marguerite Oswald); 11 H 27-29 (J. Pic); CE 1960-C.
11 H 75 (J. Pic).
Id. at 30-32.
Id. at 32.
Id. at 32-34.
Id. at 33.
Id. at 73-74.
1 H 298 (R. Oswald); 11 H 31-32 (J. Pic); see 1 H 253-254 (Marguerite Oswald).
1 H 298 (R. Oswald); Evelyn Stickman Siegel DE 1, p. 1.
8 H 119, 121 (L. Murret); 11 H 31 (J. Pic); 8 H 87 (Hiram Conway).
8 H 121-122 (L. Murret); J. Pic DE 9.
11 H 17, 28, 31 (J. Pic); J. Pic DE 23; Siegel DE 2, p. 1.
1 H 225-226 (Marguerite Oswald); 11 H 37 (J. Pic).
1 H 226, 229 (Marguerite Oswald); 11 H 37-41 (J. Pic).
1 H 227 (Marguerite Oswald); 11 H 37 (J. Pic).
Id. at 38, 39, 42; CE 1382, p. 1; see John Carro DE 1, p. 1; Siegel DE 2, p. 2.
11 H 38-39 (J. Pic); see CE 1382.
1 H 227 (Marguerite Oswald); see CE 1384.
See H 208 (Carro); Carro DE 1. p. 3.
Carro DE 1, p. 2; Siegel DE 1, p. 1.
1 H 227 (Marguerite Oswald); see Siegel DE 1, p. 2.
Carro DE 1. p. 1.
Ibid.; see 8 H 218 (Renatus Hartogs).
Carro DE 1, pp. 1, 5.
Hartogs DE 1; Carro DE 1; Siegel DE 1.
1 H 228 (Marguerite Oswald).
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Carro DE 1, p. 3.
Siegel DE 2, p. 3.
"Oswald: Evolution of an Assassin," Life, Feb. 21, 1964, p. 72.
Hartogs DE 1, p. 1.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 2.
Ibid.
Siegel DE 1, p. 1.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Siegel DE 1, p. 2.
Siegel DE 2, p. 2.
Siegel DE 1, pp. 2, 3.
CE 1339.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Carro DE 1, p. 2.
See Carro DE 1, pp. 3, 6; Siegel DE I. p. 3.
Siegel DE 1, pp. 2, 3.
Id. at 3, 6.
Hartogs DE 1, pp. 1-2.
Carro DE 1, p. 2.
11 H 75 (PIC).
Compare Carro DE 1 Hartogs DE 1, and Siegel DE 1.
Carro DE 1, p. 4; see 8 H 206, 210 (Carro).
Id. at 212.
Siegel DE 1. p. 6.
See Carro DE 1, pp. 6-8.
CE 1413, pp. 14-15; 1 H 196-197, 198-199 (Marguerite Oswald).
Allison G. Folsom DE 1, pp. 2, 3.
8 H 124 (L. Murret); see 8 H 159 (Marilyn Murret).
Id. at 124, 128
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Notes to Pages 378-388
Ibid.; see 1 H 196-197 (Marguerite Oswald)
See e.g., 8 H 55, 56, 65 (M. Evans); 8 H 159 70, 71 (J. Evans); 8 H 159 (M. Murret).
8 H 125, 131 (L. Murret).
Id. at 131; see 1 H 199 (Marguerite Oswald); 8 H 15 (Edward Voebel).
Ibid.
Id. at 5; see 8 H 159 (M. Murret); 8 H 124 (L. Murret).
Ibid.
8 H 2-3 (Voebel).
Id. at 5, 9-10.
CE 1352; CE 1387; CE 1413, p. 10.
CE 3134.
1 H 198, (Marguerite, Oswald); CE 1386; CE 1385, pp. 5-6; CE 93. p. 3.
CE 1386.
Ibid.
8 H 18 (William E. Wulf).
1 H 196-198 (Marguerite Oswald).
CE 199; see, 1 H 196-197 (Marguerite Oswald).
Id. at 197-198.
1 H 375-376 (R. Oswald).
1 H 198, 200 (Marguerite Oswald).
Id. at 198.
11 H 4 (J. Pic).
See 8 H 22-23 (Bennierita Smith); 8 H 6-7 (Voebel).
See note 97, supra.
11 H 95, 106 (Thornley).
8 H 270 (Powers).
8 H 258 (Nelson Delgado); 8 H 315 (James A. Botelho); 8 H 316 (Donald P. Camarata).
CE 1383; Folsom DE 1, p. 1.
11 H 89, 101 (Thornley); 8 H 318 (Allen D. Graf); 8 H 318 (John Rene Heindell); 8H 321 (Mack Osborne).
Folsom DE 1, p. 5.
See 8 H 292-293 (John E. Donovan).
Id. at 295.
Id. at 292-293, 297; see 11 H 105-106 (Thornley).
8 H 293 (Donovan).
8 H 265 (Delgado).
11 H 89 (Thornley).
Id. at 90.
Id. at 100.
Ibid.
8 H 270 (Powers).
Id. at 272.
Id. at 287.
Id. at 270.
Id. at 277.
Id. at 278.
Id. at 283.
Id. at 285-286.
Id. at 275.
Id. at 283.
See Folsom DE 1, pp. 9, 31-34.
Ibid.; 8 H 308 (Folsom).
See Folsom DE 1, pp. 4, 10, 17, 23, and 30.
See id. at pp. 77-104.
See id. at pp. 10, 14-16, 18-22, 38-43, 48, 50-55, 61, 67-79.
Id. at 65.
Id. at 63.
See 1 H 22, 31, 70-72, 123 (Marina Oswald); 1 H 450 (R. Oswald); 8 H 374 (George Bouhe); 9 H 148-149, 158 (Paul Gregory).
1 H 71 (Marina Oswald); but see 5 H 605 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 72.
1 H 385-386, 450 (R. Oswald); 11 H 79 (J. Pic).
See 1 H 220-222 (Marguerite Oswald); Folsom DE 1, pp. 19, 21.
Id. at pp. 38-39, 45-47.
5 H 605 (Marina Oswald).
See discussion in ch. III, supra
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Notes to Pages 388-404
Ibid.
1 H 198 (Marguerite Oswald); CE 1385, pp. 5-6; CE 1386; see 8 H 18 (Wulf).
CE 1385, p. 5.
8 H 321 (Henry J. Roussel, Jr.).
8 H 323 (Richard Dennis Call); 8 H 315 (Botelho).
8 H 323 (Call).
8 H 319 (David Christie Murray); 8 H 315 (Botelho); 8 H 321 (Osborne); 8 H 323 (Erwin Donald Lewis)
8 H 315 (Botelho); 8 H 321 (Osborne).
11 H 93-94 (Thornley).
Id. at 99.
Id. at 95.
Ibid.
8 H 292-293 (Donovan).
8 H 233, 240 (Delgado).
11 H 97-98 (Thornley).
Id. at 98.
See 8 H 18 (Wulf); 8 H 81 (Philip E. Vinson); 1 H 94 (Marina Oswald).
11 H 172-173 (Stuckey).
2 H 308 (Mrs. Katherine Ford).
CE 295, pp. 4, 7, 8.
CE 294, p. 1.
See discussion supra pp. 256-257.
CE 295, p. 1.
Id. at 2-3, 4.
Id. at 6-7.
See CE 24, pp. 1-2; note 178, infra.
Ibid.
Id. at 2.
CE 985, doc. 1 C 3; CE 24, pp. 1-2.
5 H 263 (Richard E. Snyder).
CE 913.
CE 908, p. 2.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
CE 24, p. 4.
See id. at pp. 4, 5.
See id. at 5-6; CE 985, doc. 9A.
CE 72; 5 H 589 (Marina Oswald); see 9 H 147 (Paul Gregory).
CE 24, p. 6; see CE 25, p. 1B.
See CE 24, p. 6; 5 H 497-408 (Marina Oswald).
See CE 24. p. 6; 1 H 93 (Marina Oswald).
Ibid; see discussion at pp. 269, supra.
1 H 93 (Marina Oswald).
10 H 56 (Martello); 9 H 145 (Paul Gregory); see 5 H 408 (Marina Oswald).
1 H 95, 100 (Marina Oswald).
2 H 302 (Mrs. Ford).
9 H 312 (Jeanne De Mohrenschildt).
9 H 234 (George De Mohrenschildt).
CE 24, p. 7.
Ibid.
Id. at 9.
See ibid.; CE 245.
1 H 10 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 10-11.
CE 994, p. 25.
CE 92; see also CE 94 (earlier manuscript); 8 H 333 (Pauline V. Bates).
CE 94, p. 1.
Compare CE 92 and CE 94 with CE 25, CE 97, CE 98.
CE 25, p. 3.
Ibid.
CE 97, p. 8.
See CE 98.
CE 25, p. 3A.
Id. at 1A.
Id. at 2A.
Id. at 2A-3A.
Id. at 3A.
CE 97, p. 3.
Ibid.
Id. at 5.
Ibid
Id. at 6.
Arnold Johnson DE 4, p. 3.
CE 97, p. 1.
Id. at 1-2.
CE 25, p. 1.
CE 100, p. 1.
Id. at 3.
Id. at 1.
Id. at 4.
Id. at 2.
See id. at 4.
CE 986, p. 6.
10 H 209-210 (Deals H. Ofstein); CE 1147.
See CE 7, 9; CE 986. pp. 1-2, 6; 1 H 35 (Marina Oswald).
See CE 12; CE 13.
10 H 56 (Martello).
See CE 2464, pp. 4-6.
CE 15.
1 H 11 (Marina Oswald); see 8 H 377 (Bouhe).
9 H (Paul M. Raigorodsky); see 9 H 166-284 passim (G. De Mohrenschildt).
CE 1389, p. 3; but see 2 H 338 (Peter P. Gregory).
8 H 383-385 (Anna Meller); see id. at 372-373, 376 (Bouhe); 9 H 309 (J. De Mohrenschildt).
1 H 10-11 (Marina Oswald).
See 8 H 376 (Bouhe); 8 H 384 (Meller); 1 H 11 (Marina Oswald).
9 H 309 (J. De Mohrenschildt).
Ibid.
9 H 240 (G. De Mohrenschildt).
Id. at 232.
Ibid.
Id. at 233.
See 1 H 11 (Marina Oswald); 2 H 305 (Mrs. Ford).
9 H 252-253 (G. De Mohrenschildt); 2 H 307, 309 (Mrs. Ford).
1 H 133, 141 (Marguerite Oswald) 1 H 312, 387 (R. Oswald).
CE 295, p. 7; CE 908, p. 2; CE 909, p. 2.
1 H 94-95 (Marina Oswald).
1 H 312, 314 (R. Oswald).
1 H 134 136 (Marguerite Oswald).
Id. at 136.
1 H 6 (Marina Oswald); 2 H 300 (Mrs. Ford).
1 H 140-141 (Marguerite Oswald); see 8 H 394-395 (Elena Hall); discussion in appendix XIII.
8 H 135-136 (L. Murret).
8 H 165-l66 (M. Murret)
Priscilla Johnson DE 6.
See 9 H 47 (Samuel B. Ballen).
CE 1861, p. 3.
See, e.g. Helen P. Cunningham DE l-A; John Rachal DE 1, 2; CE 1398.
10 H 163, 165 (Tommy Bargas).
See 1 H 5-7 (Marina Oswald); 10 H 166 (Bargas); CE 1405.
10 H 144 (Donald Brooks).
10 H 121 (Cunningham); Cunningham DE 1-A.
10 H 121-124, 127 (Cunningham).
Cunningham DE 1-A. p. 3; see 10 H 126 (Cunningham).
11 H 478 (Cunningham).
Ibid.; see 10 H. 177 (John G Graef).
10 H 176 (Graef); CE 427.
1 H 68 (Marina Oswald).
10 H 172 (Robert Stovall); 10 H 186-187 (Graef).
See id. at 187-189.
See id. 188.
See id. at 187, 189.
Id. at 189; see 10 H 170-171 (Stovall).
2 H 457-459, 468-469, 271 (R. Paine).
11 H 474 (Emmett C. Barbe, Jr.); CE 1398
Page 849
2 H 468-469 (R. Paine).
Id. at 517.
11 H 474 (Barbe).
Ibid.; 10 H 220, 225-226 (Adrian Alba)
3 H 6 (R. Paine).
See 10 H 53 (Martello; 10 H 37-38 (Carlos Bringuier); discussion FPCC activities, infra.
11 H 476 (Rachal).
10 H 170-171 (Stovall).
11 H 479 (Theodore R. Gangl).
See 3 H 216, 218 (Roy S. Truly).
See CE 1351, pp. 7-8.
1 H 16 (Marina Oswald).
See id. at 17; 11 H 292 (Marina Oswald).
1 H 17 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 15-16, 117-118; 11 H 296 (Marina Oswald).
See CE 133; CE 134; CE 1406.
1 H 15-16 (Marina Oswald); 11 H 296 (Marina Oswald).
See discussion in ch. IV. supra.
1 H 16 (Marina Oswald); see CE 1.
Id. at 17-18.
Id. at 18.
11 H 294 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 292-294, 295-296.
See 1 H 37-39 (Marina Oswald); 11 H 294-295 (Marina Oswald).
11 H 293 (Marina Oswald).
See. e.g. Life, Feb. 21, 1964.
See 1 H 22-23 (Marina Oswald); 8 H 354 (Max E. Clark); 9 H 150, 155 (Paul Gregory); 11 H 97-98 (Thornley).
See e.g. 8 H 376-377 (Bouhe); 8 H 390 (Mrs. Meller); 8 H 405 (Elena Hall); 8 H 411 (John R. Hall).
1 H 16 (Marina Oswald); see 2 H 315 (Mrs. Ford).
See CE 1409; Vincent T. Lee DE 1.
See. CE 1410; CE 1411.
CE 1412.
See 10 H 37-39 (Bringuier).
CE 1413; 10 H 53 (Martello); see discussion in ch. VIII, infra.
11 H 165-166 (Stuckey).
Ibid.
10 H 35-36 (Bringuier).
1 H 24 (Marina Oswald); see 10 H 57 (Martello); 10 H 90, 94 (Lee).
Id. at 64-65; see CE 820.
See discussion in ch. IV, supra.
5 H 401 (Marina Oswald); see 1 H 64 (Marina Oswald).
5 H 401 (Marina Oswald).
10 H 90, 94 (Lee).
10 H 54 (Martello).
Lee DE 5.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
CE 1413, p. 19.
See 10 H 32-51 (Bringuier).
See CE 1412; CE 1413, pp. 19-35.
Lee DE 6.
CE 1414.
CE 1410; see Lee DE 4, p. 2; Lee DE 5, p. 2; 10 H 87-89 (Lee); Lee DE 5.
Lee DE 7.
11 H 471 (John Corporon).
11 H 162, 165 (Stuckey).
10 H 41 (Bringuier); see 1 H 25 (Marina Oswald); 11 H 268-270 (Mrs. Jesse J. Garner).
Stuckey DE 3, p. 2; see 11 H 167 (Stuckey).
See 11 H 168 (Stuckey).
Stuckey DE 3, p. 8.
11 H 171 (Stuckey).
Ibid.
Id. at 162.
Ibid.
Id. at 171.
Arnold Johnson DE 4
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Notes to Pages 404-417
See Louis Weinstock DE 1; Arnold Johnson DE 5-A.
Weinstock DE 1.
Arnold Johnson DE 5.
Arnold Johnson DE I and 3.
Arnold Johnson DE 2.
1 H 23 (Marina Oswald).
Ibid.
Arnold Johnson DE 4, p. 1.
Id. at 1-2.
Id. at 2-3.
Arnold Johnson DE 4-A.
1 H 20 (Marina Oswald); 11 H 474 (Barbe).
See CE 409; CE 415; 2 H 490, 493 (R. Paine).
11 H 24 (Marina Oswald).
10 H 91 (Lee); see Lee DE 3.
Lee DE 4-7.
Lee DE 8-A, 8-B, 8-C.
CE 781.
1 H 21, 68 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 21.
Ibid.; see CE 7, 12.
CE 12.
CE 18.
See 1 H 23 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 47.
Id. at 24.
Id. at 25.
Id. at 22, 23.
Id. at 21-22, 54; but see 5 H 605 (Marina Oswald).
1 H 49-50 (Marina Oswald) see CE 17.
3 H 5 (R. Paine).
See id. at 34.
2 H 507 (R. Paine); see 3 H 9 (R. Paine).
1 H 23 (Marina Oswald).
3 H 10, 27 (R. Paine); see id. at 29.
See CE 2444. p. 2; CE 2121, p. 39.
Ibid.
Id. at 40.
1 H 50 (Marina Oswald).
CE 2695.
See Farrell Dobbs DE 1, 2; 11 H 398 (R. Paine).
See CEs 1340-1347; discussion of Fair Play for Cuba Committee activities, supra; CE 25, p. 5; 9 H 249 (G. Deohrenschildt); Arnold Johnson DE 5-A.
CE 1343, p. 1.
CE 1350; CE 1172;11 H 398 (R. Paine).
2 H 418 (M. Paine); see 9 H 455 (M. Paine).
Stuckey DE 3, p. 9.
9 H 465 (Raymond F. Krystinik).
1 H 50 (Marina Oswald).
See app. XIV; 1 H 69 (Marina Oswald).
See e.g. CE 2647; CE 2696; CE 2697; CE 2698; CE 2699.
See CE 1031; CE 996; discussion in ch. VI, supra.
Arnold Johnson DE 7, pp. 2-3.
11 H 424 (Maj. Gen. Edwin A. Walker).
1 H 51-58, 63 (Marina Oswald); 3 H 138-139 (R. Paine).
Id. at 50.
Ibid.; see id. at 54.
Id. at 68.
CE 24, p. 10; see id. at 9; 2 H 302 (Mrs. Ford); 1 H 90-91 (Marina Oswald).
See e.g. 2 H 302 (Mrs. Ford); 8 H 362 (Bouhe); 8 H 386 (Mrs. Meller); 8 H 422 (Mrs. Frank Ray); but see 9 H 153 (Paul Gregory); see also CE 1401, p. 269.
1 H 10 (Marina Oswald).
2 H 413-414 (R. Paine); CE 410.
CE 415.
1 H 12 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 10, 12

