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  1. #1
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    U.S. Plan to Build Iraq Clinics Falters

    Contractor Will Try to Finish 20 of 142 Sites

    By Ellen Knickmeyer
    Washington Post Foreign Service
    Monday, April 3, 2006; A01


    BAGHDAD -- A reconstruction contract for the building of 142 primary health centers across Iraq is running out of money, after two years and roughly $200 million, with no more than 20 clinics now expected to be completed, the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers says.

    The contract, awarded to U.S. construction giant Parsons Inc. in the flush, early days of reconstruction in Iraq, was expected to lay the foundation of a modern health care system for the country, putting quality medical care within reach of all Iraqis.

    Parsons, according to the Corps, will walk away from more than 120 clinics that on average are two-thirds finished. Auditors say the project serves as a warning for other U.S. reconstruction efforts due to be completed this year.

    Brig. Gen. William McCoy, the Army Corps commander overseeing reconstruction in Iraq, said he still hoped to complete all 142 clinics as promised and was seeking emergency funds from the U.S. military and foreign donors. "I'm fairly confident," McCoy said.

    Coming with little public warning, the 86 percent shortfall of completions dismayed the World Health Organization's representative for Iraq. "That's not good. That's shocking," Naeema al-Gasseer said by telephone from Cairo. "We're not sending the right message here. That's affecting people's expectations and people's trust, I must say."

    By the end of 2006, the $18.4 billion that Washington has allocated for Iraq's reconstruction runs out. All remaining projects in the U.S. reconstruction program, including electricity, water, sewer, health care and the justice system, are due for completion. As a result, the next nine months are crunchtime for the easy-term contracts that were awarded to American contractors early on, before surging violence drove up security costs and idled workers.

    ( $6B/month for the military, and just $18B for all of Iraq reconstruction. )


    Stuart Bowen, the top U.S. auditor for reconstruction, warned in a telephone interview from Washington that other reconstruction efforts may fall short like that of Parsons. "I've been consumed for a year with the fear we would run out of money to finish projects," said Bowen, the inspector general for reconstruction in Iraq.

    The reconstruction campaign in Iraq is the largest such American undertaking since World War II. The rebuilding efforts have remained a point of pride for American troops and leaders as they struggle with an insurgency and now Shiite Muslim militias and escalating sectarian conflict.

    The Corps of Engineers says the campaign so far has renovated or built 3,000 schools, upgraded 13 hospitals and created hundreds of border forts and police stations. Major projects this summer, the Corps says, should noticeably improve electricity and other basic services, which have fallen below prewar levels despite the billions of dollars that the United States already has expended toward reconstruction here.

    ( ... if the civil doesn't abort the entire Repug war )
    Violence for which the United States failed to plan has consumed up to half the $18.4 billion through higher costs to guard project sites and workers and through direct shifts of billions of dollars to build Iraq's police and military.

    In January, Bowen's office calculated the American reconstruction effort would be able to finish only 300 of 425 promised electricity projects and 49 of 136 water and sanitation projects.

    U.S. authorities say they made a special effort to preserve the more than $700 million of work for Iraq's health care system, which had fallen into decay after two decades of war and international sanctions.

    Doctors in Baghdad's hospitals still cite dirty water as one of the major killers of infants. The city's hospitals place medically troubled newborns two to an incubator, when incubators work at all.

    Early in the occupation, U.S. officials mapped out the construction of 300 primary-care clinics, said Gasseer, the WHO official. In addition to spreading basic health care beyond the major cities into small towns, the clinics were meant to provide training for Iraq's medical professionals. "Overall, they were considered vital," she said.

    In April 2004, the project was awarded to Parsons Inc. of Pasadena, Calif., a leading construction firm in domestic and international markets. McCoy, the Corps of Engineers commander, said Parsons has been awarded about $1 billion in reconstruction projects in Iraq.

    Like much U.S. government work in 2003 and 2004, the contract was awarded on terms known as "cost-plus," Parsons said, meaning that the company could bill the government for its actual cost, rather than a cost agreed to at the start, and add a profit margin. The deal was also classified as "design-build," in which the contractor oversees the project from design to completion.

    These terms, among the most generous possible for contractors, were meant to encourage companies to undertake projects in a dangerous environment and complete them quickly.

    McCoy said Parsons subcontracted the clinics to four main Iraqi companies, which often hired local firms to do the actual construction, creating several tiers of overhead costs.

    ( .. exactly the same problem in NO/Gulf Coast. The lead contractor does little but sub-contact to sub-contractors who doe little but sub-contract ... )
    Starting in 2004, the need for security sent costs soaring. Insurgent attacks forced companies to organize mini-militias to guard employees and sites; work often was idled when sites were judged to be too dangerous. Western contractors often were reduced to monitoring work sites by photographs, Parsons officials said.

    "Security degenerated from the beginning. The expectations on the part