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Page 849
2 H 468-469 (R. Paine).
Id. at 517.
11 H 474 (Barbe).
Ibid.; 10 H 220, 225-226 (Adrian Alba)
3 H 6 (R. Paine).
See 10 H 53 (Martello; 10 H 37-38 (Carlos Bringuier); discussion FPCC activities, infra.
11 H 476 (Rachal).
10 H 170-171 (Stovall).
11 H 479 (Theodore R. Gangl).
See 3 H 216, 218 (Roy S. Truly).
See CE 1351, pp. 7-8.
1 H 16 (Marina Oswald).
See id. at 17; 11 H 292 (Marina Oswald).
1 H 17 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 15-16, 117-118; 11 H 296 (Marina Oswald).
See CE 133; CE 134; CE 1406.
1 H 15-16 (Marina Oswald); 11 H 296 (Marina Oswald).
See discussion in ch. IV. supra.
1 H 16 (Marina Oswald); see CE 1.
Id. at 17-18.
Id. at 18.
11 H 294 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 292-294, 295-296.
See 1 H 37-39 (Marina Oswald); 11 H 294-295 (Marina Oswald).
11 H 293 (Marina Oswald).
See. e.g. Life, Feb. 21, 1964.
See 1 H 22-23 (Marina Oswald); 8 H 354 (Max E. Clark); 9 H 150, 155 (Paul Gregory); 11 H 97-98 (Thornley).
See e.g. 8 H 376-377 (Bouhe); 8 H 390 (Mrs. Meller); 8 H 405 (Elena Hall); 8 H 411 (John R. Hall).
1 H 16 (Marina Oswald); see 2 H 315 (Mrs. Ford).
See CE 1409; Vincent T. Lee DE 1.
See. CE 1410; CE 1411.
CE 1412.
See 10 H 37-39 (Bringuier).
CE 1413; 10 H 53 (Martello); see discussion in ch. VIII, infra.
11 H 165-166 (Stuckey).
Ibid.
10 H 35-36 (Bringuier).
1 H 24 (Marina Oswald); see 10 H 57 (Martello); 10 H 90, 94 (Lee).
Id. at 64-65; see CE 820.
See discussion in ch. IV, supra.
5 H 401 (Marina Oswald); see 1 H 64 (Marina Oswald).
5 H 401 (Marina Oswald).
10 H 90, 94 (Lee).
10 H 54 (Martello).
Lee DE 5.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
CE 1413, p. 19.
See 10 H 32-51 (Bringuier).
See CE 1412; CE 1413, pp. 19-35.
Lee DE 6.
CE 1414.
CE 1410; see Lee DE 4, p. 2; Lee DE 5, p. 2; 10 H 87-89 (Lee); Lee DE 5.
Lee DE 7.
11 H 471 (John Corporon).
11 H 162, 165 (Stuckey).
10 H 41 (Bringuier); see 1 H 25 (Marina Oswald); 11 H 268-270 (Mrs. Jesse J. Garner).
Stuckey DE 3, p. 2; see 11 H 167 (Stuckey).
See 11 H 168 (Stuckey).
Stuckey DE 3, p. 8.
11 H 171 (Stuckey).
Ibid.
Id. at 162.
Ibid.
Id. at 171.
Arnold Johnson DE 4
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Notes to Pages 404-417
See Louis Weinstock DE 1; Arnold Johnson DE 5-A.
Weinstock DE 1.
Arnold Johnson DE 5.
Arnold Johnson DE I and 3.
Arnold Johnson DE 2.
1 H 23 (Marina Oswald).
Ibid.
Arnold Johnson DE 4, p. 1.
Id. at 1-2.
Id. at 2-3.
Arnold Johnson DE 4-A.
1 H 20 (Marina Oswald); 11 H 474 (Barbe).
See CE 409; CE 415; 2 H 490, 493 (R. Paine).
11 H 24 (Marina Oswald).
10 H 91 (Lee); see Lee DE 3.
Lee DE 4-7.
Lee DE 8-A, 8-B, 8-C.
CE 781.
1 H 21, 68 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 21.
Ibid.; see CE 7, 12.
CE 12.
CE 18.
See 1 H 23 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 47.
Id. at 24.
Id. at 25.
Id. at 22, 23.
Id. at 21-22, 54; but see 5 H 605 (Marina Oswald).
1 H 49-50 (Marina Oswald) see CE 17.
3 H 5 (R. Paine).
See id. at 34.
2 H 507 (R. Paine); see 3 H 9 (R. Paine).
1 H 23 (Marina Oswald).
3 H 10, 27 (R. Paine); see id. at 29.
See CE 2444. p. 2; CE 2121, p. 39.
Ibid.
Id. at 40.
1 H 50 (Marina Oswald).
CE 2695.
See Farrell Dobbs DE 1, 2; 11 H 398 (R. Paine).
See CEs 1340-1347; discussion of Fair Play for Cuba Committee activities, supra; CE 25, p. 5; 9 H 249 (G. Deohrenschildt); Arnold Johnson DE 5-A.
CE 1343, p. 1.
CE 1350; CE 1172;11 H 398 (R. Paine).
2 H 418 (M. Paine); see 9 H 455 (M. Paine).
Stuckey DE 3, p. 9.
9 H 465 (Raymond F. Krystinik).
1 H 50 (Marina Oswald).
See app. XIV; 1 H 69 (Marina Oswald).
See e.g. CE 2647; CE 2696; CE 2697; CE 2698; CE 2699.
See CE 1031; CE 996; discussion in ch. VI, supra.
Arnold Johnson DE 7, pp. 2-3.
11 H 424 (Maj. Gen. Edwin A. Walker).
1 H 51-58, 63 (Marina Oswald); 3 H 138-139 (R. Paine).
Id. at 50.
Ibid.; see id. at 54.
Id. at 68.
CE 24, p. 10; see id. at 9; 2 H 302 (Mrs. Ford); 1 H 90-91 (Marina Oswald).
See e.g. 2 H 302 (Mrs. Ford); 8 H 362 (Bouhe); 8 H 386 (Mrs. Meller); 8 H 422 (Mrs. Frank Ray); but see 9 H 153 (Paul Gregory); see also CE 1401, p. 269.
1 H 10 (Marina Oswald).
2 H 413-414 (R. Paine); CE 410.
CE 415.
1 H 12 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 10, 12
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Notes to Pages 417-433
See CE 415; 1 H 66 (Marina Oswald).
Ibid.
See 8 H 150 (L. Murret); 9 H 313 (J. De Mohrenschildt).
1 H 25 (Marina Oswald).
2 H 342 (Peter Gregory).
10 H 59 (Martello).
1 H 33 (Marina Oswald); 5 H 596 (Marina Oswald); 2 H 303-304 (Mrs. Ford); 8 H 365 (Bouhe); 8 H 387 (Mrs. Meller).
See 1 H 35 (Marina Oswald); 9 H 259 (G. De Mohrenschildt); 9 H 311 (J. De Mohrenschildt).
See 2 H 422 (M. Paine).
2 H 300 (Mrs. Ford).
Ibid.; see also 5 H 597 (Marina Oswald).
1 H 33 (Marina Oswald).
See ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 12.
5 H 593-594 (Marina Oswald); 9 H 233 (G. De Mohrenschildt); see 9 H 309 (J. De Mohrenschildt); 1 H 66 (Marina Oswald).
9 H 233 (G. De Mohrenschildt).
Ibid.; see also 9 H 311, 313 (J. De Mohrenschildt).
See 8 H 396 (Mrs. Hall).
11 H 396 (R. Paine).
1 H 23 (Marina Oswald).
Ibid.
Id. at 22 (Marina Oswald).
9 H 314 (J. De Mohrenschildt).
Id. at 313.
Id. at 309.
Id. at 312.
Ibid.
Ibid.
See 2 H 422 (M. Paine).
1 H 54, 63 (Marina Oswald).
2 H 515-516 (R. Paine); 3 H 41 (R. Paine).
See ibid.; 3 H 43-44 (R. Paine).
10 H 294 (Mrs. A. C. Johnson).
See 1 H 65 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 63.
Id. at 46.
Ibid.
Stuckey DE 3, p. 2; see 11 H 167 (Stuckey).
See 1 H 20, 49 (Marina Oswald); 3 H 18, 102 (R. Paine); see discussion of employment relations, supra; ch. VIII, infra.
1 H 48 (Marina Oswald); see also discussion in ch. VIII, infra.
CE 15.
See discussion in ch. VIII, infra.
See CE 15; 1 H 48-49 (Marina Oswald); 3 H 15-16 (Ruth Paine).
See CE 15; 1 H 49 (Marina Oswald).
Ibid.
Id. at 48; discussion in ch. VIII, infra.
See discussion at footnote 347, supra.
1 H 63 (Marina Oswald).
Ibid.
Id. at 65.
Id. at 65-66.
Id. at 66.
Id. at 73.
See app. XIV.
2 H 226, 228 (Buell Wesley Frazier); 2 H 248 (Linnie Mae Randle).
2 H 222 (Frazier).
CE 2743.
CE 1361.
CE 1362; CE 1363; CE 1364; CE 1365; see discussion at footnote 52, ch. III. supra.
5 H 595 (Marina Oswald); see 1 H. 54 (Marina Oswald); 2 H 341 (Peter Gregory); 10 H 311 (J. De Mohrenschildt).
1 H 28 (Marina Oswald).
1 H 65 (Marina Oswald); 3 H 46, 66 (R. Paine); 11 H 392 (R. Paine).
3 H 300 (M. N. McDonald); 7 H 551 (Eddy Raymond Walthers).
4 H 217 (J. W. Fritz); 7 H 353, 357 (Forrest V. Sorrels).
See discussion in ch. IV, supra.
See 4 H 240 (Fritz); 7 H 321 (Manning C. Clements); 7 H 310 (James W. Bookhout).
See discussion in ch. IV, supra
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Chapter VIII
See app. VII for a fuller discussion of prior assassination attempts.
C. Rossiter, "The American Presidency" 18 (1960).
30 "Writings of George Washington" 496 (Fitzpatrick ed. 1939).
Rossiter at 17, 92-93.
M. Smith, "A President Is Many Men" 232 (1948).
7 H 442 (Kenneth O'Donnell); 7 H 460 (Lawrence F. O'Brien).
CE 866; see 5 H 106-07, 116-119 (J. Edgar Hoover).
See app. VII.
4 H 295-297 (Robert I. Bouck).
CE 761; 4 H 299 (Bouck).
Id. at 30l.
Statistical data set forth in CE 762, p. 1.
Ibid.
4 H 303 (Bouck).
CE 763.
See 4 H 302 (Bouck).
CE 1021. p. 1.
4 H 307 (Bouck).
Id. at 310-311.
Id. at 307-308.
CE 762.
Ibid.
4 H 306 (Bouck).
Id. at 309.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 310.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 309; see CE 765.
4 H 308-309 (Bouck); see 18 U.S.C. sec. 871. The Secret Service prepared for the Commission abstracts of several cases illustrating the achievement of the goal of eliminating risks by imprisonment or hospitalization, CE 766.
5 H 466 (James J. Rowley).
See p. 30 supra.
4 H 304 (Bouck).
Ibid.
Id. at 303-304.
CE 836, attachment 2.
See CE 1354, p. 1.
See CE 1355.
4 H 304 (Bouck).
Id. at 316.
CE 836, p. 2.
CE 1356
Page 851
4 H 403 (John W. Fain); 4 H 431 (John L. Quigley); 4 H 440 (James P. Hosty, Jr.); 5 H 97 (Hoover); 5 H 1 (Alan H. Belmont).
5 H 120 (John A. McCone); 5 H 121 (Richard M. Helms).
CE 834 is a list of each item in the FBI's file on Oswald from the opening of the file until the assassination.
CE 833, p. 1.
Ibid.
Id. at pp. 1-2 of attachment; see also CE 821; 4 H 405-409 (Fain).
CE 822, 834.
CE 833, p. 1, p. 2 of attachment.
4 H 428 (Fain); id. at 441-442 of the text of Oswald's letter appears at p. 463 infra.
4 H 415 (Fain).
Id. at 417.
CE 823, p. 13; 4 H 416-417 (Fain).
Id. at 419.
CE 824; 4 H 418-424 (Fain).
1 H 20 (Marina Oswald).
4 H 422 (Fain); CE 824, p. 6.
4 H 423-426 (Fain).
Id. at 424; relevant administrative procedures are described at 5 H 2-6 (Belmont).
4 H 428 (Fain); Id. at 441-442 (Hosty).
Ibid.
CE 829, pp. 1-2; 4 H 441-442 (Hosty).
Id. at 442.
Id. at 441-442.
See id. at 444.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 444-445; see pp. 406-407 supra, where the possibility that Oswald had been distributing pamphlets in Dallas for the Fair Play for Cuba Committee is discussed.
4 H 442 (Hosty).
Id. at 443.
CE 833, p. 6.
Id. at 9.
Details regarding the issuance of the passport are set forth in app. XV.
CE 833, p. 13.
Ibid.
4 H 432 (Quigley).
Ibid.
Ibid. at 435.
Ibid.
Id. at 438; Agent Quigley's memorandum of his interview with Oswald appears at pp. 6-10 of the report on Oswald of Agent Milton R. Kaack, CE 826.
See CE 833, p. 8.
4 H 434 (Quigley).
Id. at 437.
CE 833, p. 8.
Ibid; CE 826, p. 11.
See 4 H 435-438 (Quigley); see also 5 H 9-10 (Belmont).
Id. at 9.
CE 834, p. 7.
CE 826. p. 12.
CE 834, p. 7; 4 H 445-446 (Hosty).
CE 833, p. 12.
Ibid; 4 H 446-447 (Hosty).
Ibid.
Ibid.
CE 834. p. 8.
4 H 447 (Hosty); CE 833, pp. 12-13.
Id. at 13.
CE 952, 2075; 11 H 203 (Carroll H. Seeley, Jr.).
Id. at 203-204; 11 H 192-193 (James L. Ritchie); CE 948, "Question 16." See app. XV at p. 777.
CE 826, p. 2.
4 H 448 (Hosty)
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Notes to Pages 433-448
Id. at 448, 449.
Id. at 450.
Ibid; see also CE 830.
4 H 450 (Hosty).
Ibid.
Id. at 451.
Id. at 450.
Id. at 452.
Ibid.
Id. at 453-454 (Hosty).
Id. at 453.
3 H 95-109 (Ruth Paine).
CE 826.
4 H 459 (Hosty).
Ibid.
Ibid.
See CE 834, pp. 9-10.
4 H 459 (Hosty).
4 H 311-314 (Bouck).
Id. at 312-313.
Ibid.
4 H 460 (Hosty).
Id. at 459-461.
Id. at 460.
Id. at 473-474.
Id. at 473.
Id. at 472-473.
Id. at 461-462.
Id. at 462.
Agent Hosty's testimony appears at 4 H 463-465; Lieutenant Revill's at 5 H 34-39.
Id. at 34-35.
Id. at 35.
CE 709.
7 H 405 (Mary Jane Robertson).
4 H 194 (Jesse E. Curry); 5 H 216 (Henry Wade).
CE 831; 4 H 463-464 (Hosty).
5 H 58 (V. J. Brian).
5 H 112 (Hoover).
Id. at 104.
Id. at 111; 5 H 10 (Belmont).
Id. at 28-29.
See pp. 747 749, 778 infra (regarding his dealings with officials at the Embassy in Moscow); pp. 710-711 infra supra (regarding protests of his discharge from the Marine Corps Reserve); pp. 434-435 supra (regarding his antipathy for the FBI).
CE 833.
CE 836, attachment 2.
See p. 441 supra.
See pp. 461-462 infra.
CE 836, pp. 3-4; CE 1021, p. 4.
CE 836, attachment 4.
See p. 30 supra.
See pp. 29, 31 supra.
4 H 329 (Winston G. Lawson).
Agent Lawson's reports on the Dallas trip are CE 767 and 768.
See 4 H 346-347 (Lawson).
CE 1021, p. 5; see also 4 H 348-349 (Lawson).
7 H 333-334 (Forrest V. Sorrels).
CE 768, p. 11.
Ibid.
For the Commission's recommendations on this point, see pp. 465-466 infra.
12 H 22-23 (Charles Batchelor); 6 H 250-251 (J. W. Foster); 4 H 327 (Lawson). See the discussion in ch. III at pp. 71-72.
12 H 22 (Batchelor).
4 H 329 (Lawson).
Id. at 333.
5 H 467 (Rowley).
See ch. II at p. 42, supra.
7 H 338 (Sorrels).
5 H 578 (C. Douglas Dillon).
4 H 329 (Lawson); 5 H 459 (Rowley).
4 H 328 (Lawson)
Page 852

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Notes to Pages 448-467
WFAA-TV reel PKT 24.
CE 1358, p. 1.
Id, attachment 2.
Ibid.
7 H 580-581, 584 (P. W. Lawrence).
7 H 532-535 (J. M. Smith); 540-541 (W. E. Barnett); 566-567 (E. L. Smith, Jr.).
7 H 343 (Sorrels).
Id. at 342.
4 H 330 (Lawson).
Ibid.
2 H 110-111 (Kellerman).
5 H 451 (Rowley).
CE 1020. This exhibit covers the complete investigation by the Secret Service, and includes statements of each agent involved, statements by their supervisors, statements and voluntary reports by witnesses, and the final report of the investigation. In addition to furnishing the Commission the results of the investigation, the Secret Service responded to the Commission's request for information about this occurrence in its letter of May 5, 1964. CE 1019. Chief James J. Rowley, the head of the Secret Service, gave testimony before the Commission concerning this incident, 5 H. 451-462 (Rowley).
CE 1020, tab E.
CE 1020, tab F (statement of Richard J. Mackie).
CE 1020, tabs B and E; see CE 1020, tab G, which explains liquor practices at the Cellar Coffee House.
CE 1020, tab E.
See 5 H 460-461 (Rowley).
Ibid.
CE 1020, tab E (statement of Paul A. Burns).
5 H 460 (Rowley).
CE 1020, tab D.
5 H 452-453, 459-460 (Rowley).
CE 1020, tab D.
5 H 452-453 (Rowley).
CE 1018.
Ibid.
5 H 453-454 (Rowley)
Testimony and other evidence regarding Love Field arrangements appear at 4 H 339-341 (Lawson); CE 768, pp. 4-5; CE 769.
Television tapes of the arrival at Love Field furnished to the Commission by Dallas television stations provide a good record of the security measures at Love Field. See KRLD-TV reels 1 and 8; WFAA-TV reel PKT 4.
See p. 46 supra.
See p. 43 supra.
CE 1021, p. 5.
CE 2067; 5 H 579 (Dillon). J. Edgar Hoover, Director of the FBI, has recommended that the President never ride in an open car, 5 H 107, 117 (Hoover); CE 866.
CE 1021, p. 6.
See pp. 51-52 supra.
15 H 699 (Lyndal L. Shaneyfelt).
Ibid.
CE 1021, p. 7.
18 U.S.C. sec. 372.
18 U.S.C. sec. 871.
18 U.S.C. sec. 2385.
18 U.S.C. sec. 1114.
18 U.S.C. sec. 3056; United States v. Sheba Bracelets, Inc., 248 F. 2d 134 (2d Cir. 1957), cert. denied, 355 U.S. 904.
CE 1030, pp. 4-5.
18 U.S.C. secs. 3052, 3053.
S. 3653. 57th Cong., 1st sess. (1902); H.R. 10386, 57th Cong., 1st sess. (1901); H.R. 3896, 73d Cong., 1st sess. (1933).
36 Cong. Rec. 2961-2964 (1902).
E.g., S. 2330, 88th Cong., 1st sess. (1963). (Introduced by all members of the Senate Committee on the Judiciary).
Even in the failure of the House and the Senate to agree, in 1902, as to whether this "line of duty" element was a cons utional requisite to covering officers in the line of succession, there was agreement in conference that this test need not be applied in the case of the President or Vice President, 36 Cong. Rec. 2407 (1902).
See "Report on Bills To Make Assassination of the President a Federal Crime," The Association of the Bar of the City of New York, Reports of Committees Concerned With Federal Legislation, vol. 3, Bulletin No. 2, pp. 54-55 (July 1964).
35 Cong. Rec. 2431 (1902).
See CE 1030.
5 H 115 (Hoover).
See id. at 115-116.
50 U.S.C. sec. 402.
See 5 H 583 (Dillon).
See generally the discussion in app. VII.
Id. at 514.
CE 1021, pp. 9-11.
Id. at p. 10.
5 H 481 (Rowley).
See pp. 429-433 supra.
5 H 464-469, 478 (Rowley).
See id. at 466; see also 5 H 580 (Dillon).
The planning do ent is CE 1053A and the transmittal letter to the Director of the Bureau of the Budget is 1053B.
CE 836, attachment 5, p. 2.
5 H 18 (Belmont).
Ibid.
5 H 465 (Rowley).
5 H 12, 21 (Belmont).
5 H 113-114 (Hoover); 5 H 18-21 (Belmont).
5 H 465 (Rowley).
CE 1023.
Ibid.
5 H 465-469 (Rowley).
Id. at 469 (Rowley).
Folsom DE 1, p. 65.
See 5 H 467-469 (Rowley).
See app. VII.
5 H 464-466 (Rowley); 5 H 585 (Dillon).
Id. at 581.
Id. at 577.
Ibid; CE 1053A, pp. 6-7.
CE 1053C.
CE 1053A, p. 5; see 5 H 576-577 (Dillon).
CE 1053A, pp. 7-8.
CE 1027, p. 4.
CE 1053A, pp. 3-4.
5 H 480-481 (Rowley).
Ibid.
See p. 447 supra.
CE 1027, p. 5.
5 H 578 (Dillon).
Ibid; CE 1027, p. 1.
5 H 482 (Rowley).
5 H 24-25 (Belmont).
5 H 483 (Rowley).
CE 1027, p. 5; 5 H 478 (Rowley).
CE 2765.
5 H 475-478 (Rowley).
CE 1053A, 1053B.
E.g., hearings before Subcommittee, House Committee on Appropriations, Treasury Department Appropriations for 1963, 87th Cong., 2d sess., p. 448 (1962).
CE 1027, p. 1; 5 H 473 (Rowley).
CE 1027, p. 1.
CE 836. p. 5.
5 H 24-25 (Belmont)
Page 853
5 H 579 (Dillon).
5 H 24-25 (Belmont); CE 1027, pp. 1-2.
See 5 H 474-475 (Rowley)
See id. at 475-476.
CE 1053D
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Notes to Pages 467-515

Appendix VII
N. Schachner, "Thomas Jefferson" 661 (1957); CE 2549, p. 22.
S. F. Bemis, "John Quincy Adams and the Union" 120-121 (1956); CE 2549, p. 23.
M. James, "Andrew Jackson" 636-637 (1938); CE 2549, p. 23.
James at 684-688.
M. Smith. "A President Is Many Men" 225 (1948); C. M. Green, "Washington; Village and Capitol, 1800-1878" 160 (1962); CE 2549, p. 25.
B. P. Thomas, "Abraham Lincoln" 242-244 (1952); G. S. Bryan, "The Great American Myth" 13-18, 20-48 (1940).
Thomas at 245; Bryan at 54.
Bryan at 55-73.
Id. at 60-69.
Thomas at 454-455, 474-475; L. Lewis, "Myths After Lincoln" 167-173, 293-294 (1941).
Thomas at 519; Bryan at 114-125, 138-144; Lewis at 167-173.
Thomas at 519; Bryan at 149-155, 165-166, 221.
Thomas at 520-521; Bryan at 173-184, 188-189.
Bryan at 262-266, 268; B. Pitman, "The Assassination of President Lincoln and the Trial of the Conspirators" 242-249 (facsimile ed. 1954).
H.R. Rept. No. 104, 39th Cong., 1st sess. (1865); R. G. Tugwell "The Enlargement of the Presidency" 265 footnote 5 (1960).
W. B. Hesseltine, "Ulysses S. Grant" 301 (1935); CE 2550, p. 37.
0gilvie, "Life and Death of James A. Garfield," 100-131 (1881); R. J. Donovan, "The Assassins," 17, 35-42 (1952).
Ogilvie at 30-31, 45, 47; R. G. Caldwell, "James A. Garfield" 350-351 (1931); Donovan at 42-44, 58-61.
New York Tribune, July 3, 1881.
M. Smith at 229 (1948).
CE 2550, pp, 36- 37.
13 Stat. 351; Holverstott. "Preliminary Inventory of the Records of the United States Secret Service in the National Archives" 4-19 (1949); Bowen, "United States Secret Service, a Chronicle" 4, unpublished manuscript in the files of the Secret Service.
E.g., 20 Stat. 384; 22 Stat. 313.
CE 2550, pp. 36-37.
New York Evening Post, Sept. 7, 1901.
M. Leech, "In the Days of McKinley" 231-232, 559-562 (1959).
Id. at 559-561; C. Dawes, "A Journal of the McKinley Years" 239-240 (1950).
Leech at 594-596.
Id. at 592-594; Donovan at 88-89.
Donovan at 85, 107.
Id. at 85-88.
See supra, p. 455 for a discussion of such legislation.
"Hearings Before the Subcommittee of House Committee on Appropriations in Charge of Sundry Civil Appropriations Bill for 1911," 61st Cong. 2d sess. at 176 (1910); Records of U.S. Secret Service, Record Group 87, Daily Reports of Agents on White House detail, 1902-36, National Archives; W. S. Bowen and H. E. Neal, "The United States Secret Service" 11, 126 (1960).
2 "Selections From the Correspondence of Theodore Roosevelt and Henry Cabot Lodge, 1884-1918" 224 (1925).
Donovan at 142-147.
Id. at 128-129, 146-147.
34 Stat. 708 (1906); "Hearings Before Subcommittee of House Committee on Appropriations in Charge of Sundry Civil Appropriations Bill for 1910," 61st Cong., 1st sess. at 225-226 (1909).
38 Stat. 23 (1913).
39 Stat. 919, now 18 U.S.C. 871.
40 Stat. 120.
2 J. B. Bishop, "Theodore Roosevelt and His Times" 451-453 (1920).
E. W. Starling, "Starling of the White House" 117 (1946).
Donovan at 153-157.
Id. at 158-163.
Id. at 164-168.
S. Rept. No. 760, 67th Cong., 2d sess. (1922); CE 2550, p. 37.
42 Stat. 841.
46 Stat. 328.
76 Stat. 95.
CE 2553.
Starling at 42; CE 1029.
Baughman, "Secret Service Chief" 54-69 (1961); Bowen and Neal at 132-133. The functions of Protective Research Section are discussed supra at pp. 429-433.
CE 2549, pp. 113, 115; Donovan at 201.
Donovan at 202-207; CE 2551, p. 116.
65 Stat. 122, 18 U.S.C. 3056.
76 Stat. 956, 18 U.S.C. 3056 ( . Supp. 1962); S. Rept. No. 836, 87th Cong. 1st sess. (1961).
18 U.S.C. 871.
35 Stat. 328; 42 Cong., Rec. 5553-5560, 60th Cong., 2d sess. (1908); 35 Stat. 986; 41 Stat. 174 (1919).
CE 2551.
36 Stat. 748 (1910); CE 867.
5 H 102, 119 (J. Edgar Hoover); CE 2552.
Commission on Organization of the Executive Branch of the Government [hereafter cited as Hoover Commission] "Task Force Report on Fiscal, Budgeting, and Accounting Activities" [app. F] 2, 17 (January 1949).
Hoover Commission "Treasury Department" (1949).
Hoover Commission transcript of meeting at 39 (Dee. 20, 1948) in Record Group 264, Box 29, National Archives.
18 U.S.C. 3056.
"Hearings on Treasury-Post Office Departments and Executive Office Appropriations Before the Subcommittee of the House Committee on Appropriations" 88th Cong., 2d sess. 434, 449 (1964)
Page 854

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Notes to Pages 547-566

Appendix X
3 H 390-391 (Robert A. Frazier); 3 H 452 (Cortlandt Cunningham); 3 H 496 (Joseph D. Nicol).
3 H 390-441 (Frazier); 3 H 451-496 (Cunningham); 3 H 496-515 (Nicol). Frazier and Ronald Simmons of the U.S. Army Infantry Weapons Evaluation Branch also testified on rifle capability. This subject is discussed on pp. 188-194.
3 H 390-5,15, passim; Hatcher, Jury & Weller, "Firearms Identification, Investigation, and Evidence," chs. 13-14 (1957).
3 H 415-419 (Frazier).
Id. at 429-430.
Id. at 421-422, 424.
CE 139; 3 H 289 (Joseph A. Mooney); 3 H 292-293 (Eugene Boone); 3 H 392, 395 (Frazier).
CE 139, 541; 3 H 393-394 (Frazier).
CE 139; 3 H 395-396 (Frazier).
CE 139, 541; 3 H 397 (Frazier).
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 392, 396.
Id. at 392.
Ibid.; CE 540.
3 H 392 (Frazier).
CE 1977; 3 H 393-394 (Frazier).
Id. at 392-393; W. H. B. Smith, "Small Arms of the World" (6th ed. 1960).
3 H 416 (Frazier).
Id. at 397-398 (Frazier); W. H. B. Smith, "The Book of Rifles," 296-307 (3d ed. 1963); W. H. B. Smith, "Mannlicher Rifles and Pistols" (1947), pp. 84-87.
3 H 397-398 (Frazier).
Ibid.
4 H 205 (John Will Fritz); 4 H 258 (J. C. Day).
CE 575; 3 H 398 (Frazier).
Ibid.
CE 141; 4 H 205-206 (Fritz); 4 H 258 (Day).
3 H 399 (Frazier).
Id. at 400.
Id. at 437-438; 3 H 443, 449 (Ronald Simmons).
3 H 400, 416 (Frazier).
Id. at 400-401.
CE 512; 3 H 284 (Mooney).
CE 510.
3 H 414-428 (Frazier); 3 H 505-507 (Nicol).
3 H 401-402 (Frazier); CE 2724.
CE 546, 547; 3 H 401-402 (Frazier).
CE 547;3 H 401-402 (Frazier).
Id. at 402.
Ibid.
CE 399, 567, 569, 2011, pp. 2-4; 6 H 129-130 (Darrell C. Tomlinson).
3 H 430 (Frazier).
Ibid.
Id. at 432, 435.
Id. at 432.
Id. at 435.
Id. at 435, 437; 3 H 497 (Nicol).
3 H 430, 432, 434, 436-437 (Frazier).
Id. at 428-437; 3 H 497-502 (Nicol).
CE 143; 3 H 300-301 (M. N. McDonald); 7 H 45-55 (Gerald Hill); 7 H 24-25 (Bob K. Carroll),; 3 H 453 (Cunningham).
Id. at 458.
Id. at 453.
Id. at 456.
Id. at 455.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 455-456.
Id. at 456.
Id. at 457.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 458.
Id. at 459.
CE 145, 518; 3 H 301 (McDonald); 7 H 26 (Carroll); 7 H 55 (Hill).
3 H 459 (Cunningham).
CE 592; 7 H 126 (Elmer L. Boyd).
3 H 459 (Cunningham).
Id. at 453-454.
CE 594; 3 H 345 (Barbara Jeannette Davis); 6 H 463-464 (Virginia Davis); 6 H 449-451 (Domingo Benavides).
3 H 465-466 (Cunningham).
Id. at 466-473 (Cunningham); 3 H 511 (Nicol).
CE 602-605, 2011, p. 9.
3 H 511-513 (Nicol).
3 H 474-475, 482-483 (Cunningham).
Ibid.
Id. at 475, 482.
Id. at 475-476, 482.
Id. at 475-476, 489-491.
Id. at 476-478.
Id. at 479, 481.
CE 2003, pp. 92-93. This was an affidavit, the substance of which was repeated in the testimony of Officer McDonald, id. at 306-301.
3 H 461, 463 (Cunningham).
Id. at 463-464.
Ibid.
Id. at 464.
Id. at 463.
Id. at 465.
4 H 275-276 (Day).
3 H 486 (Cunningham).
Id. at 486, 495; 3 H 514 (Nicol).
3 H 486-487, 494-495 (Cunningham); 3 H 514 (Nicol).
3 H 492-493 (Cunningham).
Id. at 492.
Id. at 487.
Id. at 487-489.
Id. at 494; 15 H 747-748 (Gallagher).
CE 2455.
Gallagher DE 1; 15 H 748-751 (Gallagher).
CE 573; CE 2011, p. 6.
3 H 452 (Cunningham).
3 H 439-440 (Frazier).
3 H 502-503 (Nicol).
4 H 1-48 (Sebastian F. Latona).
4 H 48-56; 15 H 745-746 (Arthur Mandella).
4 H 1-2 (Latona); 4 H 48-49 (Mandella).
4 H 1-56, passim; see generally Bridges, Burtis C.; "Practical Fingerprinting, revised by Charles F. O'Hara (1963); mins and Midlow "Fingerprints, Palms, and Soles," 2d. ed. (1961).
4 H 2-14 (Latona).
Id. at 13-14; 4 H 53 (Mandella).
4 H 2-3, 44-45 (Latona).
Id. at 3-5.
Id. at 22, 39-40.
4 H 251, 269, 272 (Day); CE 733, 734, 1301, 2011, p. 16 (see ch. IV, pp. 122-123, 134-135, 137, 146).
4 H 269 (Day); 7 H 145 (Studebaker); CE 733, 734, 1302.
4 H 3-20 (Latona); 4 H 50-51 (Mandella).
4 H 22, 29 (Latona).
4 H 259-261 (Day); 4 H 20-21, 23-24 (Latona).
Ibid.
4 H 23-27 (Latona). 4 H 50 (Mandella).
Id. at 31

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Page 855
4 H 30-37 (Latona); 4 H 51-52 (Mandella).
Ibid.
Ibid.
4 H 41-43 (Latona).
CE 3131, pp. 17-18.
4 H 41-42 (Latona); CE 3131, p. 18.
4 H 37-38 (Latona); 4 H 267-268 (Day).
4 H 37-41 (Latona); 4 H 52 (Mandella).
4 H 30 (Latona).
Id. at 38; 4 H 55 (Mandella).
4 H 39 (Latona).
Id. at 39.
4 H 55 (Mandella).
4 H 23 (Latona); 4 H 253-258 (Day); CE 2011, pp. 1, 5.
4 H 358-403; 15 H 703-709.
7 H 418-438 (James C. Cadigan).
4 H 359 (Alwyn Cole); 7 H 419 (Cadigan).
7 H 364-366 (Waldman); CE 733; Cadigan DE 1; CE 788.
7 H 375-378 (Heinz Michaelis); CE 135.
CE 791, 793, 817, 2342, 2727.
7 H 187-188 (Stovall); 7 H 228 (Guy F. Rose); CE 795, 806, 1986, 1989, 1990, 2011, pp. 22, 23.
7 H 197-199 (Walter Ports); 7 H 222 (F. M. Turner); 213-215 (Henry Moore); Moore DE 1; CE 813, 2003, p. 281; CE 2011, p. 25.
CE 819, 820, 2011, p. 24.
1 H 16 (Marina Oswald).
4 H 266-267 (Day); CE 142.
4 H 358-403, 7 H 418-438, passim; see also Osborne, Questioned Do ents (2d ed., 1940).
4 H 364 (Cole).
Ibid.
4 H 366 (Cole).
Id. at 368-370.
Id. at 364-372.
Id. at 372; 7 H 436-437 (Cadigan).
4 H 363 (Cole).
CE 774-783 Cadigan DE 2-3; 4 H 360-361 (Cole); 7 H 419-420 (Cadigan).
CE 3137.
4 H 373 (Cole); 7 H 420 (Cadigan).
4 H 361-370 (Cole); 7 H 420-422 (Cadigan).
7 H 293-295 (Harry D. Holmes).
4 H 373-375 (Cole); 7 H 423-424 (Cadigan).
4 H 366-370 (Cole); 7 H 420-422 (Cadigan).
4 H 366-368 (Cole); 7 H 421-422 (Cadigan).
4 H 369-370 (Cole); 7 H 422 (Cadigan).
Ibid.
4 H 371 (Cole).
Ibid.
CE 135.
4 H 375-377 (Cole); 7 H 424 (Cadigan).
7 H 527 (Holmes).
Ibid.
4 H 377-378 (Cole); 7 H 424-425 (Cadigan).
4 H 377 (Cole); 7 H 527 (Holmes).
7 H 527 (Holmes); CE 2342, 2727.
CE 793; 4 H 379-380 (Cole); 7 H 425-426 (Cadigan); CE 2342, 2727.
CE 817.
4 H 397-398 (Cole); 7 H 431-432 (Cadigan).
CE 795, 866, 801, 802; Cole DE 1; CE 1986, 1989, 1990, 2079, 2483, 2011, pp. 20-24; 7 H 187-188 (Richard S. Stovall); 7 H 228 (Rose).
4 H 380-381, 389 (Cole); 7 H 427-429 (Cadigan)
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Notes to Pages 566-579
CE 2077, 2011, p. 26; 7 H 195 (Stovall).
7 H 195 (Stovall).
CE 795.
CE 801.
CE 803.
CE 805.
4 H 387 (Cole).
CE 804; 4 H 385-387 (Cole); 7 H 427-429 (Cadigan).
4 H 381 (Cole); 7 H 427-428 (Cadigan).
Id. at 381-382.
Ibid.
Id. at 382.
Ibid; 7 H 427-428 (Cadigan).
4 H 382 (Cole).
4 H 383, 390-391 (Cole).
CE 798; 4 H 382-383 (Cadigan).
Ibid.
Ibid.
4 H 391-392 (Cole); 15 H 707 (Cole).
15 H 707 (Cole).
15 H 707-708 (Cole).
4 H 392-393 (Cole); CE 3105.
4 H 392-393 (Cole).
CE 795.
7 H 427-428 (Cadigan); 15 H 703-705; CE 803, 804; Cole DE 5, 6.
7 H 428-429 (Cadigan); 15 H 703-705 (Cole); CE 801, 795, 803, 804, 805.
CE 795, 802, 811; 7 H 427 (Cadigan); 4 H 384 (Cole).
Ibid.
CE 802, 795; 15 H 708 (Cole).
Ibid.
CE 799; 4 H 382 (Cole).
Cole DE 1.
CE 812.
7 H 430 (Cadigan); 15 H 706-707 (Cole).
CE 809; 4 H 390 (Cole).
15 H 707 (Cole).
Ibid.
Ibid.
CE 808; 4 H 389-390 (Cole).
CE 810; 4 H 390 (Cole).
Id. at 387.
Id. at 387-388.
Id. at 388.
CE 813.
CE 3097, 2003, p. 281; CE 2011, p. 25.
CE 813, 814, 815.
4 H 395-396 (Cole).
7 H 432-433 (Cadigan).
CE 115; 1 H 113 (Marina Oswald).
CE 816; 4 H 396 (Cole).
4 H 396 (Cole).
CE 3105, 3136.
4 H 397 (Cole).
Ibid.
Id. at 399; 7 H 436 (Cadigan).
Ibid.; 4 H 399 (Cole).
7 H 436 (Cadigan).
4 H 399 (Cole).
Id. at 399-400.
Ibid.
5 H 401 (Marina Oswald).
CE 2726.
7 H 437-438 (Cadigan).
Ibid.
CE 2723.
Ibid.
CE 677; 4 H 89-90 (Cadigan).
Id. at 90, 92-93.
Id. at 90.
Id. at 93.
Ibid.
Id. at 95-97.
Id. at 97.
Id. at 93, 97, 100-101.
Id. at 98.
CE 364; 4 H 93-94 (Cadigan)
Page 856
CE 677; 4 H 75-76 (Paul Morgan Stombaugh).
Ibid
4 H 90-92 (Cadigan).
5 H 74 (Dr. Alfred G. Oliver); 5 H 91 (Dr. Arthur J. Dziemian).
5 H 74 (Dr. Olivier); 5 H 91 (Dr. Dziemian); 5 H 94 (Dr. Frederick W. Light, Jr.).
5 H 75 (Dr. Olivier); 5 H 94 (Dr. Light).
5 H 91 (Dr. Dziemian).
Ibid
5 H 94 (Dr. Light).
Ibid
5 H 76, 78-79, 81 (Dr. Olivier).
Id. at 78; 5 H 96 (Dr. Light).
Ibid
5 H 75 (Dr. Olivier).
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 75, 78.
Id. at 75.
Id. at 78.
Id. at 76.
Ibid
Ibid
Id. at 78
Id. at 76
Id. at 76-77
Id. at 77
Ibid; 5 H 164 (Lyndal L. Shaneyfelt); CE 893, 895.
5 H 75, 77 (Dr. Olivier).
Id. at 77.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 78
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 79-80
5 H 164 (Shaneyfelt); CE 893, 895.
5 H 80 (Dr. Olivier).
Id. at 79.
Id. at 78-79.
Id. at 79.
Ibid.
Ibid.
5 H 80 (Dr. Olivier).
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 86.
Id. at 81.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 82.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 82-83.
Id. at 82.
Id. at 83-87; 5 H 92-93 (Dr. Dziemian).
5 H 86 (Dr. Olivier).
6 H 90-91 (Dr. Robert R. Shaw; 6 H 101-102 (Dr. Charles F. Gregory); 6 H 109-110 (Dr. George T. Shires).
5 H 83-87 (Dr. Olivier); 5 H 92-93 (Dr. Dziemian).
5 H 86 (Dr. Olivier).
Id. at 83
Id. at 86
Ibid.
Id. at 84; 5 H 93 (Dr. Dziemian).
5 H 95 (Dr. Light).
Ibid.
5 H 87 (Dr. Olivier).
Id. at 89
Id. at 87-88
5 H 160 (Shaneyfelt); CE 902.
5 H 89 (Dr. Olivier)
Ibid. 2 H 351 (Comdr. James J. Humes).
5 H 89 (Dr. Olivier).
Ibid.
Ibid.
5 H 67 (Frazier).
5 H 88 (Dr. Olivier).
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 89
Ibid.
Id. at 87
Ibid.
Ibid.
2 H 356 (Comdr. Humes); 2 H 380-381 (Lt. Col. Pierre A. Finck).
5 H 89 (Dr. Olivier).
Id. at 90; 5 H 93 (Dr. Dziemian).
4 H 56-88 (Stombaugh).
Id. at 56.
Id. at 61-64, 69-70.
Id. at 60-61, 78-80, 87; 15 H 702 (Stombaugh).
4 H 57 (Stombaugh).
Id. at 60.
Id. at 78, 15 H 702 (Stombaugh).
4 H 79-80 (Stombaugh)
CE 663; 4 H 57-58 (Stombaugh).
Ibid.
4 H 58 (Stombaugh).
Id. at 57-58.
Id. at 58.
Ibid.
Id. at 84.
Id. at 59.
Ibid.
Id. at 61.
Id. at 61, 68, 72.
Id. at 61, 64, 67, 68; CE 2011, p. 14; CE 2404.
4 H 64-67 (Stombaugh).
Id. at 67-68.
Id. at 68.
Id. at 75.
Id. at 76-77.
Ibid.
Id. at 77-78.
Id. at 78-80
4 H 74 (Stombaugh).
Ibid.
Id. at 85-87; 15 H 702 (Stombaugh).
Ibid.
4 H 81 (Stombaugh).
Ibid.
Id. at 82.
Id. at 82-83, 85
Id. at 82.
Id. at 83.
Id. at 83-84.
Id. at 85-87; 15 H 702 (Stombaugh).
4 H 87-88 (Stombaugh).
CE 135-A, 135-B; CE 2011, p. 27; 7 H 231 (Rose).
CE 3, 5, 749, 2011, p. 26; 7 H 194 (Stovall); 7 H 231 (Rose)
CE 750.
1 H 117-118 (Marina Oswald); 5 H 406 (Marina Oswald); CE 2083.
4 H 279-294 (Shaneyfelt); 7H 410-418 (Shaneyfelt); 15 H 686-702 (Shaneyfelt).
4 H 279 (Shaneyfelt).
CE 133-A, 133-B; 4 H 289 (Shaneyfelt).
CE 746 A-E; 4 H 279-280 (Shaneyfelt).
CE 747, 748; 4 H 280-281 (Shaneyfelt).
Id. at 281.
Id. at 289.
Ibid
Page 857
Id. at 283.
Ibid.
Id. at 284.
Ibid.
Id. at 285-286, 289
Id. at 285.
Id. at 286.
Id. at 284-288.
Id. at 289; 15 h 692-693 (Shaneyfelt)
4 H 226 (Fritz).
4 H 28 (Shaneyfelt).
Id. 293.
Id. at 288-289.
Id. at 293.
Shaneyfelt DE 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7; 15 H 689-690 (Shaneyfelt).
4 H 290-293 (Shaneyfelt); 7 H 410-418 (Shaneyfelt).
Ibid.
15 H 687-689 (Shaneyfelt).
Id. at 687, 689-690
Return to Top

Appendix XII
See supra, pp. 61-71.
See supra, pp. 71-72.
See supra, pp. 72-73.
See supra, p. 79.
CE 2582, p. 2; 6 H 210-216 (Jean L. Hill); CE 2594.
See supra, p. 76.
See supra, pp. 110-117.
See supra, pp. 76-77, 79-80.
See supra, pp. 79-80.
7 H 550 (Eddy R. Walthers); CE 2580, p. 2.
See supra, p. 50.
See supra, p. 77.
See supra, p. 87-91.
See supra, pp. 55-56.
See supra, pp. 96-109.
See supra, p. 140.
Ibid.
See supra, pp. 32, 40.
See supra, pp. 32, 39.
See supra, p. 130.
See supra, pp. 141-142.
See supra, p. 250.
Ibid.
CE 2585, p. 3; 2591, p. 6.
See supra, p. 147
See supra, pp. 312-315.
See supra, pp. 49, 189-190, 194
See supra, p. 117.
See supra, pp. 188-195
See supra, pp. 79, 553-554; CE 2585, p. 4.
See supra, pp. 79, 81
See supra, pp. 71-72, 76, 79, 248-251.
See supra, pp. 315-318.
See supra, p. 555.
See supra, pp. 123-124; CE 2584.
See supra, p. 123.
CE 2584, 3087.
See supra, pp. 15, 128; 3 H 79, 81-82 (Ruth Paine); CE 2580, p. 3; CE 2003, p. 137a.
See supra, pp. 125-128; Lyndal Shaneyfelt DE 10, 11, 12, 16, 17.
See supra, p. 127.
See supra, pp. 151-153.
See supra, p. 151; CE 3035, 3076.
See supra, pp. 155-156.
See supra, pp. 143-144; CE 2580 p. 3.
See supra, pp. 156-163.
See supra, pp. 155-156.
See supra, pp. 161-163.
See supra, pp. 162-163; CE 2592.
See supra, pp. 359-365.
See supra, p. 163.
See supra, pp. 163-164.
CE 1974, pp. 8, 20, 21.
CE 2583.
See supra, pp. 144, 165.
See supra, p. 369.
See supra, pp. 166-167.
See supra, pp. 165-168.
See supra, p. 167.
See supra, pp. 166-167; Helen Markham DE 1, pp 295-299.
See supra, pp 166-168; CE 2593.
See supra, pp. 168-169, 174.
See supra, pp. 174-175.
Ibid; WFAA-TV reels PKT 5-56:05 and PKF 10-8:43, 9:47.
10 H 297 (Mrs. A. C. Johnson).
See supra, p. 128.
See supra, p. 174; 10 H 297 (Johnson).
See supra, p. 174.
See supra, p. 176.
See supra, pp. 178-179.
See supra, p. 179.
See supra, pp. 178-179, 200.
See supra, p. 198.
See supra, p. 182; see app. XI.
See supra, pp. 200-201.
See infra, pp. 685-687.
See infra, pp. 257, 685.
See supra, pp. 256-257.
See supra, pp. 257-258.
See supra, pp. 267, 269, 272, 274.
See supra, pp. 272, 274.
See supra, pp. 703, 708.
See supra, pp. 274, 280.
See supra, pp. 272-280.
See supra, pp. 278-279.
See supra, p. 278.
See infra, pp. 773-774; CE 952, 2754.
CE 2785
See supra, p. 331; app. XIV
See supra, p. 305; see infra, 731-733, 736.
See supra, p. 305.
See supra, pp. 307-309.
See supra, p. 307; CE 2952, 2953, 2954.
1 H 191 (Marguerite Oswald).
See supra, pp. 325-327.
CE 2580, p. 3; CE 2581.
See supra, pp. 327, 437-440.
See supra, pp. 438-439; CE 2582, p. 5.
CE 2583.
See supra, pp. 438-439; CE 2582, p. 5.
See supra, pp. 118-122.
See supra, pp. 436-440.
CE 2585, p. 6.
See supra, pp. 328-333; see app. XIV.
See supra, p. 359.
CE 2585, p. 10.
See supra, pp. 359-362.
CE 2585, p. 10; 11 H 416 (E. Walker).
See supra, pp. 297-298.
See supra, p. 369; CE 2585, p. 6.
See supra, pp. 370-371; see infra, p. 801.
11 H 434-442 (Warren A. Reynolds); 8 H 2579, 2587, 2588
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Notes to Pages 664-671
8 H 316 (Donald P. Camarata); 8 H 281 (Daniel P. Powers); CE 2586, pp. 2-12.
See supra, pp. 246-247; CE 2585, p. 8.
See supra, pp. 447-449; CE 2583.
CE 705, p. 27.
CE 2583, pp. 2-3.
See supra, pp. 192, 318-320.
See supra, pp. 320-321.
10 H 424 (Laurance R. Wilcox).
See supra, pp. 332-333.
See infra, pp. 736-737; Dallas Morning News, Nov. 28, 1963, p. 20, cols. 1-2.
See supra, p. 254.
See supra, p. 328.
7 H 549-559 (Walthers); CE 2003, pp. 295-299.
1 H 45, 109-110 (Marina Oswald); 1 H 247-249 (Marguerite Oswald); 3 H 13-17, 51-52 (Ruth Paine); 4 H 365, 369, 402 (Alwyn Cole).
CE 2578; CE 2579, pp. 171-180.
1 H 59-60; 125-126 (Marina Oswald).
See supra, pp. 364-365.
CE 3122.
Revilo P. Oliver DE 8; 15 H 738-740 (Oliver).
CE 2711
Return to Top

Appendix XIII
Allison G. Folsom, Jr., DE 1, p. 98; see CE 2205, p. 569.
1 H 252 (Marguerite Oswald); 8 H 92 (Lillian Murret).
1 H 252-253 (Marguerite Oswald); 8 H 95-96 (L. Murret).
1 H 252 (Marguerite Oswald).
8 H 98 (L. Murret).
CE 2207, p. 50.
8 H 97 (L. Murret).
1 H 252 (Marguerite Oswald).
Id. at 252-253; see 8 H 93 (L. Murret).
John Pic DE 1.
8 H 197-198 (Edward John Pic Jr.); see 8 H 92-93 (L. Murret). Mrs. Murret described Pic at that time as "a person who did not talk unless you spoke to him"; id. at 93.
1 H 253 (Marguerite Oswald); see 8 H 95, 99 (L. Murret).
8 H 95, 99 (L. Murret), 162-163 (Marilyn Dorothea Murret); 11 H 5 (J. Pic) cf. 8 H 46 (Myrtle Evans). For Mrs. Oswald's testimony to the same effect before the Commission, see 1 H 253.
8 H 198; 11 H 82 (E. Pic).
11 H 2 (J. Pic); CE 2208; see 8 H 198 (E. Pic).
8 H 201 (E. Pic); see 8 H 47 (M. Evans), 101 (L. Murret); 11 H 5 (J. Pic).
Compare 8 H 199 (E. Pic) with 1 H 253 (Marguerite Oswald); cf. 8 H 47 (M. Evans).
8 H 104 (L. Murret); 11 H 5 (J. Pic); see 1 H 253 (Marguerite Oswald).
Ibid.
CE 1958.
CE 1959.
CE 2000; 1 H 253 (Marguerite Oswald); 8 H 104 (L. Murret).
1 H 253 (Marguerite Oswald).
CE 2208; 1 H 267 (Robert Edward Lee Oswald).
1 H 253 (Marguerite Oswald); 8 H 105 (L. Murret).
CE 2197, p. 79.
11 H 12 (J. Pic); see 8 H 105 (L. Murret); see generally CE 2198, pp. 65-67, 69.
1 H 269 (R. Oswald); 8 H 105 (L. Murret).
CE 2199; 8 H 269-270 (R. Oswald); 11 H 7 (J. Pic).
CE 2211, p. 618-1; see 1 H 225 (Marguerite Oswald), 268 (R. Oswald); 8 H 47 (M. Evans).
1 H 225 (Marguerite Oswald); Folsom DE 1, p. 123.
1 H 225 (Marguerite Oswald).
See 8 H 47 (M. Evans), 106 (L. Murret).
CE 2200.
Ibid.
CE 2197, p. 79; see CE 2207, p. 51.
CE 2197, p. 79.
See CE 2201, p. 63; CE 2202.
1 H 270 (R. Oswald); 11 H 7, 8-9, 11 (J. Pic); cf. 8 H 107 (L. Murret).
Ibid.; 11 H 7 (J. Pic); but see id., at 17.
Id. at 9; cf. 8 H 107 (L. Murret).
See CE 2199, 2203.
8 H 40 (Viola Peterman).
CE 2197.
11 H 12 (J. Pic).
8 H 43 (Peterman).
Ibid.; 11 H 11, 12 (J. Pic); see 8 H 48 (M. Evans).
11 H 11 (J. Pic).
Id. at 12.
CE 2197, p. 80.
Pic DE 5. The record contains also a separate application for the admission of Robert, dated Jan. 3, 1942; J. Pic DE 3.
J. Pic DE 2, p. 3; see 1 H 272 (R. Oswald).
J. Pic DE 2, p. 4.
CE 2201, p. 63; see 8 H 35-36 (Anne Boudreaux).
J. Pic DE 2, p. 1.
8 H 46, 51 (M. Evans); 11 H 18 (J. Pic).
8 H 106-107 (L. Murret).
8 H 36-37 (Boudreaux); see CE 2204.
8 H 37 (Boudreaux).
1 H 254 (Marguerite Oswald); cf. 8 H 47, 63 (M. Evans).
8 H 36 (Boudreaux).
J. Pic DE 2, p. 1; 11 H 13, 14 (J. Pic).
See J. Pic DE 2, p. 2.
See 8 H 112-113 (L. Murret).
J. Pic DE 2, p. 4.
Id. at l.
11 H 15 (J. Pic).
11 H 17, 20 (J. Pic); see 1 H 271 (R. Oswald) cf. id. at 273.
11 H 20 (J. Pic); see 1 H 271 (R. Oswald); 8 H 108-109 (L. Murret).
1 H 271 (R. Oswald).
1 H 254 (Marguerite Oswald), 272, 273 (R. Oswald); 11 H 20-21 (J. Pic).
1 H 272, 273 (R. Oswald); 11 H 18, 20 (J. Pic).
CE 2213, p. 27.
1 H 255 (Marguerite Oswald); see also 11 H 18 (J. Pic) ("Princess Hosiery"); 8 H 48, 51 (M. Evans) ("Jean's Hosiery Shop"), 109 (L. Murret) ("Jean's
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Notes to Pages 671-675
Hosiery Shop"). It is unclear whether all these references are to the same job or to different jobs.
CE 2213, p. 27.
Ibid.
For descriptions of Ekdahl, see 1 H 250 (Marguerite Oswald), 274 (R. Oswald); 8 H 66-67 (Julian Evans), 110-111 (L. Murret); 11 H 21-22 (J. Pic). Marguerite testified that she was working at a hosiery shop when she met Ekdahl; 1 H 255; cf. CE 2213, p. 27; but cf. 11 H 18 (J. Pic).
See 11 H 21 (J. Pic); but see 1 H 274 (R. Oswald).
11 H 21 (J. Pic); see 8 H 66 (J. Evans).
1 H 2,55 (Marguerite Oswald); see 11 H 21 (J. Pic).
Pic DE 2-A.
1 H 255 (Marguerite Oswald).
Ibid. The home's rules did not permit children with two living parents to remain there; see 11 H 21 (J. Pic); cf. 8 H 107 (L. Murret).
1 H 255 (Marguerite Oswald).
Ibid.; 8 H 50 (M. Evans), 110 (L. Murret).
1 H 255 (Marguerite Oswald).
See p. 670, supra.
CE 1963, p. 543; 1 H 255 (Marguerite Oswald); see J. Pic DE 4, p. 1.
1 H 269 (R. Oswald); 8 H 49-50 (M. Evans); 11 H 22, 23 (J. Pic).
J. Pic DE 2, p. 4; 1 H 272, 273 (R. Oswald); 11 H 21, 22 (J. Pic).
1 H 274 (R. Oswald); 11 H 23 (J. Pic).
1 H 255 (Marguerite Oswald); see 1 H 275 (R. Oswald); 11 H 22 (J. Pic). Robert believed, apparently incorrectly, that Ekdahl was already living in Dallas when the family moved there; 1 H 274 (R. Oswald).
See 1 H 250, 251 (Marguerite Oswald); 8 H 113 (L. Murret).
8 H 53 (M. Evans), 110 (L. Murret).
J. Pic DE 4.
CE 2211, p. 618-1; 11 H 23 (J. Pic).
Ibid.
1 H 281 (R. Oswald); 11 H 27 (J. Pic); see id. at 21, 24.
Id. at 27.
1 H 275 (R. Oswald); 11 H 23-24 (J. Pic); see 1 H 255 (Marguerite Oswald).
Ibid.; 1 H 276 (R. Oswald); see 8 H 50-51 (M. Evans), 111 (L. Murret); see p. 670, supra.
1 H 277 (R. Oswald); 11 H 23-30 (J. Pic).
1 H 277-278 (R. Oswald); 8 H 50-51 (M. Evans), 68-69 (J. Evans), 111 (L. Murret).
8 H 45, 49 (M. Evans).
Id. at 50-51.
CE 2218; 11 H 25 (J. Pic). Robert testified that his recollection is that the family did not move to Benbrook until after Christmas 1945, which he and John spent with school friends because the Ekdahls (and Lee) were in Boston. 1 H 278.
Ibid. 11 H 25 (J. Pic).
CE 1874, pp. 5-6.
CE 2218.
Ibid.
CE 1413, p. 10.
Folsom DE 1, p. 1.
See 11 H 24-25 (J. Pic).
1 H 251 (Marguerite Oswald); 8 H 111 (L. Murret); cf. 8 H 50-51 (M. Evans).
1 H 251 (Marguerite Oswald); see 11 H 73 (J. Pic).
1 H 251 (Marguerite Oswald); 11 H 25-26 (J. Pic).
CE 1963, pp. 543-544; CE 1413, p. 18; CE 2217.
8 H 52 (M. Evans).
CE 1413, p. 18.
CE 1874, p. 6.
CE 1413, p. 18.
Ibid.
11 H 26 (J. Pic); CE 2206; see 1 H 251 (Marguerite Oswald); CE 2211, p. 618-6.
Ibid.
Id. at 618-5.
11 H 27 (J. Pic); compare 1 H 251 (Marguerite Oswald).
Ibid.
Id. at 250.
Id. at 250-251; 11 H 27-28 (J. Pic); see 8 H 112 (L. Murret).
See CE 1960-A, p. 1; 11 H 28 (J. Pic); cf. 1 H 251 (Marguerite Oswald); for one explanation of Mrs. Oswald's conduct, see 8 H 112 (L. Murret).
CE 1960-A, p. 3.
CE 1960-A.
Id. at 1-4.
CE 1960-B; see 1 H 251-252 (Marguerite Oswald).
11 H 29 (J. Pic); see 1 H 252 (Marguerite Oswald).
CE 1960-C, p. 2.
Id. at 3-5.
CE 1963, p. 544; CE 2212; 11 H 28 (J. Pic).
Ibid.
CE 2211, p. 618-6.
Id. at 618-5.
8 H 78 (Philip Eugene Vinson).
Id. at 77.
Id. at 77-78, 79.
CE 1874, p. 6; CE 2219; see 1 H 279 (R. Oswald); 11 H 29 (J. Pic).
Ibid.
Id. at 30-31.
CE 2219.
CE 1874, p. 7.
Id. at 6-7.
11 H 30 (J. Pic).
CE 1873-D; 1 H 292 (R. Oswald); 8 H 85 (Hiram Conway); 11 H 30 (J. Pic).
Ibid.
Ibid.
1 H 296 (R. Oswald).
CE 1873-D.
Ibid.
CE 1873-E, -F, -G; Robert Oswald testified that Ridglea West was newly built, which probably explains the transfer; 1 H 297.
CE 1873-D; see CE 1873-E, -F, -G.
CE 1873-D.
See p. 687, infra, but see p. 733 infra.
CE 1873-D.
1 H 297, 298 (R. Oswald) (insurance agent); 11 H 31, 32 (J. Pic) (department stores); CE 2213, pp. 25-26 (assistant store manager, Lerner Shops; department store sales representative, Literary Guild).
1 H 225 (Marguerite Oswald).
8 H 119 (L. Murret); 11 H 31 (J. Pic); see 8 H 163 (M. Murret).
CE 2220, p. 241.
CE 2221.
CE 2220, p. 241.
1 H 281 (R. Oswald); 11 H 31, 34, 40, 80 (J. Pic).
8 H 87 (Conway); 11 H 30-31 (J. Pic).
See id. at 31.
Ibid.; see 1 H 225 (Marguerite Oswald); 8 H 163 (M. Murret)

[Steve Kerr]

what the has this thread turned into?

[monosylab1k]

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Notes to Pages 675-681
1 H 225 (Marguerite Oswald); 11 H 81 (J. Pic). Hiram Conway testified that he taught the game of chess to John and another boy, from whom Lee learned it. 8 H 90.
8 H 122 (L. Murret).
Ibid.
8 H 86 (Conway); see id. at 89-90.
11 H 80 (J. Pic).
Id. at 32-33.
Id. at 34.
1 H 297-298 (R. Oswald).
Id. at 298-299.
1 H 225-226 (Marguerite Oswald); 11 H 36-37 (J. Pic).
1 H 225-226 (Marguerite Oswald).
11 H 37 (J. Pic).
Ibid.
1 H 226 (Marguerite Oswald); 11 H 37-39 (J. Pic).
Id. at 38.
Id. at 38-39.
Marguerite and John gave different accounts of the origins of the quarrel. Compare 1 H 226-227 (Marguerite Oswald) with 11 H 38-39 (J. Pic).
Id. at 39.
Id. at 38, 39.
Id. at 39-40.
1 H 227 (Marguerite Oswald).
CE 1384; CE 2205, p. 570; CE 2222.
CE 1384.
Ibid.
CE 2213, p. 25.
CE 1384, 2224, p. 4.
CE 2213, p. 25.
John Carro DE 1, p. 1.
CE 2213, p. 28.
CE 1384.
See CE 2224, p. 4.
CE 1384.
Ibid.
Ibid.; cf. CE 2224, p. 4.
CE 2225.
CE 1384, 2226.
Id. at 7.
CE 2224, p. 4.
Ibid.
Id. at 5.
11 H 42, 43-44, (J. Pic).
Carro DE 1, p. 1. Concerning this and subsequent truancy proceedings, see generally 8 H 202-214 (Carro).
Carro DE 1, p. 1.
CE 1384.
Carro DE 1, p. 1; see 1 H 227 (Marguerite Oswald).
Youth House is described by members of its staff at the time Lee was sent there at 8 H 215-218 (Dr. Renatus Hartogs), 225-226 (Evelyn Grace Strickman Siegel).
Carro DE 1, pp. 1-4; Siegel DE 1. p. 2; see generally ch. VII, pp. 379-382, supra.
1 H 228 (Marguerite Oswald).
Hartogs DE 1, p. 2. Dr. Hartogs' recommendations are discussed more fully in ch. VII, pp. 379-380.
Carro DE 1 P. 5.
Ibid.
CE 2224, p. 7.
Ibid.
Carro DE 1, p. 5; see CE 2213, p. 18.
CE 1384.
Ibid.
Ibid.
1 H 301-302 (R. Oswald). John places this visit much earlier, probably in October or November of 1952; 11 H 40 (J. Pic).
1 H 308-309 (R. Oswald).
Id. at 309-310.
CE 1384.
Carro DE 1, p. 5.
Id. at 6.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
CE 1384.
Carro DE 1, pp. 6-7.
CE 2223, p. 4.
Ibid.
Carro DE l, p. 7; CE 2223, p. 5.
Ibid.
See ibid.
Ibid; see Carro DE 1, p. 7.
Id. at 8.
1 H 231 (Marguerite Oswald); 8 H 122-123 (L. Murret). The address was later changed to 809 French Street; id. at 122.
CE 1413, pp. 12, 14.
Id. at 3-5, p. 14.
Id. at 6-8, 13, 14.
Id. at 17.
Id. at 9-10; see ch. VII, p. 383.
See 8 H 6-7, 12-13 (Edward Voebel), 63, 65 (M. Evans), 71 (J. Evans), 131 (L. Murret), 159-160 (M. Murret); CE 2233, 2235, 2236.
1 H 199-200 (Marguerite Oswald); 8 H 14 (Voebel), 28-29 (Frederick S. O'Sullivan), 151 (L. Murret). Lillian Murret testified that Lee belonged to the Sea Scouts also, probably a confusion with the Civil Air Patrol; Cf 8 H 131, 151 (L. Murret).
8 H 16-19 (William E. Wulf).
8 H 3-4, 6, 8 (Voebel).
1 H 198 (Marguerite Oswald); 8 H 70-71 (J. Evans); cf. 8 H 18 (Wulf). Edward Voebel, who thought Lee was not a "great reader," didn't see him read any thing except "comic books and the normal things that kids read"; 8 H 12 (Voebel).
8 H 125, 131 (L. Murret).
8 H 2-3, 5 (Voebel), 22-25 (Bennierita Smith), 124 (L. Murret), 159-160 (M. Murret); cf. CE 2232, 2234.
8 H 2-3 (Voebel).
8 H 55-57 (M. Evans), 70 (J. Evans); cf. 8 H 10-11 (Voebel).
CE 2201, p. 63.
CE 2238, p. 2.
Ibid.
Ibid.; see 1 H 198 (Marguerite Oswald); CE 1413, p. 9.
Ibid.
CE 2238, p. 2.
8 H 53-54, 56-57 (M. Evans); see 8 H 123 (L. Murret).
See 8 H 56-57 (M. Evans).
1 H 197 (Marguerite Oswald); see 8 H 57 (M. Evans), 123 (L. Murret), 158-159 (M. Murret); CE 2231.
CE 1413, p. 9.
8 H 56 (M. Evans); 8 H 151 (L. Murret).
1 H 310-311 (R. Oswald).
CE 1413, p. 15; see CE 1873-I, -J.
CE 1413, p. 11; see generally 1 H 196-197 (Marguerite Oswald).
CE 1413, p. 15; see CE 1873-H.
1 H 196-198 (Marguerite Oswald); 8 H 130-131 (L. Murret).
11 H 32 (J. Pic).
1 H 200 (Marguerite Oswald); see 8 H 64-65 (M. Evans).
CE 2227, 2237; see 1 H 198-199 (Marguerite Oswald).
CE 2227.
CE 2228; see 1 H 224 (Marguerite Oswald).
CE 1386, p. 251; CE 2229, 2230; see 1 H 198-199 (Marguerite Oswald).
Folsom DE 1, p. 7.
1 H 199 (Marguerite Oswald).
CE 2205, p. 571; CE 2239; CE 1873-I, -K
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Notes to Pages 681-687
CE 1873-J, -K.
Ibid.
CE 2240, p. 2.
Id. at 2-3.
Folsom DE 1, p. 123.
Id. at 3,. The abbreviations used on the official record to designate Lee's units and duty stations are explained in CE 1961, pp. 3-5.
Folsom DE 1, p. 1; see 8 H 304 (Folsom).
Folsom DE 1, p. 7; see 8 H 307-308 (Folsom).
Folsom DE 1, p. 7.
See CE 239; 8 H 310-311 (Folsom).
CE 239; see 8 H 311 (Folsom).
Folsom DE 1, p. 6; see 8 H 311 (Folsom); see generally 11 H 104 (Kerry Wendell Thornley).
Folsom DE 1, p. 6; see generally 8 H 233, 234-236 (Nelson Delgado).
Folsom DE 1, p. 6.
Id. at 3; see 8 H 305 (Folsom).
Folsom DE 1, p. 3.
Ibid.
CE 1962, p. 3.
Id. at 4.
Folsom DE 1, p. 36.
See CE 1963, p. 546.
Folsom DE 1, p. 3.
CE 1961, pp. 1-2.
See id., at 2-3.
Folsom DE 1, p. 10.
Id. at 120.
Id. at 118.
Id. at 3.
Ibid.; see 8 H 305 (Folsom); cf. 8 H 268 (Daniel Patrick Powers).
Folsom DE 1, p. 119; 8 H 267-268 (Powers).
CE 1961, p. 2; see 8 H 269 (Powers).
Id. at 267.
Id. at 268.
Ibid.
Id. at 270.
Id. at 277-278, 279; see generally id., at 269-271.
Id. at 272-273.
Folsom DE 1, p. 116.
Id. at 7.
Id. at 3, 36.
See 8 H 274 (Powers); CE 1963, p. 546; see note 308, supra.
Folsom DE 1, p. 3.
8 H 274 (Powers).
Folsom DE 1, p. 3.
Ibid.
Id. at 13.
8 H 277 (Powers).
Ibid.
Folsom DE 1, p. 13.
Id. at 3; CE 1961, p. 4.
8 H 278-279 (Powers).
Id. at 279.
Ibid.
Folsom DE 1, p. 111.
8 H 320 (Paul Edward Murphy).
Folsom DE 1, p. 3; CE 1961, p. 4.
Folsom DE 1, pp. 111-112.
Id. at 8.
Ibid.
CE 1961, p. 4.
8 H 279-280 (Powers).
Folsom DE 1, p. 5.
Id. at 3.
CE 1961, p. 4.
Ibid.
Folsom DE 1, p. 9.
Id. at 32; see 8 H 322 (Mack Osborne); 11 H 84, 85 (Thornley).
Folsom DE 1, p. 32.
Id. at 9.
Id. at 8; see 8 H 308 (Folsom).
Folsom DE 1, p. 3.
Id. at 10.
Id. at 3.
CE 1961, p. 5.
Folsom DE 1, p. 3.
CE 1961, p. 5; see generally 8 H 313-314 (George Donabedian).
Folsom DE 1, p. 3.
8 H 317 (Peter Francis Connor), 318 (John Rene Heindel), 320 (Murphy).
See authorities cited in note 365 supra.
8 H 320 (Murphy); cf. 8 H 285 (Powers).
Id. at 275, 283.
Folsom DE 1, p. 13; CE 1961, p. 5.
Folsom DE 1, p. 36.
Id. at 3; CE 1961, p. 5.
8 H 290 (John E. Donovan); see generally 8 H 231-232 (Delgado).
8 H 297-298 (Donovan); but see CE 1961, p. 3.
8 H 316 (James Anthony Botelho); 11 H 84 (Thornley).
8 H 316 (Botelho); 11 H 84-85 (Thornley).
See CE 1961. p. 3; Folsom DE 1, p. 10.
11 H 84 (Thornley).
8 H 291, 292 (Donovan).
Id. at 298-299.
See 8 H 233-234, 258, 262 (Delgado), 316 (Botelho), 318 (Allen D. Graf), 319 (David Christie Murray, Jr,), 320 (Murphy), 321-322 (Osborne), 323 (Richard Dennis Call); 11 H 85, 89-91, 100-101 (Thornley).
8 H 233 (Delgado); see 8 H 291 (Donovan).
See 8 H 245 (Delgado), 297 (Donovan), 316 (Botelho), 319 (Murray), 321 (Henry J. Roussel, Jr.); 11 H 92 (Thornley); but see 8 H 320 (Murphy).
8 H 317 (Donald Camarata), 322 (Osborne), 323 (Call).
8 H 265 (Delgado), 292-293, 297 (Donovan); 11 H 106-107 (Thornley); but see 8 H 322 (Call).
Folsom DE 1, p. 7; see 8 H 307.
8 H 244 (Delgado), 292 (Donovan), 315 (Botelho), 316 (Camarata), 319 (Murray), 320 (Murphy), 321 (Roussel), 321 (Osborne), 322 (Call), 323 (Erwin Lewis); 11 H 87 (Thornley).
8 H 321 (Roussel).
CE 2015.
8 H 293 (Donovan).
8 H 242 (Delgado). 292 (Donovan), 315 (Botelho), 317 (Camarata), 11 H 87-88 (Thornley); cf. id. at 320 (Murphy).
8 H 315 (Botelho), 323 (Call); but see 8 H 257-258 (Delgado).
8 H 316 (Camarata).
Ibid.; see 8 H 321 (Roussel).
8 H 319 (Murray).
8 H 315 (Botelho).
8 H 257-258 (Delgado), 321 (Roussel).
8 H 323 (Call).
8 H 317 (Camarata), 317 (Connor), 318 (Graf), 321 (Roussel), 322 (Osborne), 322-323 (Call).
8 H 290 (Donovan).
Id. at 297.
Id. at 292.
Id. at 295.
Id. at 293.
Ibid.
Id. at 292.
Id. at 293.
11 H 85 (Thornley).
Id. at 97.
Id. at 87.
Ibid.
Id. at 93.
Id. at 94-95.
Id. at 98.
Id. at 94, 98
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Notes to Pages 687-694
8 H 232 (Delgado).
Id. at 233, 241, 246-248.
Id. at 233.
See id. at 240-241, 243-244, 255.
Id. at 240.
Id. at 241.
Id. at 241-243.
See 8 H 233, 240-241, 243-244, 246, 254-255 (Delgado), 292-295, 297, 300 (Donovan), 315 (Botelho), 320 (Murphy), 322-323 (Call); 11 H 86-87, 96-95, 105-108 (Thornley).
11 H 108 (Thornley); see 8 H 320 (Murphy) ("Harvey" after "Harvey the Rabbit").
8 H 234, 264 (Delgado), 300 (Donovan), 317 (Camarata), 318 (Graf), 319 (Murray).
8 H 244, 254 (Delgado); 11 H 90 ,(Thornley); see id. at 105 ("something *** by Dostoievsky").
8 H 300 (Donovan), 316 (Botelho), 319 (Murray), 320 (Murphy), 322 (Osborne), 322-323 (Call).
Id. at 323.
8 H 251 (Delgado), 315-316 (Botelho).
8 H 251 (Delgado), 295 (Donovan).
Id. at 295-296.
8 H 252 (Delgado).
8 H 295 (Donovan); cf. 8 H 251 (Delgado).
See id. at 241, 251 (Delgado), 316 (Camarata), 320 (Murphy), 322 (Osborne), 323 (Call).
8 H 241 (Delgado).
Id. at 253-254; cf. 8 H 301 (Donovan).
Folsom DE 1, p. 3.
Ibid.
Id. at 105.
Id. at 106; see 8 H 309 (Folsom).
CE 228, p. 1.
Ibid.; see id. at 3.
Id. at 2.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 3.
See CE 229, 232.
CE 234.
8 H 243 (Delgado).
8 H 323 (Call).
Folsom DE 1, pp. 27, 79; see 8 H 304 (Folsom).
Folsom DE 1, p. 84.
Id. at 86-91; cf. CE 2241.
Id. at 6, 75, 76, 83.
Id. at 79-80.
Id. at 10, 78.
Id. at 4.
Ibid.; id. at 28.
Ibid.
Id. at 10.
CE 2016, p. 11-13.
CE 1114.
CE 946.
1 H 201-202 (Marguerite Oswald); CE 1135, p. 172.
1 H 201-202, 212 (Marguerite Oswald); CE 1396, p. 6.
Ibid.
1 H 201-202, 212 (Marguerite Oswald).
CE 1135, p. 172.
1 H 329 (R. Oswald); 1 H 212 (Marguerite Oswald).
1 H 203 (Marguerite Oswald).
CE 2673, 2665, p. 305.
CE 2712.
CE 2665, p. 305.
CE 200.
CE 2665, p. 305; see CE 2674.
CE 2675, p. 2.
Id. at 2-3; 11 H 116 (George B. Church, Jr.), 117 (Mrs. George B. Church, Jr.).
CE 2711, p. 39; CE 946, p. 7; CE 2676, p. 1.
Id. at 1, 3.
CE 2677. Oswald could have arrived at 5:05 p.m., flying via Copenhagen, or at 5:35 p.m., via Stockholm. See Official Airline Guide, North American Edition, October 1959, p. C-721. But he would have been too late to visit the Russian consulate that day. See CE 2714.
CE 946, p. 9.
Priscilla Johnson DE 1, p. 8; P. Johnson DE 5, p. 8.
CE 946, p. 8; CE 24, entry of Oct. 16, 1959; CE 985, do ent No. 1A.
CE 24, entry of Oct. 16, 1959.
CE 3124.
CE 24, entry of Oct. 16, 1959.
CE 24.
CE 18; see, e.g., pp. 3, 7, 22, 23, 27, 29, 31, 35, 61, 81; see also CE 827; 1 H 30, 104 (Marina Oswald).
CE 24, entry of Oct. 16, 1959.
CE 24, entry of Oct. 17, 1959.
CE 24, entries of Oct. 17-21, 1959.
CE 24, entry of Oct. 17, 1959.
CE 24, entry of Oct. 18, 1959.
CE 1399.
5 H 617 (Marina Oswald); CE 935, 827, 1438 (name misspelled by Oswald).
CE 2760; cf. CE 25, pp. 1B-2B.
5 H 274 (Richard Edward Snyder).
CE 24, entry of Oct. 20, 1959.
CE 24, entry of Oct. 21, 1959.
Ibid.
Ibid, see ch. VII, p. 392.
CE 985, do ents 1C-1-1C-4.
CE 985, do ent 1C-3, p. 10.
Id. at 11.
Id. at 10.
CE 24, entry of Oct. 23, 1959.
CE 24, entry of Oct. 21, 1959.
CE 24, entry of Oct. 23, 1959.
CE 24, entry of Oct. 23-26, 1959.
CE 985, do ent 1C-2, pp. 1, 8-9.
CE 24, entry of Oct. 28, 1959.
CE 3123.
CE 24, entry of Oct. 28, 1959.
Ibid.
Ibid.
CE 24, entries of Oct. 29-31, 1959.
CE 24, entry of Oct. 31, 1959.
See CE 908, p. 1; CE 909, p. 1; 5 H 260-261 (Snyder).
See generally 5 H 262-265, 269-270, 287-291 (Snyder); 300-304, 322-324 (John A. McVickar); CE 908, 909, 910.
CE 913.
8 USC sec. 1481 (1958); CE 101, 941, 958.
5 H 269 (Snyder); see CE 101, 941.
CE 24, entry of Oct. 31, 1959.
Ibid.; CE 2719.
CE 24, entry of Oct. 31, 1959; CE 3098.
CE 24, entry of Oct. 31, 1959; CE 3098.
1 H 201, 203 (Marguerite Oswald); CE 1396, pp. 8-9.
CE 24, entry of Nov. 1, 1959.
CE 2672; P. Johnson DE 5, P. 15.
1 H 323 (R. Oswald); see 11 H 458 (P. Johnson).
CE 2715, p. 61; CE 2684; 1 H 322 (R. Oswald).
CE 2683, p. 29 CE 2672; CE 24, entry of Nov. 1, 1959; see 1 H 323 (R. Oswald).
CE 2715; 1 H 323 (R. Oswald).
CE 2715, p. 61.
CE 912; see CE 919, 920; 5 H 267-269 (Snyder).
CE 912
Page 863
CE 919.
CE 24, entry of Nov. 2-15, 1959.
CE 294.
CE 24, entry of Nov. 16, 1959.
CE 24, entry of Jan. 4, 1960; CE 985, do ents 1A, 2A.
CE 942, 943, 2683, p. 29; 5 H 302 (McVickar).
See Fort Worth Star Telegram, Nov. 15, 1959, "Fort Worth Defector Confirms Red Beliefs"; CE 24, entry of Nov. 15, 1959; CE 1385; see also CE 1438.
CE 1385, p. 2.
Id. at 1-12.
CE 2717; CE 24, entry for Nov. 15, 1959.
CE 1385, p. 16.
CE 24, entry of Nov. 16, 1959.
Ibid.
11 H 446-447 (P. Johnson).
The interview is described in P. Johnson DE 1, 5, 6; 11 H 444-460. Oswald told Aline Mosby that he had read the Communist Manifesto. CE 1385, p. 6.
P. Johnson DE 1, p. 6.
11 H 447, 459 (P. Johnson); CE 911.
CE 24, entries of Nov. 17-Dec. 30, Dec. 31, 1959; 5 H 616 (Marina Oswald).
CE 295.
CE 297.
CE 202, 206; 1 H 204 (Marguerite Oswald).
CE 24, entry of Jan. 4, 1960; cf. CE 985, do ents 1A, 2A, 3A (1); CE 935.
CE 24, entry of Jan. 4, 1960.
In 1963, the population of Minsk was about 650,000.
CE 24, entry of Jan. 4, 1960.
CE 24, entry of Jan. 4-5, 1960; 5 H 292-293 (Snyder).
CE 24, entries of Jan. 5 and 7, 1960.
CE 24, entry of Jan. 7, 1960.
CE 24, entry of Oct. 18, 1960.
CE 24, entry of Jan. 8, 1960.
CE 1108.
CE 24, entries of Jan. 11 and 13, 1960; CE 33.
CE 92, p. 3; see CE 2669.
CE 1128, p. 1; CE 1109, p. 2.
5 H 616 (Marina Oswald); see 8 H 360 (George A. Bouhe); 9 H 145 (Paul Roderick Gregory); 9 H 79-80 (Gary E. Taylor); 2 H 339 (Peter Paul Gregory); CE 2669.
CE 1108.
CE 92, pp. 8-9.
5 H 590 (Marina Oswald); 8 H 347, 350 (Max Clark); 9 H 81 (Taylor), 147 (Paul Gregory); see P. Johnson DE 1, pp. 1, 6; P. Johnson DE 5, p. 7; CE 1385, p. 16.
8 H 360 (Bouhe) (900 rubles), 385 (Anna N. Meller) (800 rubles); 5 H 407-408 (Marina Oswald) (800 rubles); CE 1401, p. 271 (800-900 rubles); CE 1110 (700-850 rubles); CE 1128; CE 24, entry of Jan. 13, 1960 (700 rubles); 2 H 339 (Peter Gregory)(800 rubles); 8 H 348 (Clark) (800-900 rubles).
CE 2720; see CE 1401, p. 271.
1 H 95 (Marina Oswald); CE 1401, p. 275.
CE 24, entry of Jan. 13, 1960.
CE 1109.
CE 1110, 1128.
1 H 92-93 (Marina Oswald); CE 1401, p. 275.
CE 24, entry of Mar. 16, 1960; cf. 1 H 92 (Marina Oswald).
CE 24, entry of Mar. 16, 1960; see also 1 H 92 (Marina Oswald).
See id. at 93.
CE 2721; CE 25, pp. 1B-2B.
CE 24, entries Jan. 7 to Mar. 17, 1960; see CE 93 p. 4,(erroneously referring to "Roza Agafonava")
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Notes to Pages 694-702
CE 24, entry of Jan. 13, 1960.
CE 24, entry of Mar. 17, 1960); CE 2693.
CE 1403, p. 729; CE 42, 79.
Ibid.
CE 24, entry of June-July 1960.
1 H 91 (Marina Oswald); CE 993, p. 5.
1 H 96 (Marina Oswald); 2 H 396-397 (M. Paine); 5 H 405-406 (Marina Oswald); 8 H 362 (Bouhe); CE 2678, pp. 13-14; CE 2679.
CE 2759; CE 24, entry of Jan. 1, 1961.
CE 24, entry of May 1, 1960.
CE 24, entry of June-July 1960.
CE 24 entry of Aug.-Sept. 1960.
CE 24, entries of Jan. 1, Jan. 2, 1961.
CE 24, entry of Jan. 3, 1961.
CE 24, entry of May 1, 1961.
CE 2759.
11 H 142 (Mrs. Donald Gibson); 9 H 79 (Taylor).
Ibid.
11 H 142 (Gibson).
9 H 79 (Taylor).
10 H 203 (Dennis Hyman Ofstein).
8 H 348 (Clark).
9 H 80 (Taylor); 5 H 590 (Marina Oswald).
Ibid.; see 8 H 348 (Clark).
11 H 142 (Gibson); 8 H 60 (M. Evans); 5 H 590 (Marina Oswald).
9 H 145, 151 (Paul Gregory).
Id. at 145, 154, 156.
1 H 30 (Marina Oswald); CE 92, 94.
8 H 330-332 (Pauline Virginia Bates).
CE 92, p. 1.
Id. at 5.
Ibid.
Id. at 6-7.
5 H 40,7 (Marina Oswald), but see CE 25, p. 3.
CE 92, pp. 7-8.
Id. at 12.
Id., passim.
CE 985, do ents 3A (1)-(2); cf. CE 24, entry of Jan. 4, 1961.
Ibid.
5 H 277 (Snyder).
Id. at 276-277; CE 931.
5 H 277 (Snyder); CE 24, entries of Feb. 1-Mar. 6, 1961.
CE 933, 1084.
CE 930, 2681.
CE 2666.
CE 940.
CE 24, entry of Mar. 1-16, 1961.
5 H 278 (Snyder); CE 1403, p. 727.
CE 25, pp. 1B-2B; see 5 H 407-408 (Marina Oswald).
CE 940.
Ibid.; CE 1085.
CE 970, 971; 5 H 352-354 (Bernice Waterman).
11 H 210-212 (Katherine Mallory).
CE 24, entry of Mar. 17, 1961. Marina thought that the date was Mar. 4. 1 H 90 (Marina Oswald); CE 994, p. 1.
CE 1401, p. 260.
Ibid.
CE 24, entry of Mar. 17, 1961.
1 H 90-91 (Marina Oswald); CE 1401, p. 267; CE 994, p. 7.
CE 24, entries of Mar. 17, 18-31, Apr. 1-30, 1961.
This and the succeeding paragraphs about Marina's life before she met Oswald are based primarily on CE 1401, pp. 256-261. Additional sources are indicated where appropriate.
See also 1 H 84 (Marina Oswald)
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Notes to Pages 702-711
See id. at 84-85.
Marina is unclear about her age at the time of this move; cf. 1 H 84 (Marina Oswald) ("approximately five"), with CE 1401, p. 256 ("about seven").
CE 49.
1 H 84 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 85.
Id. at 87; CE 49.
CE 21; see 1 H 89 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 85.
Ibid.
Id. at 87.
See CE 51, 57.
1 H 89 (Marina Oswald).
Ibid.
Id. at 87-89.
Id. at 89; 5 H 608-609 (Marina Oswald); 5 H 305 (McVickar).
1 H 88, 89 (Marina Oswald).
CE 1401, p. 261; CE 994, p. 5.
1 H 91 (Marina Oswald); CE 1401, pp. 267-268; CE 993, p. 7.
Cf. ibid, with CE 1401.
1 H 91 (Marina Oswald); CE 1401, p. 268.
CE 985, do ent 1C-l, p. 1.
1 H 91 (Marina Oswald); CE 1401, p. 269.
Ibid.
CE 994, pp. 8-9; 2 H 302 (Katherine Ford).
CE 1401, p. 270; cf. CE 994, p. 9.
CE 985, do ent 1C-l, pp. 19-20.
CE 1401, p. 269.
Id. at 269-270.
CE 24, entry of Apr. 1-30, 1961.
CE 1401, p. 269; but see 2 H 302 (K. Ford).
CE 1111; CE 24, entry of Apr. 31 [sic], 1961.
Ibid.
CE 1401, p. 274.
CE 24, entry of May 1, 1961.
CE 24, entry of May 1961.
CE 24, entry of June 1961.
Ibid.
CE 252.
CE 1401, p. 277; CE 1403, p. 725.
CE 1401, pp. 274-276.
Id. at 274.
Id. at 276; CE 993, p. 12.
CE 1401, p. 277.
1 H 101 (Marina Oswald).
CE 72.
5 H 590 (Marina Oswald).
CE 298.
CE 299.
CE 180.
CE 252.
CE 936.
CE 1403, p. 727.
CE 24, entry of July 8, 1961; CE 24, entry of July 1961.
See app. w, p. 754, infra.
CE 24, entry of July 9, 1961; see 1 H 99-97 (Marina Oswald); CE 1401, p. 280.
Id. at 290; CE 1403, p. 726.
CE 1401, p. 278.
CE 935.
CE 24, entries of Oct. 16, 1959, through Jan. 4, 1960; CE 908.
CE 1385, p. 4; P. Johnson DE 1, pp. 3, 6, 14; P. Johnson DE 2, pp. 1-2; 11 H 456 (P. Johnson); CE 985, do ent 1C-2, p. 6.
CE 1109, 1110, 1128.
CE 909, 935, p. 2.
Id. at 3.
CE 946, p. 2-3; 5 H 284 (Snyder).
CE 935, p. 2.
CE 938.
5 H 284 (Snyder); CE 946, p. 6.
5 H 319 (McVickar); CE 1401, pp. 278-279.
5 H 319 (McVickar).
CE 944; 5 H 304-306, 318-319 (McVickar); CE 959.
CE 24, entry of July 14, 1961; CE 301.
Ibid.
CE 935, p. 1; CE 985, do ents 1B, 2B, 3B, 4B; see CE 1401, pp. 277- 278, 280.
CE 24, entry of July 19-Aug. 20, 1961.
CE 1122, p. 1.
CE 24, entry of Aug. 21-Sept. 1, 1961.
CE 24, entry of Sept.-Oct. 18, 1961.
1 H 90, 97 (Marina Oswald); but see CE 1401, p. 276.
1 H 97 (Marina Oswald).
Ibid.; 5 H 591-592 (Marina Oswald).
9 H 147 (Paul Gregory); see also CE 301; CE 24, entry of July 15-Aug. 20, 1961.
CE 1122, pp. 2-3.
Ibid.
1 H 97 (Marina Oswald).
CE 1087.
1 H 98 (Marina Oswald); CE 1403, p. 740.
CE 306.
CE 55; but see 1 H 98 (Marina Oswald).
CE 24, entry of Nov.-Dec. 1961; see also CE 1401, p. 269.
CE 24, entry of Sept.-Oct. 18, 1961; see CE 66(I).
CE 24, entry of Sept.-Oct. 18, 1961.
CE 56, 306, CE 1315, pp. 1-2.
CE 24, entry of Nov. 12, 1961.
5 H 591, 618 (Marina Oswald).
CE 1403, p. 745; 5 H 592 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 591-592, 604-605, 617-619 (Marina Oswald).
CE 181, 182, 183, 184, 185 (letters to Marguerite Oswald); CE 303, 305, 306, 307, 308, 309 (letters to R. Oswald).
CE 253.
CE 1076.
CE 1058.
CE 24, entry of Dec. 25, 1961; 5 H 592, 598, 604-605 (Marina Oswald); see also CE 1403, p. 725.
CE 1401, p. 267.
CE 24, entry for "New Years" 1962; CE 313.
CE 189.
CE 2731; cf. CE 2660.
CE 2680, pp. 7-8.
Id., at 3-4.
CE 246.
CE 1078.
CE 256.
CE 1079.
CE 2692.
CE 247.
Ibid.
CE 190.
CE 1080, p. 2; CE 1101.
CE 314.
Folsom DE 1, p. 10; see p. 689, supra.
CE 314.
Folsom DE 1, p. 65.
Id. at 63.
Id. at 61.
Id. at 45-46.
CE 2658.
CE 2661.
CE 222.
CE 192.
CE 1082, 1102.
CE 193
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Notes to Pages 711-717
CE 24, entry of Feb. 15, 1962; CE 993, pp. 15-16; CE 1112.
CE 994, p. 16.
Ibid.; but see CE 60, 61, 64.
CE 24, entry of Feb. 23, 1962.
CE 40, 52, 58, 59, 60, 61, 63, 194.
CE 24, entries of Feb. 28-29, 1962; 1 H 95, (Marina Oswald); CE 316.
CE 59, 61.
CE 24, entry of Feb. 23, 1961.
CE 316.
CE 195.
CE 316.
CE 1093, 2682.
CE 1086.
CE 1095.
CE 249, 1103.
CE 196, 2683.
CE 2656; see app. w, p. 762, infra.
CE 24, entry of Mar. 24, 1962; CE 22.
CE 249, 1083, 1088, 2687, 2688.
CE 317.
CE 1313.
CE 985, do ent 9A; CE 1108, 1314.
CE 1108, 1109, 1128, p. 3.
CE 1401, p. 275; 1 H 93 (Marina Oswald); see also 5 H 590 (Marina Oswald).
CE 985, do ent 8A.
CE 946, p. 1
5 H 604, 617-618 (Marina Oswald); CE 2722.
CE 318.
CE 946, pp. 11, 15; see CE 1401, p. 280.
CE 2654, 2662, 2690, 2704.
CE 2656.
CE 34.
CE 1098. After his return to the United States, Oswald repaid the loan in full. See app. w, p. 773, infra.
CE 1099, 1401, p. 280.
CE 57.
CE 29, 946, 1099.
1 H 101 (Marina Oswald).
CE 25.
CE 100.
CE 946, p. 15.
CE 2655.
CE 1060, p. 10; CE 2656, 2718, pp. 2-3.
CE 2655; CE 2657.
CE 2213, pp. 19-20; CE 2657.
CE 2655, 2657.
CE 2213, pp. 19-24.
Ibid.; CE 2657.
CE 2213, p. 24.
CE 2692.
1 H 372 (R. Oswald).
Martin Isaacs DE 1.
1 H 331 (R. Oswald); 1 H 4 (Marina Oswald).
1 H 330-331 (R. Oswald).
Id. at 331; see id. at 464.
Ibid.; 2 H 343 (Peter Gregory); 1 H 30 (Marina Oswald); 4 H 415 (John W. Fain).
CE 2189, p.1; 1 H 331 (R. Oswald).
Id. at 330.
1 H 4 (Marina Oswald); 312 (R. Oswald).
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 385-386.
Id. at 313-314.
1 H 4 (Marina Oswald).
Ibid.
8 H 331-332 (Bates).
Id. at 332-333; see pp. 700-701.
8 H 332-333 (Bates).
Id. at 334-336.
Id. at 336.
Ibid.
Ibid.
See 2 H 338 (Peter Gregory); CE 384.
2 H 337-338 (Peter Gregory).
Id. at 338; CE 384.
2 H 338-339 (Peter Gregory).
See id. at 342, 343.
Id. at 339-340; 9 H 143 (Paul Gregory).
CE 823, p. 11; 1H 315 (R. Oswald); 4 H 415 (Fain).
Id. at 418.
CE 823, p. 11.
Id. at 12; see CE 29.
Id. at 13.
1 H 315, 389 (R. Oswald).
See 1 H 133 (Marguerite Oswald), CE 1943, 2189, p. 2; 1 H 4 (Marina Oswald); 312 (R. Oswald).
1 H 132-133 (Marguerite Oswald).
CE 2189, p. 2; 1 H 133-135 (Marguerite Oswald).
1 H 131-132 (Marguerite Oswald).
Id. at 133.
Ibid.
1 H 5 (Marina Oswald).
CE 2189, pp. 2, 18.
See 4 H 419 (Fain); CE 2189, pp. 2, 18; see 1 H 4-5 (Marina Oswald); 1 H 135 (Marguerite Oswald).
CE 2189, pp. 2-3; 1 H 5 (Marina Oswald), 134-135 (Marguerite Oswald); 10 H 230 (Chester Allen Riggs, Jr.).
Graves DE 1; CE 2189, p. 12; 10 H 163 (Tommy Bargas).
10 H 161 (Bargas).
CE 1943; 10 H 162-163 (Bargas).
CE 1943.
Graves DE 1.
1 H 5 (Marina Oswald).
10 H 165 (Bargas); CE 2189, p. 13.
Ibid.; 10 H 165-166 (Bargas).
Id. at 165.
1 H 136 (Marguerite Oswald).
See 1 H 6 (Marina Oswald); 2 300 (K. Ford).
1 H 141 (Marguerite Oswald).
9 H 226 (George De Mohrenschildt); see 9 H 77 (Taylor), 308 (J. De Mohrenschildt).
10 H 230 (Riggs).
11 H 119 (Alexander Kleinlerer); 8 H 384 (Meller), 393 (Elena A. Hall); 2 341 (Peter Gregory); 9 H 225-226 (G. De Mohrenschildt); cf. 5 H. 419 (Marina Oswald).
CE 824, pp. 4-6; 4 H 419-424 (Fain).
1 H 20 (Marina Oswald).
8 H 357-358 (Bouhe), 452-455 (Igor Vladimir Voshinin); see generally 9 H 4-12 (Paul M. Raigorodsky); 8 H 354-355 (Clark); 9 H 305-306 (J. De Mohrenschildt).
9 H 143-144, 158 (Paul Gregory).
See id. at 144-151, 157.
See 8 H 358-359 (Bouhe), 2 H 341 (Peter Gregory).
Ibid; 8 H 358 (Bouhe), 379, 381-382 (Meller).
2 H 297 (K. Ford), 323 (Declan P. Ford); 8 H 392-393 (E. Hall); 1 H 7 (Marina Oswald).
11 H 119 (Kleinlerer).
8 H 344-346 (Clark).
9 H 168, 217, 281 (G. De Mohrenschildt).
Id. at 224-226; see 1 H 7 (Marina Oswald).
See 9 H 308 (J. De Mohrenschildt); 9 H 76-77 (Taylor); 11 H 125-127 (Gibson).
9 H 236 (G. De Mohrenschildt); see 8 H 359, 371-372 (Bouhe)
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Notes to Pages 717-721
Id. at 368-369 (Bouhe); 8 H 351-352, 354-355 (Clark); 11 H 122 (Kleinlerer); see 8 H 383 (Meller), 404 (E. Hall), 435-436 (Mrs. Voshinin).
8 H 371-373 (Bouhe), 383-385 (Meller), 393-395 (E. Hall), 422-423 (Valentina Ray); 11 H 119 (Kleinlerer); 9 H 307, 324-325 (J. De Mohrenschildt).
See 1 H 7 (Marina Oswald); 9 H 231 (G. De Mohrenschildt); 11 H 119 (Kleinlerer).
E.g., 9 H 309, 311 (J. De Mohrenschildt); 8 H 366, 372 (Bouhe), 382, 384 (Meller), 394 (E. Hall).
See 8 H 384 (Meller); see also 8 H 394 (E. Hall).
9 H 309 (J. De Mohrenschildt); 2 H 300 (K. Ford).
1 H 10-11 (Marina Oswald).
See, e.g., 8 H 445 (Mrs. Voshinin), 376 (Bouhe).
11 H 123 (Kleinlerer).
E.g., 2 H 308 (K. Ford); 8 H 374 (Bouhe), 381 (Meller).
11 H 123 (Kleinlerer).
E.g., 9 H 77 (Taylor); 8 H 366 (Bouhe), 407 (John Hall); 1 H 137-138 (Marguerite Oswald).
8 H 366 (Bouhe); see 8 H 407 (J. Hall).
Ibid, 9 H 230 (G. De Mohrenschildt); see 1 H 6 (Marina Oswald).
11 H 120 (Kleinlerer); 8 H 394 (E. Hall); see 8 H 366 (Bouhe).
Helen Cunningham DE I-A; 10 H 120 (Cunningham).
1 H 5 (Marina Oswald); see also 9 H 230 (G. De Mohrenschildt); 10 H 135 (Cunningham).
8 H 366 (Bouhe).
CE 820-A; see 10 H 166 (Bargas).
1 H 141 (Marguerite Oswald).
8 H 345-346 (Clark), 364-365 (Bouhe).
1 H 140 (Marguerite Oswald); 8 H 365 (Bouhe), 383 (Meller).
1 H 140 (Marguerite Oswald); 8 H 365 (Bouhe), 383 (Meller).
8 H 395-396 (E. Hall), 365 (Bouhe); see 2 H 300 (K. Ford).
E.g., 11 H 119-120 (Kleinlerer).
CE 994, p. 25.
1 H 10 (Marina Oswald); see id. at 32, 34.
1 H 32 (Marina Oswald); 11 H 296 (Marina Oswald).
1 H 7-8, 31 (Marina Oswald); 8 H 394-395 (E. Hall); 9 H 324 (J. De Mohrenschildt).
9 H 324, 327 (J. De Mohrenschildt); Albert Staples DE 1.
8 H 373 (Bouhe); 9 H 306, 324-325 (J. De Mohrenschildt).
See 8 H 407 (J. Hall).
9 H 46-47 (Samuel B. Ballen), 230 (G. De Mohrenschildt).
8 H 388 (Meller), 366 (Bouhe); 10 H 119 (Cunningham).
10 H 120-130 (Cunningham); Cunningham DE 1, I-A, 2, 2-A, 4; 11 H 477-478 (Cunningham); 10 H 144-146 (Donald E. Brooks); 150 (Irving Staman).
11 H 477 (Cunningham); Cunningham DE 4; 10 H 175-177 (John G. Graef).
10 H 181 (Graef), 172 (Robert Stovall); CE 1144, p. 13.
1 H 8 (Marina Oswald).
10 H 281-282 (Richard Leroy Hulen), 290 (Colin Barnhorst).
Cunningham DE 2, 4; 11 H 124, 149 (Gibson).
CE 792; 7 H 295 (Harry D. Holmes); CE 1152.
CE 1390, p. 177.
CE 994, p. 26.
11 H 143-144 (Gibson); 8 H 399 (E. Hall); 1 H 33 (Marina Oswald); CE 1957-A.
8 H 394-395 (E. Hall); 11 H 120-121 (Kleinlerer); 8 H 345-346 (Clark).
1 H 8, 32 (Marina Oswald); 9 H 88-89 (Taylor).
Ibid; 11 H 138-139 (Gibson).
1 H 8 (Marina Oswald); 11 H 120 (Kleinlerer), 137 (Gibson).
8 H 395 (E. Hall); 11 H 120-121 (Kleinlerer); 10 H 232, 234, 237-238 (Mrs. Mahlon F. Tobias); see also 1 H 8 (Marina Oswald).
10 H 237-238 (Mrs. Tobias); CE 1160, p. 2; see also 1 H 8 (Marina Oswald).
9 H 89-91 (Taylor); 11 H 470 (Taylor), 120-121 (Kleinlerer), 139-140 (Gibson); 1 H 8 (Marina Oswald).
11 H 120-121 (Kleinlerer).
Id. at 120.
9 H 244 (G. De Mohrenschildt), 313 (J. De Mohrenschildt); 1 H 35 (Marina Oswald).
5 H 415 (Marina Oswald); CE 994, p. 26; 10 H 242-243 (Mrs. Tobias), 258 (M. F. Tobias).
2 H 309-310 (K. Ford); 8 H 375-376 (Bouhe), 382 (Meller); see 9 H 226 (G. De Mohrenschildt); CE 994, p. 22.
2 H 309-310 (K. Ford); 9 H 240 (G. De Mohrenschildt); 11 H 128 (Gibson).
9 H 233, 252 (G. De Mohrenschildt), 311, 313 (J. De Mohrenschildt); 8 H 396 (E. Hall).
9 H 231-232 (G. De Mohrenschildt).
1 H 32 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 33.
Ibid.
11 H 298 (Marina Oswald); 9 H 240 (G. De Mohrenschildt).
Id. at 232-233 (G. De Mohrenschildt), 310 (J. De Mohrenschildt); 8 H 386 (Meller); 10 H 245-246 (Mrs. Tobias); 1 H 11 (Marina Oswald); 5 H 416 (Marina Oswald); 11 H 296 (Marina Oswald); CE 1817.
8 H 388-(Meller).
1 H 11 (Marina Oswald); 11 H 297 (Marina Oswald).
1 H 11-12 (Marina Oswald), cf. 11 H 297-298 (Marina Oswald).
1 H 11-12 (Marina Oswald); 2 H 299-300 (K. Ford); 8 H 388 (Meller), 365 (Bouhe); 11 H 296 (Marina Oswald).
2 H 299 (K. Ford); but see CE 994, p. 27.
2 H 299 (K. Ford).
8 H 416 (V. Ray); 2 H 304 (K. Ford), 325 (D. Ford); 1 H 11-12 (Marina Oswald).
CE 994, p. 27-28.
11 H 299 (Marina Oswald).
2 H 304 (K. Ford), 325 (D. Ford); 8 H 416 (V. Ray), see 1 H 11 (Marina Oswald).
11 H 298 (Marina Oswald); see also 2 H 307 (K. Ford); 9 H 252 (G. De Mohrenschildt).
9 H 238, 266 (G. De Mohrenschildt).
8 H 372 (Bouhe); 9 H 238, 266 (G. De Mohrenschildt); 1 H 35 (Marina Oswald).
5 H 419 (Marina Oswald); 9 H 266 (G. De Mohrenschildt); 1 H 34-35 (Marina Oswald).
9 H 65-69 (Lydia Dymitruk); 5 H 419 (Marina Oswald); 10 H 247-248 (Mrs. Tobias).
2 H 318 (K. Ford).
11 H 299 (Marina Oswald).
1 H 385-389 (R. Oswald); CE 320; 11 H 52-60 (J. Pic)
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Notes to Pages 721-728
Id. at 53-54, 81. Accord, 2 H 341 (Peter Gregory); 8 H 423 (V. Ray); 9 H 311 (J. De Mohrenschildt); 1 H 36 (Marina Oswald).
9 H 143-144 (Paul Gregory); 11 H 58-59 (J. Pic); 1 H 389 (R. Oswald).
Id. at 389-391; CE 322, 324.
CE 986, p. 2748-A.
See e.g., CE 93, p. 3; 1147; 8 H 370-371 (Bouhe).
CE 986, p. 2757-A.
E.g., CE 31, 32, 33, 57.
CE 1172.
Farrell Dobbs DE 1, 9, 10, 11; 3 H 118 (R. Paine).
James J. Tormey DE 1; Arnold Johnson DE 5; Dobbs DE 12.
1 H 5 (Marina Oswald); CE 2642.
8 H 371 (Bouhe); see id. at 382 (Meller); 9 H 150 (Paul Gregory).
1 H 5 (Marina Oswald); 5 H 392-393, 416 (Marina Oswald); CE 1404, p. 456; CE 2652.
9 H 243, 253 (G. De Mohrenschildt); 2 H 326 (D. Ford); 305-307 (K. Ford); 9 H 29-33 (Natalie Ray), 39-41 (Thomas Ray).
9 H 245-246 (G. De Mohrenschildt), 319-320 (J. De Mohrenschildt); 2 H 306, 308 (K. Ford), 329 (D. Ford); 8 H 369-370 (Bouhe), 389 (Meller).
CE 1866, p. 573.
2 H 307 (K. Ford); 8 H 389-390 (Meller), 370 (Bouhe); 9 H 33 (Natalie Ray).
See 9 H 256 (G. De Mohrenschildt).
10 H 19-20 (Everett D. Clover).
Id. at 21-25.
Id. at 24-29; 2 H 435-444 (R. Paine).
Ibid.; 2 H 385-386 (M. Paine); 1 H 35-36 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 36; 2 H 443-445 (R. Paine); CE 404.
11 H 155-156 (M. Waldo George); see CE 1133, 1134, 1167, pp. 465-467.
10 H 241 (Mrs. Tobias), 258-259 (M. F. Tobias).
1 H 10 (Marina Oswald); see 9 H 94 (Taylor).
8 H 370 (Bouhe).
CE 2699; 1130; 1 H 9 (Marina Oswald); 9 H 94 (Taylor).
2 H 445-457 (R. Paine).
CE 994, p. 32.
See ch. IV, pp. 118-120, 172-174, supra.
See ch. IV, p. 121, supra; app. X, pp. 571-577, supra; 10 H 198-199, 201 (Ofstein).
7 H 365 (William J. Waldman), 376-377 (Heinz W. Michaelis).
5 H 396 (Marina Oswald).
1 H 13 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 14-15, 93-94; 5 H 396-398 (Marina Oswald); CE 1156, p. 442; CE 2694.
1 H 15-16 (Marina Oswald).
See ch. IV, pp. 184-185, supra.
1 H 17-18, 38 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 16-17.
Ibid.; 11 H 404-405 (Edwin A. Walker).
1 H 16-18 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 18; 9 H 249-250 (G. De Mohrenschildt), 317 (J. De Mohrenschildt).
10 H 187-189 (Graef), 198-199, 204-205 (Ofstein), 172-173 (Stovall); 11 H 479 (Theodore F. Gangl).
10 H 189 (Graef); 11 H 479 (Gangl); Gangl DE 1.
8 H 409 (John Hall).
1 H 18 (Marina Oswald); 2 H 517 (R. Paine).
Cunningham DE l-A; 11 H 478 (Cunningham).
John W. Burcham DE 1.
Ibid.
1 H 10 (Marina Oswald).
11 H 155-156 (George); 2 H 470, 472 (R. Paine).
Id. at 447, 472.
11 H 155-156 (George).
1 H 10 (Marina Oswald).
CE 7, 9, 986.
1 H 35, 68 (Marina Oswald); 2 H 448 (R. Paine).
Id. at 457-458; 1 H 18 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 18-19.
2 H 459 (R. Paine); 1 H 19 (Marina Oswald).
8 H 133-134 (Lillian Murret), 164 (Marilyn Murret).
8 H 135-136 (L. Murret), 165-166 (M. Murret); CE 1919.
11 H 474-476 (John Rachal); Rachal DE 1.
Ibid.; Rachal DE 2; 8 H 135 (L. Murret); CE 1893, 1946, 1951; Bobb Hunley DE 3.
8 H 135 (L. Murret).
Burcham DE 1.
CE 1911.
CE 68-A.
CE 69-A.
CE 1398; 11 H 473-474 (Emmett Charles Barbe, Jr.).
10 H 214-219 (Charles Joseph LeBlanc); 11 H 473-474 (Barbe).
8 H 137 (L. Murret).
2 H 517 (R. Paine).
8 H 58 (M. Evans), 72-73 (J. Evans), 186 (Charles Murret); 10 H 265-266 (Mrs. Jesse Garner).
2 H 468-469, 475-477, 484-485 (R. Paine); 8 H 139-141 (L. Murret), 186 (C. Murret); 1 H 19 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 25.
8 H 172 (M. Murret).
1 H 25 (Marina Oswald).
2 H 499-500 (R. Paine); 3 H 5, 8-9 (R. Paine); CE 421, 1929.
11 H 473-474 (Barbe); 10 H 214-219 (LeBlanc), 220-229 (Adrian Alba).
Burcham DE 1; Rachal DE 1; Hunley DE 2, 5; CE 421, 1911.
CE 1781, p. 550.
Folsom DE 1, pp. 38-41.
CE 1969.
1 H 10, 68 (Marina Oswald); 2 H 448 (R. Paine); CE 408.
CE 12.
CE 13.
1 H 44 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 47.
CE 994, pp. 34-35; see also CE 415; but see CE 408.
1 H 68 (Marina Oswald).
CE 408.
2 H 470-472 (R. Paine).
2 H 449, 491-496 (R. Paine); CE 410, 411, 412.
CE 415.
CE 416.
CE 2649; 8 H 147-148 (L. Murret); 8 H 186-187 (C. Murret); CE 421, 2648.
CE 2649; 8 H 186, 187 (C. Murret); CE 2648.
Lee DE 2, 4; CE 1410, 1411, 1413, pp. 28 31; CE 2542, 2543, 2544, 2545.
10 H 34-37 (Bringuier).
Id. at 37-38; CE 1413, pp. 19-27. He had probably passed out such leaflets on another occasion in June, near a U.S. naval vessel. CE 1412.
CE 826, pp. 5-10; 10 H 53-57 (Francis L. Martello)
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Notes to Pages 729-736
10 H 90 (Vincent T. Lee); 1 H 64-65 (Marina Oswald); 5 H 402-403 (Marina Oswald).
CE 1413, pp. 19, 21, 34; Lee DE 6; 10 H 38-39 (Bringuier).
1 H 24 (Marina Oswald).
10 H 39-41 (Bringuier), 64-66 (Charles Hall Steele, Jr.); Garner DE 1; Frank Pizzo DE 453A, 453B; Bringuier DE 1, 2.
11 H 474-476 (Rachal).
10 H 41-42 (Bringuier); 1 H 25 (Marina Oswald).
11 H 158-165 (William Kirk Stuckey).
Id. at ,166-169; 10 H 42-43 (Bringuier).
11 H 169-171 (Stuckey); Stuckey DE 3; Bringuier DE 3, 4.
11 H 171 (Stuckey).
11 H 162, 168-171 (Stuckey).
Lee DE 1, 2, 4, 5., 6, 7.
Arnold Johnson DE 4.
Arnold Johnson DE 4-A.
Lee DE 4, 5, 6, 7.
3 H 4-7 (R. Paine); 1 H 26 (Marina Oswald); CE 1929, p. 193.
1 H 26 (Marina Oswald); 3 H 9 (R. Paine).
1 H 22-23, 37, 46-47 (Marina Oswald); CE 1404, pp. 451-453.
CE 2478; CE 1143, p. 1; CE 2119, pp. 20-21; CE 2120; CE 2563, p. 1.
See ch. VI, p. 314, supra.
See CE 2481, 2478; app. XIV, p. 745, infra.
CE 2124, p. 383; CE 2125, pp. 475, 477-478; CE 2479; cf. 10 H 276-277 (Jesse J. Garner).
1 H 37, 45 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 23. CE 1156, p. 444.
10 H 276 (Jesse J. Garner), 274 (Mrs. Jesse Garner).
11 H 460-464 (Eric Rogers).
CE 2126.
10 H 276 (Jesse J. Garner).
CE 116.
CE 18.
CE 1969; CE 946; 11 H 217 (Pamela Mumford); CE 2121, p. 39.
CE 93, 986, 2121, p. 39; CE 2564.
CE 2121, p. 39.
1 H 25 (Marina Oswald); CE 2121, p. 39; CE 93.
1 H 24-25 (Marina Oswald).
CE 2121, p. 39.
Ibid.
CE 93.
CE 126 .
Rogers DE 1.
11 H 214 (John Bryan and Meryl McFarland), 221-222 (Mumford); CE 2127, p. I; CE 2128, 2121, pp. 8, 9, 55, 119; CE 2129, pp. 18-19; CE 2532, pp. 12-13; 2460, p. 5; but see 11 H 462-463 (Rogers).
When he picked up the check, he apparently also filed a change of mailing address. CE 2131, 2476.
App. XIV, p. 745, infra; but cf. CE 2481.
1 H 27 (Marina Oswald).
CE 2533.
11 H 179-180 (Estelle Twiford), 179 (Horace E. Twiford); CE 2533; CE 2961, 2962.
11 H 179 (H. Twiford), 179-180 (E. Twiford).
Ibid.
CE 2134.
11 H 179-180 (E. Twiford), 179 (H. Twiford).
Ibid.; 11 H 179-180 (E. Twiford).
CE 2137, pp. 8-12; CE 2138, p. 15.
CE 2137, pp. 14-15, 17; CE 2138, p. 3.
Id. at 12-14.
11 H 214 (McFarland).
Ibid.; CE 1143, p. 4; CE 2191, pp. 5-7; CE 2534.
11 H 214-215 (McFarland); CE 2534.
CE 2193, pp. 1-2; CE 2123, 2566, pp. 2-3.
CE 2463, pp. 10-12; CE 2566, p. 2.
11 H 214-215 (McFarland), 215-224 (Mumford).
Id. at 220.
CE 2195.
11 H 217-218 (Mumford); CE 2121, pp. 114-115.
11 H 219 (Mumford); CE 116.
CE 2566, p. 2.
11 H 220 (Mumford), 214-215 (McFarland).
CE 2121, p. 54; CE 2120, 3073, p. 7.
CE 1400, 2121, pp. 46, 54, 59; CE 2488.
CE 2121, p. 59.
Id. at 47; CE 2444, p. 53; CE 2480.
CE 2121, pp. 47. 54.
CE 2568.
CE 1969, 2121, p. 1.
CE 18, p. 54 CE 2567.
CE 2121, p. 39; CE 3073, p. 7.
CE 2564; see CE 93.
CE 2445, p. 2.
CE 2121, p. 39.
CE 2764, 3073, p. 6; see 1 H 28 (Marina Oswald).
CE 2764.
CE 15. He appears to have attempted to record Kostikov's name in his guide book. CE 2486.
1 H 28 (Marina Oswald).
CE 2121, p. 39; CE 2449.
CE 2121, p. 39.
Id. at 39-40; CE 2120; cf. CE 2445.
CE 2121, p. 40; CE 2465; CE 18, p. 54; CE 2445, p. 2; CE 2120.
CE 2121, p. 39.
CE 2445, p. 3; CE 2121, p. 40.
Confidential information.
1 H 27-28, 50 (Marina Oswald); CE 1156, p. 445.
3 H 13-18, 51-52 (R. Paine); 9 H 395 (R. Paine).
CE 15.
CE 2121, pp. 55, 57.
Id. at 57.
Id. at 54-55, 57. One Juarez has said he saw Oswald talking to some Cubans, but an intensive investigation indicates that this is a case of mistaken iden y. CE 2450, 2451, 2569, 2570, 2571, 2572, 2573, 2574, 2575, 2787, 3095.
CE 2450.
CE 1400. Oswald marked them on his map of Mexico City. CE 2488, p. 5.
See CE 1166, pp. 6-8; CE 2489; 1 H 27 (Marina Oswald); CE 3073, p. 8.
Ibid. Oswald marked several museums, art galleries, and parks on his guide map, CE 2488, pp. 1-2; see CE 1166, pp. 9-10; CE 2576, 3073, pp. 1, 6, 10.
1 H 27 (Marina Oswald); CE 3073, p. 10.
CE 2486, 3073, pp. 4-5.
CE 116, 2488, p. 2; CE 3073, pp. 1, 6.
CE 2121, pp. 116-118.
CE 2190; see CE 1166, p. 13.
CE 2484.
1 H 27 (Marina Oswald); CE 3042, p. 59; CE 2484, 2121, pp. 124-128
Page 869
Ibid.
CE 2467, pp. 152, 156-157; see also 1 H 27 (Marina Oswald).
Ibid; CE 116.
See CE 1400.
CE 2530, 2531, 2537, 2536, 2458, 2121, pp. 64-69; CE 1166, pp. 2-3; CE 2469, pp. 1-2; CE 2538, 2532, p. 5; CE 2638, 3073, pp. 2, 3.
CE 2639, 2539, p. 1.
CE 2452, 2121, pp. 99-103; CE 2470, 2471, pp. 1-2; CE 2527.
CE 2121, pp. 99-105; CE 2535, pp. 1-2; CE 1143, p. 3.
CE 2540, p. 9.
CE 2121, pp. 56, 119.
Id. at 72-78; CE 2459, 2460, 2535, pp. 10-11.
CE 2121, pp. 61, 76; CE 2456, p. 3; CE 2459, pp. 2-3; CE 2460, p. 6; CE 2532, p. 9.
CE 2121, p. 61; CE 2456, p. 4.
1 H 70 (Marina Oswald).
CE 2456, p. 5.
CE 2461.
CE 2129, p. 6; CE 2121, pp. 8, 60, 75-77.
CE 2577, 2121, pp. 61, 77-78; CE 2130, 2456, p. 6.
CE 2129, p. 2; CE 2130, 2577.
Burcham DE 1.
Cunningham DE I-A; 11 H 478 (Cunningham).
Hulen DE 7, 11; 10 H 281-283 (Hulen), 285-290 (Barnhorst); 1 H 27 (Marina Oswald).
11 H 479 (Gangl); Gangl DE 1.
3 H 26, 28-29 (R. Paine); 1 H 27 (Marina Oswald).
3 H 26-31, 33 (R. Paine); 1 H 27-28, 50 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 50.
Id. at 28.
3 H 30-31 (R. Paine).
Id. at 31.
10 H 293 (Gladys J. Johnson).
6 H 401-402 (Mary E. Bledsoe).
Id. at 404; 10 H 139-140 (R. L. Adams); 11 H 486-481 (R. L. Adams).
6 H 404-406 (Bledsoe).
Id. at 404; 3 H 45 (R. Paine); CE 1401 p. 262.
CE 994, p. 38.
6 H 405-406 (Bledsoe).
3 H 12, 32, 35 (R. Paine).
Id. at 5, 33-34.
3 H 32 (R. Paine); 9 H 428-429 (R. Paine).
6 H 407 (Bledsoe).
10 H 294 (G. Johnson); 6 H 436-437 (E. Roberts).
3 H 38-39 (R. Paine); 10 H 294 (G. Johnson).
6 H 437 (Roberts).
CE 2642.
2 H 418-419 (M. Paine); 3 H 117-119 (R. Paine); 9 H 455 (M. Paine); 7 H 293 (Holmes).
3 H 33-34 (R. Paine); 1 H 29 (Marina Oswald); CE 994, p. 38.
3 H 34 (R. Paine); CE 994, p. 38; 3 H 213 (Roy S. Truly)
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Notes to Pages 736-741
3 H 34-35 (R. Paine); CE 994, p. 38.
3 H 214, 216 (Truly); CE 1949.
3 H 37 (R. Paine); CE 994, p. 38.
3 H 214-216 (Truly).
1 H 68 (Marina Oswald).
3 H 214-216 (Truly); 6 H 328 (William H. S ey).
3 H 217-218 (Truly); 6 H 375 (Jack E. Dougherty), 394 (Geneva L. Hine), 382-383 (Eddie Piper); 2 H 219 (Buell W. Frazier).
Id. at 216.
Id. at 217.
3 H 40 (R. Paine); 1 H 52 (Marina Oswald); CE 994, p. 40.
3 H 39 (R. Paine); 1 H 54 (Marina Oswald).
3 H 39-40 (R. Paine); CE 994, p. 40.
Ibid.
3 H 40 (R. Paine).
Arnold Johnson DE 7.
1 H 55 (Marina Oswald); 2 H 407-408 (M. Paine); 9 H 462-468 (Raymond F. Krystinik).
Ibid; 2 H 407-412 (M. Paine).
9 H 465 (Krystinik).
1 H 54-55 (Marina Oswald); 3 H 40-41 (R. Paine).
Holmes DE 1.
3 H 41 (R. Paine).
4 H 441-448 (James A. Hosty), 432-440 (John L. Quigley); see CE 834, p. 8; see generally ch. VIII, pp. 434-440. supra.
4 H 449-454 (Hosty); 1 H 48, 56-57 (Marina Oswald); 3 H 92, 96-104 (R. Paine).
1 H 48 (Marina Oswald).
3 H 101-102 (R. Paine); 1 H 57 (Marina Oswald).
3 H 102 (R. Paine).
CE 15.
1 H 48-49 (Marina Oswald).
2 H 217 (Frazier).
2 H 514 (R. Paine); 3 H 41 (R. Paine); 11 H 153-154 (R. Paine); 1 H 62 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 54, 63; 2 H 515-516 (R. Paine); 3 H 41 (R. Paine).
1 H 53, 54, 63, 65-66 (Marina Oswald); 3 H 43-46 (R. Paine). Mrs. Paine thought she had placed the call to Oswald on Monday, November 18. Id. at 43.
3 H 45-46 (R. Paine).
2 H 222-223 (Frazier).
2 H 508 (R. Paine); 3 H 46, 56-57 (R. Paine); 9 H 414 (R. Paine); 1 H 65 (Marina Oswald).
2 H 508 (R. Paine); 3 H 46 (R. Paine); 1 H 64-65 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 65.
3 H 46-47, 56-60 (R. Paine); 1 H 65 (Marina Oswald).
Id. at 65-66; but see 3 H 47 (R. Paine).
1 H 66 (Marina Oswald); 3 H 60 (R. Paine); 9 H 418 (R. Paine).
3 H 47-49 (R. Paine); 1 H 66 (Marina Oswald)
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Appendix XIV
Martin Isaacs DE 1, but see footnote 9.
Ibid., 1 H 318 (Robert Oswald).
1 H 132 (Marguerite Oswald).
Isaacs DE 1; CE 1159.
Isaacs DE 1; CE 1159.
CE 1159; 1 H 3 (Marina Oswald).
Isaacs DE 1.
8 H 336 (Pauline Bates).
1 H 318 (R. Oswald). Robert Oswald testified that Lee paid him back a little less than $100 upon Lee's arrival

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Notes to Pages 741-745
If this is so, Lee Harvey Oswald had more money than he reported to the Welfare Department when he arrived in New York. The $30 figure is an estimate based upon reported funds available to Lee Harvey Oswald when he arrived in Fort Worth and upon Robert Oswald's statement as to later payments.
CE 1165, 1173.
1 H 318 (R. Oswald).
CE 1170, 1171, see footnote 56. There is no record of initial subscription. This represents an estimate of cost based on subscription rates in July 1962.
CE 1165, 1173.
CE 1120.
1 H 318 (R. Oswald).
10 H 230 (Chester Riggs).
CE 1172.
Estimate based on approximate time Oswalds resided on Mercedes Ave., Fort Worth in August. 4 H 419 (John W. Fain); 1 H 134 (Marguerite Oswald).
CE 1165, 1173.
9 H 144 (Paul R. Gregory); 2 H 340 (Peter P. Gregory); 5 H 419 (Marina Oswald).
10 H 230 (C. Riggs); CE 1160.
CE 1120.
1 H 318 (R. Oswald).
CE 1147.
CE 1165, 1167, 1173, 1174.
8 H 372 (George H. Bouhe).
CE 1120.
10 H 288 (Colin Barnhorst); 10 H 281 (Richard L. Hulen); CE 1160.
CE 1160.
1 H 318 (R. Oswald).
Marina Oswald lived at the Hall's for part of the month. 1 H 7, 31 (Marina Oswald). She also received assistance from other people. See e.g. 11 H 119-120 (A. Kleinlerer); 8 H 345-346 (Clark); 5 H 419 (Marina Oswald); 1 H 8 (Marina Oswald).
CE 1167, 1174.
10 H 238-240 (Mrs. Mahlon F. Tobias) (included $5 key deposit which was never returned).
11 H 470 (Taylor).
CE 1120.
9 H 143 (Paul R. Gregory); 1 H 387 (R. Oswald); CE 1168.
Marina Oswald lived with the Mellers, the Fords, and the Rays during part of this month. 2 H 299 (Ford); 8 H 386-387 (Meller); 8 H 416-417 (Ray); 1 H 11-12 (Marina Oswald).
CE 1167, 1174.
10 H 240 (Tobias).
CE 1160.
CE 1120.
Farrell Dobbs DE 1; 3 H 118 (Ruth Paine).
CE 1167, 1174.
10 H 240 (Tobias); CE 1160.
CE 1120.
7 H 376 (Heinz W. Michaelis); Michaelis DE 2; CE 1137.
CE 1130.
CE 1147.
CE 1167, 1174.
10 H 240 (Tobias); CE 1160.
2 H 418, 9 H 455 (Michael Paine); 3 H 118 (R. Paine); CE 1145, 1172.
CE 1167, 1174.
CE 1133, 1134, 1160; 11 H 155 (M. Waldo George).
CE 1160.
CE 1136; William J. Waldman DE 7.
CE 1152, 1170, 1171.
7 H 376-378 (Michaelis); Michaelis DE 5; CE 1137.
CE 1167, 1174.
CE 1165.
11 H 155 (George); CE 1134.
2 H 459 (R. Paine); CE 1168.
Although Oswald spent part of this month at the Murrets, 8 H 133, 139 (Lillian Murret), and Marina Oswald spent part of the time at Ruth Paine's, 2 H 457- 461 (R. Paine), he left money with his wife, 3 H 9 (R. Paine).
CE 1161, 1175.
CE 1157, 1161.
10 H 265, 274, 276 (Mrs. Jesse Garner); CE 1139.
Dobbs DE 2. Oswald received copies of the Militant after September 1963 but there is no record he paid for a subscription, 3 H 118, 119 (R. Paine).
10 H 93 (Vincent T. Lee); V. T. Lee DE 3-4; CE 1140, 1410.
Although Oswald spent part of the time at the Murrets, 8 H 139 (L. Murret), and his wife spent part of the time at Ruth Paine's, 2 H 468 (R. Paine), this would be offset by the fact that Ruth Paine and her children spent time at the Oswald apartment, and the expenses involved in moving into an apartment in another city, 9 H 343 (R. Paine).
CE 1161, 1175.
See footnote 65.
CE 1158.
CE 1410, 1411.
CE 1176.
CE 1161, 1175.
See footnote 65.
CE 1411.
CE 1157, 1161.
See footnote 65.
CE 1177; V. T. Lee DE 6.
10 H 64-66 (Charles H. Steele, Jr.) There is evidence that two people were handing out literature, but it is not known if both were paid $2.
CE 1157, 1161.
Although Oswald left for Mexico and his wife stayed with Ruth Paine during the latter part of the month, this is offset by additional expenses incurred in preparing for the Mexican trip.
Marina Oswald testified that just before she left New Orleans, her husband had told her that he had a little over $100 which would be sufficient for his Mexican trip, 1 H 27 (Marina Oswald). Later she stated he told her he had between $160-$180, CE 1156. Oswald received $33 in unemployment compensation after his wife left New Orleans. Oswald failed to pay his rent for September 9. 10 H 274-275 (Mrs. Jesse Garner).
CE 1146, 1166; 1 H 27 (Marina Oswald).
CE 1166.
CE 1156; 1 H 27 (Marina Oswald); CE 1166.
Marina Oswald testified that her husband returned from Mexico with about $50 or $70, 1 H 51 (Marina Oswald); CE 1156. She later said he had about $70.
CE 1157, 1165.
CE 1129.
10 H 283 (Hulen); 10 H 290 (Barnhorst); 6 H 401 (Mary L. Bledsoe); 10 H 294 (Mrs. A. C. Johnson).
Daring this time Marina Oswald was living with Ruth Paine. Oswald spent weekends there also, 9 H 344 (R. Paine); 1 H 69-70 (Marina Oswald); 2 H 216, 219 (Buell W. Frazier).
CE 1129.
10 H 294 (Mrs. Johnson).
CE 1152, 1178.
CE 1151.
2 H 256 (William W. Whaley); 2 H 268 (Cecil J. McWatters); CE 1168.
See footnote 91.
CE 1148, 1155
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Notes to Pages 746-758

Appendix XV
CE 1114.
He had made out his application for admission on Mar. 19, 1959. See CE 228, p. 1.
CE 1114.
CE 946.
5 H 262 (Richard E. Snyder).
5 H 295-296.
5 H 262, 288-289.
CE 101.
Oswald's appearance at the Embassy has been reconstructed from the testimony of Richard E. Snyder, 5 H 262-265, 269-270, and 287-291, and of John A. McVickar, 5 H 300-304 and 322-324, from memoranda and communications made at the time, CE 908, 909, 919, 941, and 958 and from Oswald's own notes, CE 24 and 101.
5 H 300 (McVickar); 5 H 289 (Snyder).
5 H 262 (Snyder).
5 H 263 (Snyder).
5 H 263 (Snyder).
5 H 289 (Snyder).
5 H 270 (Snyder); CE 101.
5 H 263; 289-290 (Snyder).
5 H 289 (Snyder); CE 908, p. 1; CE 101.
5 H 289 (Snyder); see passport, CE 946, p. 1.
5 H 263 (Snyder).
CE 913; 5 H 263, 289 (Snyder).
CE 908, p. 2.
CE 946, pp. 8-9; CE 908, p. 2.
CE 908, p. 2.
CE 908, p. 1.
CE 908, p. 2.
CE 908, p. 2.
Ibid.
Ibid.
5 H 290 (Snyder); see CE 908, p. 3.
5 H 264, 290-291 (Snyder).
CE 908, p. 2; CE 909, pp. 2-3; 5 H 264, 290-291 (Snyder).
5 H 291 (Snyder); see CE 910.
5 H 266-267 (Snyder); CE 910.
CE 908, p. 2.
CE 950, p. 3; 5 H 341 (Abram Chayes).
CE 910.
CE 2750 (see stamp); CE 834, p. 1.
CE 2752; and see CE 2750.
CE 908.
Id. at p. 3.
CE 2749 (see stamp); CE 834, p. 2 (FBI); CE 2752 and enclosure.
CE 910.
CE 916, 961.
Ibid.; 5 H 347-348 (Waterman).
CE 909, p. 3; CE 911, p. 2; CE 920.
CE 919, 920.
CE 912.
CE 920.
CE 919.
CE 942, 943, 2683, 2684, 2715.
Ibid.
11 H 444 (Johnson).
CE 911.
CE 911, p. 2; 11 H 446-447, 450-451 (Priscilla Johnson).
CE 921.
CE 24, entry of Jan. 4, 1960.
CE 985, Doc. Nos. 1(A), 2(A) and 3(A)(1).
CE 921; 5 H 274 (Snyder).
CE 923.
CE 927.
Ibid.
CE 928.
CE 925.
CE 926.
5 H 348-349 (Bernice Waterman).
5 H 349 (Waterman); CE 948, question No. 12, pp. 1-2, and regulations attached thereto.
CE 950, pt. 2, pp. 204; 5 H 317 (Chayes).
5 H 80 (Knight); CE 950, 2, pp. 3-4; and see CE 948, question No; 12 and all attachments thereto for a general description of the lookout card procedure.
CE 948, question No. 12, pp. 1-2 and regulations attached thereto.
CE 962; 5 H 348-349 (Waterman).
CE 963; 5 H 349 (Waterman).
CE 963, 929.
CE 948, question No. 13, pp. 2-3; 5 H 313 (Chayes).
CE 948, question No. 13, p. 1.
5 H 349-351.
Passport Office Instruction No. 2300.3 (reproduced in CE 948, question No. 12).
5 H 380 (Frances Knight); CE 948, Question 12, p. 3; CE 3111.
CE 2748.
CE 930.
See date stamped on CE 2681 and see CE 2757.
5 H 276 (Snyder).
CE 931; 5 H 276-277 (Snyder).
5 H 277 (Snyder).
CE 24, entry of Feb. 1, 1961.
CE 933.
CE 251, 940.
CE 932.
CE 940.
CE 1085.
5 H 352-354 (Waterman).
Ibid; CE 970. See CE 934.
CE 971, 5 H 353-354 (Waterman).
CE 1111; CE 24, entry of Apt. 31 [sic], 1961.
CE 936.
CE 252.
CE 937.
5 H 281 (Snyder); CE 24, entry of July 8, 1961.
CE 24, entry of July 8, 1961; and see 1 H 96-97 (Marina Oswald), and CE 1401.
CE 935, p. 3
CE 935, pp. 1-2.
5 H 281 (Snyder); CE 938.
CE 946; 5 H 284 (Snyder).
5 H 283 (Snyder).
5 H 283 (Snyder).
CE 947; 5 H 282-283, 286 (Snyder).
CE 938.
5 H 283 (Snyder).
5 H 359-360 (Waterman).
CE 938, pp. 3-4.
CE 946, p. 6; 5 H 284 (Snyder).
CE 935; 5 H 283-285 (Snyder).
CE 935, p. 3.
CE 935, p. 2.
5 H 318-319 (McVickar).
CE 1122 (letter of July 15, 1961).
CE 979; 5 H 357-358 (Waterman); 11 H 198 (Carroll Hamilton Seeley, Jr.).
CE 939.
CE 2747.
CE 981; 5 H 361-362 (Waterman).
CE 253-255, 246, 249, 256, 247, 1083, and 1093 (Oswald to Embassy, from Embassy files); CE 1076-1082, 1086, 1088 (Embassy to Oswald, from Embassy files); CE 1085, 1087, 1094, 1124; and 1100-1106 (Embassy to Oswald, found among his effects).
CE 946.
CE 1061, 1098.
5 H 283 (Snyder).
CE 979; 5 H 347, 357 (Waterman); CE 948, question No. 11, pp. 1-2
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Notes to Pages 758-770
5 H 362 (Waterman); 5 H 286 (Snyder).
CE 989; 5 H 372-376 (Knight); 5 H 308-312 (Chayes).
Fourteenth amendment; United States v. Wong Kim Ark 169 U.S. 649 (1898).
12 U.S.C. sec. 1481(a)(1).
See pp. 1, 2, 7, 9-12, supra.
12 U.S.C., sec. 1481(a)(6).
22 CFR, secs. 50.1-50.2; 8 Foreign Affairs Manual sec. 225.6.
CE 955; 5 H 263-265 (Snyder).
See pp. 2-4, supra.
12 U.S.C., sec. 1481 (a)(2).
CE 913.
CE 244, 913.
III Hackworth, "Digest of International Law," 219-220 (1942); see Jalbuena v. Dulles, 254 F. 2d 379, 381 footnote 2 (3d Cir. 1958).
In re Bautista, 183 f. Supp. 271, 274 (D.C. Guam, 1960); see also, Department of State to consul at Guadalajara, May 27, 1937, at 218; Department of State consular official in charge at Birmingham, May 10, 1938; Director of Consular Service to Counsel Glazbrooke, Oct. 30, 1914; Department of State to consul general in Berlin, Mar. 21, 1934; Roche, "The Loss of American Nationality-The Development of Statutory Expatriation," 99 U. Pa. L. Rev. 25, 33 (1950); III Hackworth, op. cit. supra, footnote 138, at 218-219.
III Hackworth, op. cit. supra, footnote at 138 at 218; In the Matter of L., 1 Dec. Imm. & Nat. Laws 317, 320, (B.I.A. 1942).
See e.g. CE 913.
12 U.S.C., 1481(a)(4).
5 H 310 (Chayes).
Cf Fletes-Mora v. Rogers, 160 F. Supp. 215 (S.D. Cal. 1958); Kenji Kamada v. Dulles, 145 F. Supp. 457, 459 (N.D. Cal. 1956) (both arising under sec. 401 of the Nationality Act of 1940); Roche, supra, footnote 138, at 51.
Insogna v. Dulles 116 F. Supp. 473 (D.D.C. 1953); Stipa v. Dulles, 233 F. 2d 551 (3d Cir. 1956).
5 H 304-306, 318-319 (McVickar).
CE 944, 959.
CE 944.
CE 945; 5 H 305 (McVickar).
CE 944; 5 H 305 (McVickar).
1 H 89-90, 97; 5 H 607-608 (Marina Oswald).
CE 944.
8 U.S.C., sec. 1155 (1953).
8 U.S.C., sec. 1182(a)(28)(C); 8 U.S.C., sec. 1182(a)(28)(I) (1953).
8 U.S.C. sec. 1182(a)(15) (1953).
8 U.S.C., sec. 1253(g).
CE 950, pt. IV, pp. 3-5; 5 H 339-340 (Chayes).
CE 944.
See CE 2746.
11 H 184-185 (Virginia James); CE 2745 (code phrase used).
CE 190, 193, 247, 256, 1081, 1093, 1100, 1101, 1102, 1104, 1124; CE 2692.
CE 2740, 2742, 2743, 2744.
CE 1095, pp. 1-2.
CE 2653 (taken from the Immigration and Naturalization Service file on Marina Oswald, p. 17 of CD 363); CE 196.
8 U.S.C., sec. 1155; 8 CFR, sec. 9.5 a, b.
CE 1073.
CE 1072.
CE 1073.
CE 1071.
CE 1069, 1070, 2751.
CE 1070, pp. 3-4.
CE 1070, p. 3.
CE 1070.
CE 1068.
Ibid.
Ibid.
CE 1067.
Ibid.
CE 1121.
CE 1066.
CE 1055, 1066, and see also 11 H 185-188 (James).
CE 1065.
Ibid.
CE 1064.
CE 249; see also CE 1103 (the notice itself).
CE 2735.
CE 1095.
CE 1096.
See CE 1095, p. 1, and CE 2734.
11 H 186 (James).
CE 1123, p. 1.
CE 2741.
CE 1123, p. 2.
James DE 6.
CE 1777; James DE 4.
James DE 5.
James DE 7.
CE 2653, 2654, 2689, 2690, 2702, 2704, 2705.
8 U.S.C., see. 1155.
CE 1070, pp. 3-4.
See CE 1073.
8 U.S.C., see. 1182(a) (15).
22 CFR, sec. 42.91(a)(15) (1963 Supp.).
8 U.S.C., sec. 1182(a)(28)(I) (1953).
CE 944; 5 H 607-608.
CE 950, pt. 4, pp. 203.
1 H 89-90, 97; 5 H 607-608 H (Marina Oswald).
5 H 321 (McVickar); Cf. Galvan v. Press, 347 U.S. 522, 527 (1954); Rowoldt v. Perfetto, 355 U.S. 115, 120 (1957) (cases arising tinder sec. 22 of The Internal Security Act of 1950 as amended in 1951).
Immigration and Nationality Act, sec. 212(a)(19); 8 U.S.C., sec. 1182(a) (19) (1953).
See generally, Gordon and Rosenfield, "Immigration Law and Procedure," 229, 424-427 (1959); Appleman, "Misrepresentation in Immigration Law; Materiality." 22 Fed. B.J. 267 (1962).
Langhammer v. Hamilton, 295 F. 2d 642, 648 (1st Cir. 1961); see also Chaunt v. United States, 364 U.S. 350, 355 (1960) (denaturalization proceeding).
E.g., Calvillo v. Robinson, 271 F. 2d 249 (7th Cir. 1959).
Visa Office Bulletin 90, Mar. 2, 1962.
CE 950, pt. 4, p. 4.
Ibid.
Operation Instructions of the Immigration and Naturalization Service 205.3. (This revised instruction was effective Feb. 15, 1962-June 30, 1962. Other versions which may have been considered during Oswald's case were different only in irrelevant respects.)
22 CFR, 42, 120 (1964. Supp.).
22 CFR., sec. 42.120 (1964 Supp.). Procedural note 2 (reproduced in CE 950, pt. 4, p. 5).
11 H 184, 186, 190-191 (James).
CE 950, pt. 4, p. 10; 11 H 190-191 (James).
CE 1058, pp. 1-2.
CE 1058, p. 11.
Id. at 4.
Id. at 5.
Id. at 6-11.
Id. at 2.
CE 246.
CE 1102.
CE 189, 2660, 2731.
CE 1138, 2660, 2680, 2760
Page 873
CE 223.
CE 197, 1086.
CE 2737, 2738, 2739.
CE 2736.
CE 1098.
CE 950, pt. 5, pp. 1-2. E.g., 60 Stat. 452, 79th Cong., 2d sess. (1946); 75 Stat. 546, 87th Cong., 1st sess. (1961).
CE 950, pt. 5, pp. 1-2. E.g., H. Rept. 442, 87th Cong., 1st sess. (1961) 4; H. Rept. 1996, 87th Cong., 2d sess. (1962) 4; H. Rept. 388, 88th Cong., 1st sess. (1963) 4.
CE 950, pt. 5, exhibit 2.
7 Foreign Affairs Manual sec. 423, 2-1.
7 Foreign Affairs Manual, sec. 423, 1-2.
CE 950, pt. 5, p. 3.
7 Foreign Affairs Manual sec. 423, 3-2.
7 Foreign Affairs Manual sec. 423, 3-5; CE 223, 2660, 2766.
7 Foreign Affairs Manual sec. 423, 3-3.
See supra, p. 758; cf. 7 Foreign Affairs Manual sec. 423, 7-1.
CE 950, pt. 5, p. 6; 7 Foreign Affairs Manuel sec. 423.5; CE 950 (repatriation loan, p. 7); 7 Foreign Affairs Manual sec. 423.6.
CE 948, question No. 13, p. 3.
CE 1098.
CE 948, question No. 13, pp. 3-4.
CE 1099, 1401.
CE 29, 946, 1099.
CE 1099.
See generally CE 834 (communications to FBI) and CE 2752 (communications to CIA).
CE 1059.
CE 1060, 1776.
CE 2657.
CE 1120.
CE 781, 952, 1969.
CE 781.
CE 781.
CE 952; 5 H 335 (Chayes).
CE 1969.
CE 2754, 2755; and see CE 952 (all applications that were made on June 24 for New Orleans in same teletype as Oswald's were authorized within 24 hours).
CE 948, question No. 1; 5 H 335 (Chayes). The accuracy of their statement was confirmed, see CE 1057.
5 H 334-335 (Chayes).
CE 950, pt. 2, p. 8.
CE 948, question No. 13, pp. 1-3.
Id. at question No. 13, pp. 3-4.
Kent v. Dulles, 357 U.S. 116 (1958).
Aptheker v. Secretary of State, 378 U.S. 500 (1964).
64 Stat. 993; 50 U.S.C. 785.
22 CFR 51.135 (1964 Supp.).
See ch. VI, pp. 287-290.
66 Stat.-190 (1952); 8 U.S.C. see. 1185(b)
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Notes to Pages 770-779
Proclamation No. 2914 (Dec. 16, 1950), 64 Stat. A454; Proclamation No. 2974 (Apr. 18, 1952), set out preceding 50 U.S.C. app. 1; Proclamation No. 3004 (Jan. 21, 1953), 18 Fed. Reg. 489.
22 CFR sec. 51.136 (1964 Supp.).
CE 948, question No. 17; 5 H 327-328, 337 (Chayes).
5 H 333 (Chayes).
CE 2750; Folsom DE 1.
CE 834, pp. 1-2; CE 2749, 2750; 5 H 333 (Chayes).
5 H 333 (Chayes) and see 11 H 200 (Seeley) and 5 H 383 (Knight).
Hearings before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee on Department of State Passport Policies, 85th Cong. 1st sess. pp. 38-39 (1957).
11 H 186-187 (James); 5 H 332 (Chayes); CE 950 (Repatriation Loan, p. 3); see Comment, "Passport Refusals for Political Reasons; Cons utional Issues and Judicial Review," 61 Yale L.J. 171, 174-178 (1952), for examples of passport refusals prior to Kent v. Dulles.
357 U.S. 116 (1958).
357 U.S. 144 (1958).
357 U.S. 116, 125-126.
Hearings before the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations on S. 2770, et al., 85th Cong., 2d sess., p. 35 (1958); id. at 41 (Roderic O'Connor, Administrator, Bureau of Security and Consular Affairs of the Department of State); id. at 22; hearings before the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations on S. 806 et al. 86th Cong., 1st sess., p. 58 (1959); see also testimony of John W. Hanes. Jr., Administrator, Bureau of Security and Consular Affairs, Department of State; Hearings before a special subcommittee of the Senate Committee on Government Operations on S. 2095, 86th Cong., 1st sess. 157 (1959); compare id. at 369. The regulation was reenacted in 1962. 22 CFR sec. 51.136 (1964 Supp.).
CE 949; 5 H 327-328, 331-332 (Chayes); 5 H 379-380 (Knight).
5 H 327-329, 333 (Chayes); id. at 338-339; CE 2756, attachment pp. 2-3. However, the Department had stamped Oswald's passport valid for direct return to the United States only, prior to granting him a repatriation loan. CE 946, p. 6, and 5 H 284 (Snyder).
5 H 327-329, 333 (Chayes).
Copy of communication cannot be shown for security reasons.
CE 948, question No. 16.
11 H 201-203 (Carroll Hamilton Seeley, Jr.) 11 H 191-193 (James L. Ritchie); CE 948, question No. 16.
CE 948, question No. 16; see 5 H 382-383 (Knight).
11 H 482 (James D. Crowley).
CE 2688; cf. 5 H 278, 280, 288.
James DE 9
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Appendix XVI
See also CE 1286.
See CE 1290.
CE 1254; CE 1297, p. 1.
See Mrs. Alice Nichols DE 5355, p. 285; CE 1234, 1274, 1654.
C. Ray Hall DE 2, pp. 13, 16; C. Ray Hall DE 1; CE 1322, p. 748.
CE 1232.
CE 1181.
But cf. Sam Ruby DE 1, p. 185.
15 H 15 (Hyman Rubenstein); CE 1252; CE 1281, p. 20; CE 1285.
See generally CE 1283, 1284.
See CE 1186.
CE 1254; see 14 H 439 (Eva Grant).
1254; see 14 H 488 (Sam Ruby).
14 H 366 (Earl Ruby); but see CE 1286.
15 H 276 (Eileen Kaminsky); CE 1698, p. 1
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Notes to Pages 779-787
See CE 1281, p. 20; cf. 15 H 19 (Rubenstein) and CE 1297, p. 3, with CE 1185.
CE 1283; see 15 H 14 (Rubenstein).
CE 1283; cf. 15 H 14 (Rubenstein).
Id. at 14-15; CE 1297, pp. 3-4.
15 H 18 (Rubenstein); see 14 H 439 (Grant); CE 1281, pp. 20, 42; CE 1297, p. 3.
15 H 15 (Rubenstein); cf. CE 1281, pp. 11, 20.
See CE 1284; 14 H 437-438 (Grant); 15 H 17 (Rubenstein).
CE 1281, p. 20.
15 H 15 (Rubenstein); cf. CE 1283.
See CE 1283.
See CE 1281, pp. 11-12.
14 H 438-439 (Grant).
CE 1284; see CE 12 1, pp. 11, 20; cf. CE 1238.
See CE 1252; CE 1281, pp. 11, 20; CE 1284, 1285, p. 2; see also 15 H 2, 3 (Rubenstein).
CE 1281, p. 11.
CE 1284; CE 1281, p. 11.
See CE 1281, pp. 11, 14, 20, 23; 15 H 17-18 (Rubenstein); 14 H 418 (Earl Ruby); 14 H 285 (Kaminsky).
See 15 H 8, 19-20 (Rubenstein).
CE 1185.
CE 1290.
CE 1185.
14 H 366 (Earl Ruby).
14 H 441 (Grant).
14 H 367 (Earl Ruby).
15 H 18 (Rubenstein).
CE 1256.
14 H 439 (Grant); CE 1281, p. 11; see CE 1297, pp. 3, 8.
CE 1281, p. 21.
Id. at 42; see also 15 H 18-19 (Rubenstein).
CE 1291, p. 1.
CE 1297, p. 2; CE 1291, pp. 4-5.
CE 1297, p. 13 see CE 1291, pp. 5-6.
CE 1291, pp, 6-7.
CE 1297, p. 3; CE 1291, p. 1.
CE 1297, p. 1.
CE 1291, p. 4; see CE 1297, p. 2; see also id. at 7.
CE 1297, p. 9; see CE 1291, p. 2.
CE 1291, p. 2; see CE 1297, p. 9.
CE 1291, p. 2; see CE 1297, p. 22.
CE 1297, pp. 11, 16; CE 1291, p. 3.
CE 1291, p. 4; see CE 1297, p. 7.
CE 1291, p. 4.
CE 1297, p. 2; see CE 1291, p. 5.
CE 1291, p. 6.
CE 1254, 1286.
CE 1254; CE 1291, p. 1; see 14 H 367 (Earl Ruby).
CE 1254, 1255.
CE 1256.
C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 12; 15 H 276-277 (Kaminsky).
14 H 366-367 (Earl Ruby).
15 H 9-10 (Rubenstein); 15 H 277-278 (Kaminsky); CE 1281, pp. 11-12.
Id. at 12.
CE 1188.
CE 1281, p. 23.
15 H 19 (Rubenstein).
CE 1281, pp. 11, 13, 20, 23.
Id. at 3-8.
Id. at 35.
Id. at 43.
Id. at 42-44; see also id. at 40-41.
Id. at 28.
Id. at 36, 34.
Id. at 47-48.
CE 1283, 1284; el. p. 780 supra.
CE 1238.
15 H 19-20 (Rubenstein).
14 H 120 (Alice Nichols); see 15 H 278 (Kaminsky).
CE 1253.
CE 1290.
See CE 1297, pp. 17, 22, 26.
See CE 1290; cf. CE 1202, and Earl Ruby DE 4, p. 174, with CE 1276.
See 15 H 10 (Rubenstein); 14 H 439 (Grant); 14 H 416, 420 (Earl Ruby); Sam Ruby DE 1, p. 185; C. Ray Hall DE 2, p. 13; C. Ray Hall DE I; CE 1185.
See CE 1290.
See 15 H 10 (Rubenstein); CE 1297, pp. 2, 8.
CE 1297, pp. 12, 17; see CE 1291, p. 4.
15 H 18 (Rubenstein); 14 H 418 (Earl Ruby); see 15 H 284-285 (Kaminsky).
14 H 418 (Earl Ruby).
See 15 H 18 (Rubenstein).
15 H 10 (Rubenstein); Sam Ruby DE 1, p. 185; C. Ray Mall DE I; CE 1195, 1197, 1200, 1282.
15 H 26 (Rubenstein); C. Ray Hall DE 1; CE 1193, 1195, 1204, 1282.
15 H 12 (Rubenstein).
15 H 533-534 (Jack Ruby).
See 15 H 9 (Rubenstein); CE 1254, 1255, 1699.
14 H 443-445 (Grant); 15 H 21 (Rubenstein).
15 H 21 (Rubenstein); 14 H 444-445 (Grant); see, e.g., CE 1193, 1194, 1195, 1196, 1197, 1200, 1202, 1205; Joseph Rossi DE 1; CE 1219.
Sam Ruby DE 1, p. 185; C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 15; CE 1195, 1196, 1197, 1205, 1219; but cf. CE 1217, 1218.
See 15 H 11-14 (Rubenstein); CE 1193.
CE 1200, 1216.
15 H 21 (Rubenstein); CE 1288; CE 1289, p. 4.
CE 1244.
CE 1195.
CE 1200, 1242.
CE 1194, 1197, 1246, 1289, p. 3; see also p. 781 supra.
CE 1267.
CE 1193; see also CE 1282.
CE 1282; CE 1289, p. 3.
E.g., CE 1208, 1266, 1267.
CE 1191.
See, e.g., CE 1191, 1194, 1198, 1261; cf. CE 1297, pp. 17, 23.
14 H 440 (Grant).
CE 1191.
14 H 440 (Grant).
15 H 28 (Rubenstein); see, e.g., CE 1185, 1191, 1193, 1194, 1215, 1217.
C. Ray Hall DE 1; C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 13; see also 14 H 44 (Grant); CE 1239.
See CE 1195, 1198, 1231, 1241, 1263, 1278.
C. Ray Hall DE 1; C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 13.
See CE 1318.
14 H 441-442 (Grant).
14 H 441 (Grant); CE 1239.
14 H 442 (Grant); see also CE 1225, 1237, p. 5; CE 1239, 1249.
C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 13; see C. Ray Hall DE 1.
14 H 442 (Grant).
C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 13.
14 H 442 (Grant); CE 1195, 1198, 1231, 1237, p. 5; CE 1239, 1249, 1263, 1323, 1324.
Sam Ruby DE 1, p. 185; CE 1195, 1323.
C. Ray Hall DE 1; CE 1239, 1249, 1263; C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 13.
14 H 442 (Grant); see also CE 1198, 1237, p. 5; CE 1263, 1278, 1324.
See CE 1195, 1198, 1231, 1249, 1263, 1323, 1324.
CE 1249

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Notes to Pages 787-794
CE 1195.
CE 1263.
CE 1195.
CE 1248.
Alice Nichols DE 5355, p. 285.
See also Sam Ruby DE 1, p. 185.
C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 13.
See p. 783 supra.
CE 1281, p. 10.
Cf. CE 1217, with CE 1205; cf. CE 1266.
CE 1241.
See CE 1200, 1203, 1207, 1208, 1246, 1261, 1299.
CE 1241.
C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 15; cf. C. Ray Hall DE 1.
See CE 1293, p. 1; CE 1292, p. 1; see also 14 H 419-420 (Earl Ruby).
CE 1318; see also 14 H 420 (Earl Ruby).
See 14 H 445 (Grant); CE 1190, 1206, 1279, 1289, pp. 2-3.
See CE 1236, 1279; but cf. CE 1235.
CE 1293, p. 4.
CE 1211.
See C. Ray Hall DE 1; CE 1190.
14 H 523 (Jack Ruby); C. Ray Hall DE 1; see also Alice Nichols DE 5355, p. 285; CE 1187.
CE 1190, p. 1.
See CE 1206, 1211; 5 H 200 (Jack Ruby).
CE 1206, 1279.
CE 1279, 1289, p. 3.
See CE 1292, p. 3; CE 1293, p. 4.
See CE 1292, pp. 7-8.
See CE 1190, 1206, 1289, pp. 2-3; but cf. CE 1184, pp. 26-27.
See C. Ray Hall DE 1; C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 13; 14 H 442 (Grant); 14 H 368 (Earl Ruby).
C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 13.
Ibid.
CE 1702, p. 1; see also 14 H 443 (Grant).
See CE 1280.
CE 1702.
CE 1702; 14 H 443 (Grant); CE 1237, p. 8.
C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 13; but cf. CE 1192.
CE 1274.
CE 1319.
See CE 1237, p. 8.
See, e.g., CE 1192, 1193, 1194, 1196, 1197, 1205, 1217, 1243, 1245, p. 44.
See CE 1192, 1204, 1208, 1217.
CE 1248.
CE 1245, p. 46; CE 1246, 1299; cf. CE 1205.
See e.g., 14 H 409-410 (Earl Ruby); 15 H 20 (Rubenstein); CE 1192, 1203, 1208, 1246, 1289, pp. 2, 5.
CE 1257.
See CE 1289, p. 5.
14 H 411 (Earl Ruby); 14 H 20 (Rubenstein); CE 1192.
CE 1241; CE 1289, p. 3.
CE 1703; see also CE 1319.
See 15 H 21 (Rubenstein); CE 1191, 1199, 1205, 1220, 1239, 1244, 1246.
See CE 1193, 1203, 1207, 1217, 1239, 1244, 1289, p. 3.
CE 1193.
CE 1299.
See CE 1193, 1216, 1258.
See CE 1193, 1196, 1200, 1201, 1202, 1203, 1207, 1208, 1241; CE 1245, p. 8; CE 1246.
See CE 1202, 1210, 1212, 1321.
See CE 1321.
See, e.g., 5 H 200, 204 (Jack Ruby); 15 H 21, 28-29 (Rubenstein); 14 H 443-444 (Grant); CE 1288; CE 1289, p. 3.
CE 1274.
Ibid.
CE 1704.
See CE 1296, 1705.
Cf. CE 1245, pp. 44-45 with p. 10 supra. Cf. CE 1245, p. 45, with the next paragraph in text, cf. CE 1245, p. 46, with p. 791 infra; see also CE 1245, p. 47.
15 H 44 (Rubenstein); see also CE 1287.
CE 1274; see CE 1189.
See 14 H 366, 368-369 (Earl Ruby); 14 H 443 (Grant); 15 H 4, 44 (Rubenstein); 14 H 497-498, 502-503 (Sam Ruby).
CE 1189.
See CE 1707, pp. 2, 14-15; CE 1706, p. 15.
CE 1706, p. 15, insert (2) to p. 15, 16-22.
CE 1707, p. 2.
CE 1287, 1295; see also 14 H 411 (Earl Ruby).
CE 1295.
Ibid.
CE 1294.
See CE 1294, 1287.
See CE 1294, 1295.
See p. 789 supra.
CE 1294.
See 14 H 370 (Earl Ruby); 15 H 3 (Rubenstein); Sam Ruby DE 1, p. 185; but cf. C. Ray Hall DE 2, p. 16.
14 H 370 (Earl Ruby).
Id. at 369-370.
Id. at 371; see CE 1268.
14 H 371 (Earl Ruby).
Id. at 422-423.
Id. at 370.
Id. at 370, 422-423; 14 H 493 (Sam Ruby); C. Ray Hall DE 1; C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 14; see also CE 1200, 1207, 1241.
See, e.g., CE 1213, 1240, 1245, p. 4; CE 1247, 1277.
CE 1262; see CE 1209, 1211, 1214, 1247, 1320, 1321.
CE 1321.
CE 1241; see also CE 1289, p. 5.
14 H 411 (Earl Ruby).
CE 1708.
See CE 1259.
See CE 1245, p. 7.
CE 1259.
CE 1268.
Cf. 14 H 436 (Grant) with id. at 447.
Id. at 436, 453.
Id. at 453; see 15 H 22-23 (Rubenstein).
14 H 449 (Grant).
Ibid.; 15 H 23 (Rubenstein).
See p. 793 infra.
CE 1271, p. 274.
C. Ray Hall DE 1; C. Ray Hall DE 3. p. 14.
CE 1708; see CE 1250.
CE 1265, 1708, 1709.
See 14 H 449-451 (Grant); 14 H 23-24 (Rubenstein); CE 1250, 1710, 1711. 1271, 1272, 1273, 1300.
CE 1271, p. 279; CE 1708, 1711.
See footnote 242 supra.
CE 1710; cf. CE 1711.
CE 1271, p. 274.
C. Ray Hall DE 2, p. 13.
C. Ray Hall DE 1.
C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 14.
See p. 791 supra.
CE 1251; see also CE 1298.
CE 1184, p. 21; CE 1265; see also CE 2887.
CE 2416.
14 H 371 (Earl Ruby); 14 H 493 (Sam Ruby).
14 H 371, 423 (Earl Ruby).
CE 1182; cf. C. Ray Hall DE 2, p. 13.
CE 1708
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Notes to Pages 794-799
CE 1224, 1229, 1264, 1712; but cf. 15 H 516 (Stanley M. Kaufman).
See C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 14; CE 1318; see also CE 1230 p. 593.
14 H 453 (Grant); C. Ray Hall DE 1.
14 H 453-454 (Grant).
See p. 791 supra.
14 H 453 (Grant).
Id. at 454; CE 1222, 1269, 1270; see CE 1190.
14 H 138-139 (Ralph Paul); see Alice Nichols DE 5355, p. 238; C. Ray Hall DE 1; cf. Ralph Paul DE 5319, p. 471.
See p. 788 supra.
14 H 115-116 (Alice Nichols); CE 1221, 1223.
14 H 116 (Alice Nichols); C. Ray Hall DE 1.
C Ray Hall DE 3, p. 14.
14 H 117 (Alice Nichols); 14 H 417, 426 (Earl Ruby).
14 H 117 (Alice Nichols); C. Ray Hall DE 1.
C. Ray Hall DE 1; CE 1227, 1228.
CE 1228; see C. Ray Hall DE 1.
14 H 455 (Grant); see 15 H 220 (Joseph W. Johnson, Jr.).
Ibid.; 15 H 415 (Nancy Powell).
CE 1230, p. 593.
CE 1696; see C. Ray Hall DE 1, CE 1227.
Sam Ruby DE 1, p. 187; C. Ray Hall DE 1 CE 1538; cf. 14 H 117 (Alice Nichols); C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 14.
Sam Ruby DE 1, p. 187; C. Ray Hall DE 1, p. 3; C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 14; see 14 H 454 (Grant).
14 H. 496-497 (Sam Ruby).
14 H 142 (Paul); CE 1675; but see CE 1569, 1656.
CE 1500, 1569.
14 H 382 (Earl Ruby); C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 14; cf. CE 1500, and CE 1549, with 14 H 382-383 (Earl Ruby) and 14 H 456-457 (Grant).
CE 1653, 1656, 1677.
CE 1500, 1569; 14 H 141 (Paul).
14 H 141 (Paul); see C. Ray Hall DE 1.
14 H 136 (Paul); CE 1504.
14 H 139, 141 (Paul).
Id. at 142-143.
See 13 H 319 (Andrew Armstrong, Jr.); 15 H 212 (Thomas S. Palmer).
13 H 436 (Curtis Laverne Crafard).
CE 1322, pp. 744-745; see 15 H 193 (Marjorie Richey).
Cf. CE 1322, pp. 12-13; 14 H 458 (Grant); 13 H 320 (Armstrong).
See CE 1322, pp. 12-13; 14 H 458 (Grant); 13 H 320 (Armstrong).
See, e.g., CE 1514, 1616, 1629, 1630, 1631, 1634.
E.g., 15 H 414, 416-417 (Powell); 13 H 134 (Armstrong); 15 H 219, 221- 222 (J. Johnson); 14 H 642 (Kay Olsen); CE 1530.
CE 1222, 1512, 1527, 1529, 1541, 1542, 1623, 1624, 1647, 1649, 1650, 1670, 1685.
CE 1502, 1532, 1533, 1651, 1653, 1657.
CE 1517, 1561, p. 297; CE 1656, 1682, 1683, 1637; cf. CE 1565, 1681.
CE 1515, p. 549; CE 1635.
CE 1648, 1657.
12 H 216 (Karen Carlin); CE 1561, p. 300; CE 1653.
E.g., CE 1512, 1648; CE 1653.
CE 1530; 15 H 413 (Powell).
CE 1556.
See CE 1548, 1568, 1676, 1633; 15 H 440 (T. M. Hansen).
CE 1674.
14 H 616-619 (Joseph L. Peterson); CE 1564, 1566; but cf. 14 H 601-602 (Breck Wall).
Cf. 14 H 617 (Peterson) and CE 1564 and 1566, with 14 H 614 (Wall); see also CE 1657.
See CE 1514, 1554, 1672.
CE 1683.
15 H 209 (Palmer).
E.g., CE 1530.
See 15 H 208 (Palmer).
Id. at 211-214; CE 1543, 1544.
15 H 415-416 (Powell).
14 H 459 (Grant).
See CE 1543, p. 191; CE 1562.
See 5 H 200 (Jack Ruby); 15 H 28-29 (Rubenstein); 14 H 458-460 (Grant); 13 H 500 (Crafard).
15 H 209 (Palmer); see 14 H 605 (Wall).
15 H 208, 214 (Palmer); 15 H 199 (Marjorie Richey); CE 1648; but cf. 15 H 415 (Powell); CE 1540, 1541, 1542.
CE 1261, 1521, 1522, 1523, 1524, 1525, 1526.
See 15 H 211 (Palmer); CE 1322, pp. 744-45.
See 15 H 211 (Palmer); 15 H 200 (Marjorie Richey); 15 H 410 (Powell); CE 1561, p. 297.
15 H 410-411 (Powell); CE 1561, p. 301.
See 15 H 210-211 (Palmer); 15 H 411-412 (Powell); 15 H 199 (Marjorie Richey); CE 1561, p. 299.
Cf. 15 H 412 (Powell) and CE 1501, and 1557 with CE 1550), and CE 1561, p. 300.
See 13 H 368-369 (Armstrong); 14 H 67-68 (Crafard); 15 H 99-100 (William D. Crowe, Jr.); 15 H 200-201 (Marjorie Richey); CE 1508, 1530, 1563.
See 14 H 456 (Grant); 15 H 219-220 (J. Johnson); CE 1560.
See 15 H 518 (Kaufman); CE 1519, 151, 1572, 1573, 1574, 1575, 1662, 1664, 1665, 1666, 1667, 1668, 1669, 1680, 1686, 1687.
See 12 H 184 (August M. Eberhardt); 13 H 309-311 (Armstrong); 14 H 455 (Grant); CE 1735, 1748.
CE 1575.
See 13 H 310 (Armstrong); 14 H 455 (Grant); CE 1570, 1667, 1668, 1669, 1673.
CE 1669.
See CE 1574, 1662, 1664, 1665, 1680.
See CE 1519, 1574, 1679,
See CE 1571, 1572, 1573, 1686, 1687.
See CE 1519.
See footnote 335 supra; CE 1666.
CE 1660, 1661.
See CE 1678; cf. 15 H 385 (Abraham Kleinman); CE 1218, 1226.
See CE 1713, p. 3; CE 1719, p. 1; see generally CE 1720.
CE 1539.
See CE 1720, 1721, 1723, 1724; cf. CE 1722, 1725, 1726.
See CE 1720, p. 29; CE 1727, pp. 1-4; CE 1728, p. 2.
CE 1727, 1728, 1729, 1730,1731.
CE 1729, 1730, 1731; cf. CE 1715, 1716.
CE 1713, p. 3; CE 1714.
See CE 1713, pp. 3, 9; CE 1714 pp. 1, 3; CE 1715, pp. 1, 4; CE 1716, pp. 1, 6; CE 1717, pp. 1, 2; CE 1718, pp. 1, 3; CE 1719, pp. 1, 5.
CE 1713, pp. 1, 3; CE 1714, p. 1.
See generally CE 1729.
See CE 1732, 1733.
See CE 1727, 1729, 1730, 1731
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Notes to Pages 799-804
CE 1728, pp. 2, 4.
CE 1516.
CE 1619.
See 15 H 26 (Rubenstein); Alice Nichols DE 5355, p. 287; CE 1613.
CE 1552; see CE 1742.
CE 1531.
Sam Ruby DE 1, p. 187; 14 H 391 (Earl Ruby); 15 H 27 (Rubenstein); CE 1478, p. 4.
See Sam Ruby DE 1, p. 187; CE 1555, 1638, 1639, 1640, 1641, 1642, 1694; cf. CE 1720, p. 19.
5 H 202 (Jack Ruby); C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 15; CE 1688, 1689.
CE 1534; cf. CE 1746.
14 H 129-130 (Robert C. Patterson); CE 1503, 1507.
15 H 224 (Edward J. Pullman); see also CE 1507.
13 H 416-417 (Crafard); CE 1535, 1606.
See 13 H 386-388 (Bertha Cheek); 14 H 457-458 (Grant); 15 H 230 (Pullman); 15 H 237-238 (Joseph P. Rossi); CE 1509, 1551, 1617, 1643, 1644.
15 H 24-25 (Rubenstein).
Id. at 25; 14 H 390-391 (Earl Ruby).
CE 1567, 1695; see 15 H 237 (Rossi).
15 H 224-227 (Pullman); 15 H 413 (Powell).
See CE 1528.
See CE 1607, 1608, 1609, 1610, 1611, 1612.
CE 1233, 1654.
CE 1518.
CE 1510.
Ibid.; CE 1233.
CE 1233.
Ibid.
See, e.g., CE 1505; 1537, 1632, 1736.
4 H 167, 191-192 (Jesse Curry).
See 4 H 240 (J. W. Fritz); 12 H 193-195 (Eberhardt); 14 H 626 (Harry N. Olsen); Nancy Powell DE 3; CE 1180, 1224, 1511, pp. 152-153; CE 1512, 1542, 1592, 1615, 1621, 1622, 1632, 1646, 1735, 1743, 1744, 1745, 1748, 1749.
See, e.g., CE 1229, 1547, 1549, 1620, 1648, 1736, p. 2; Pullman DE 1.
13 H 324 (Armstrong); see C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 17.
13 H 434 (Crafard); 14 H 213-214 (George Senator); Pullman DE 1; C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 17; CE 1502, 1663.
See 14 H 213-214. (Senator); 15 H 228 (Pullman); Pullman DE 1; C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 17; CE 1505, 1513; CE 1515, p. 551; CE 1632, 1636, 1646; CE 1659, p. 198; CE 1663, 1739, 1741, 1744, 1747, 1749.
See CE 1615, 1636, 1684, 1740.
See 13 H 193 (Eberhardt); 14 H 485 (Grant).
13 H 193 (Eberhardt); 15 H 447-448 (Hansen); CE 1592, 1646, 1736, 2325.
See 14 H 626 (Harry Olsen); 14 H 641-642 (Kay Olsen); but cf. CE 1749.
See pp. 792-793 supra.
See p. 794 supra.
See CE 1505, 1536, 1559, 1742, 1745, 1748, 1750, 1751, 1752, 1758; but see 5 H 201 (Jack Ruby); CE 1697, pp. 2-5.
C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 16.
See p. 802 infra.
Alice Nichols DE 5355, p. 289; cf. 14 H 115, 122-123 (Alice Nichols).
CE 1693.
See CE 1754, 1755; CE 1748, 1752.
CE 1506, 1520, 1585, 1618, 1652; C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 16; cf. CE 1757, 1758.
5 H 103 (J. Edgar Hoover); CE 1353, 1628, 1760.
R. C. Patterson DE 5358; CE 1229, 1467, 1514, 1469, 1470; CE 1543, p. 195; CE 1449, 1748; CE 1511, p. 151; CE 1741, 1473, 1474, 1742, 1223, 1745.
See pp. 797, 799 supra.
C. Ray Hall DE 3, p, 16; see 5 200 (Jack Ruby).
See 5 H 200 (Jack Ruby); CE 1580, 1581, 1582, 1583, 1765; Pullman DE 1; cf. 1543, p. 193.
See CE 1576, 1577, 1578, 1579, 1625, 1626, 1627.
CE 1584.
C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 16.
CE 1588.
CE 1600, 1601.
CE 1586.
CE 1587, 1588, 1589, 1590, 1591, 1593, 1594, 1595, 1596, 1597, 1598, 1599, 1602, 1603, 1604, 1605.
5 H 200-202 (Jack Ruby); CE 1545, 1690, 1691, 1697.
See CE 1546, 1655; CE 1692, pp. 2-5.
5 H 200-201 (Jack Ruby).
CE 1697, pp. 1, 4.
See 5 H 201-202 (Jack Ruby).
CE 1546; CE 1697, pp. 1-2.
CE 1440, 1767, 1768, 1769 1770, 1771, 1772, 1773, 1774, 1775; see also CE 1766; 14 H 114-115 (Alice Nichols); CE 1471.
CE 1441.
Cf. CE 1444, pp. 8-15.
C. Ray Hall DE 3, p. 15.
CE 1445, 1446, 1447.
See p. 792 supra; Sam Ruby DE 1, p. 186.
See p. 794 supra.
14 H 462 (Grant); CE 1448, 1648, 1744; CE 1561, p. 302; CE 1585.
14 H 463-464 (Grant).
Id. at 465-466.
14 H 391 (Earl Ruby); 14 H 499-500 (Sam Ruby).
14 H 466 (Grant).
14 H 493 494 (Sam Ruby); see 14 H 114 (Alice Nichols); 14 H 371-372 (Earl Ruby); pp. 791, 793 supra.
14 H 494 (Sam Ruby).
See p. 798 supra.
14 H 137 (Paul); 14 H 498 (Sam Ruby).
14 H 498-499 (Sam Ruby).
14 H 371, 373 (Earl Ruby); Earl Ruby DE 4, p. 177; see C. Ray Hall DE 3, pp. 14-15.
14 H 378, 382-384, 390-391, 417, 426 (Earl Ruby); C. Ray Hall DE 3, pp. 14-15; see 14 H 457 (Grant); 14 H 491 (Sam Ruby).
14 H 383 (Earl Ruby).
CE 1185; 14 H 491 (Sam Ruby).
CE 1458, 1542, 1556.
13 H 438-440 (Crafard); CE 1459, 1460, 1453, 1454, 1461, 1462, 1463, 1180, 1464, 1504, 1465, 1663, 1224.
CE 1180; 15 H 638 (Lawrence V. Meyers); 14 H 158 (Paul); 15 H 446 (Hansen); 14 H 203 (Senator); 13 H 194 (Eberhardt); 15 H 563 (Roy A. Pryor); 14 H 319 (Armstrong); Powell DE 3; CE 1515, p. 553; CE 1742; CE 1478, p. 86; cf. 13 H 215-216 (Karen Carlin).
E.g., CE 1452, 1454, 1457, 1461, 1663.
See CE 1454.
14 H 111 (Alice Nichols).
14 H 113-114 (Alice Nichols).
14 H 535 (Jack Ruby); 14 (Alice Nichols); 15 H 516 (Kaufman); see 14 H. 463 (Grant).
Alice Nichols DE 5355. p. 289.
Cf. 14 H 203-205 (Senator) and Powell DE 3, and Paul DE 5319, p. 473, and CE 1479, 1480, 1541, with 13 H 215
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Notes to Pages 804-812
(Karen Carlin), and 13 H 318 (Armstrong), and CE 1481, 1482, 1505, 1512, 1739.
14 H 203-205 (Senator); Powell DE 3; Paul DE 5319, p. 473; Wright DE 1; CE 1260, 1466, 1487, 1748.
13 H 318 (Armstrong); 14 H 194-195 (Senator); 14 H 125 (Alice Nichols); CE 1449, 1450, 1485, 1542, 1592, 1663, 1740, 1748.
CE 2406, p. 650; CE 2411, pp. 621-626; see 14 H 195 (Senator).
CE 1451, 1591.
CE 1483; see 14 H 152 (Paul); 14 H 503 (Sam Ruby); 14 H 552 (Jack Ruby); 15 H 516 (Kaufman); CE 1484.
CE 1483, 1485; see 14 H 152 (Paul); 14 H 205-206 (Senator); 14 H 552 (Jack Ruby).
See 13 H 347 (Armstrong); 13 H 441 (Crafard); 14 H 205 (Senator); CE 1486, 1478, p. 83; CE 1512, 1542, 1740; cf. 14 H 311 (Senator); 15 H 209-210 (Palmer); but see 15 H 441-442 (Hansen).
See 15 H 446 (Hansen); Hansen DE 1; CE 1478, p. 83; CE 1488, 1542.
See ch. VI, pp. 335, 345, 348.
See, e.g., 14 H 196 (Senator); CE 1472, 1477, 1489, 1490, 1491, 1492, 1493, 1542, 1738.
See CE 1494.
See 15 H 240 (Rossi); CE 1449; but see CE 1511, p. 150.
See CE 1250, 1483, 1496, 1497, 1498, 1499, 1548, 1671, 2243, 2414.
CE 1645, 2243.
CE 1497, 1548, 1645, 1671, 1711.
CE 1496, 1497, 1499, 1671, 2414.
See p. 796 supra.
CE 1488, 1542.
CE 2495.
CE 1624, p. 2.
CE 2342, p. 748.
CE 1624.
CE 2243.
CE 2414.
CE 1499, 1671.
CE 1671.
CE 1499.
See 14 H 197-198 (Senator); CE 2492, 2493, 2503.
CE 2494.
CE 1467.
See 14 H 202 (Senator) 14 H 562 (Pryor); CE 1223, 1512, 1515, p. 551; CE 1653, 1624.
CE 1502.
Cf. Crafard DE 5226, p. 149, and 13 H 444-445 (Crafard) with 15 H 248-249 (Earl Wright), and 15 H 412-413 (Powell).
See 13 H 312, 349 (Armstrong); 14 H 147 (Paul); 14 H 122 (Alice Nichols); Wright DE 1; CE 1470, 1623, 1624, 2243, 2509.
CE 1229; CE 1511, p. 150; CE 2499, 2500, 2505.
CE 1491, 1511, 2502.
CE 2497.
CE 1491, 2491, 1511, p. 150; 14 H 184, 188 (Senator).
See generally 15 H 413-414 (Powell). Paul DE 5319, p. 473; CE 1512; 15 H 441 (Hansen).
See, e.g., 1469, 1735, 1737, 1738, 1742, 1765, 2498, 2502, 2504, 2506.
See p. 782 supra.
See 15 H 522 (Kaufman)
Return to Top

Appendix XVII
14 H 507 (Jack Ruby).
Ibid.
Ibid.
CE 2785, p. 4 statement of Dr. R. L. Stubblefield, M.D.
14 H 508 (Ruby).
5 H 181-182 (Ruby).
Id. at 190, 192-193, 196, 211-212.
Id. at 123.
See CE 2728.
CE 2729.
CE 2730.
CE 2786.
14 H 507-508 (Ruby).
CE 2784.
14 H 504-505 (Ruby).
Id. at 512.
Id. at 504.
Ibid.
Id. at 504-506, 510.
Id. at 507, 509.
Id. at 510.
Id. at 506-507, 509, 511.
Id. at 509; see id. at 514.
Id. at 505, 510.
Id. at 505.
Id. at 508; 14 H 571 (Dr. William R. Beavers).
Id. at 511-512.
Id. at 512.
Id. at 513.
Ibid.
Id. at 515.
See id. at 517-524; see 14 H 581-582 (Bell P. Herndon).
14 H 523 (Ruby).
Ibid.
Id. at 526.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 534.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 536.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 540.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 546.
Id. at 547.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 551.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 553.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 556.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 560.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 560-561.
Id. at 561.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid
Page 879
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 563.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
14 H 580 (Herndon).
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.; 14 H 520 (Ruby).
14 H. 580 (Herndon).
Ibid.; 14 H 520 (Ruby).
14 H 580 (Herndon).
Id. at 581; 14 H 520 (Ruby).
Ibid.
14 H 581 (Herndon).
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 581-582.
Id. at 581.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 583
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Notes to Pages 812-816
Ibid.
See id. at 583.
Id. at 582-583; see 5 H 520, 523 (Ruby).
Id. at 583.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 590.
Ibid.
Id. at 593.
Id. at 588.
Id. at 590.
Id. at 591.
Id. at 592.
Ibid.
Id. at 584.
Id. at 582.
Id. at 585.
Ibid.
14 H 572 (Beavers).
Id. at 571.
14 H 584 (Herndon).
Ibid.
14 H 572 (Beavers).
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Id. at 573-574 (Beavers).
CE 2651.
14 H 504-570 (Ruby).
14 H 579-598 (Herndon).

[DisAsTerBot]

got damn what an awesome life! long live the krew!

[RandomGuy]

is this thread still going on? time to kill it

What you are doing probably violates the terms of service of the board. I'll go ahead and report it, and let the mods decide.

Nothing signals surrender of an argument more than irrelevant spamming.

Way to lose ungracefully. CLAP, CLAP, CLAP.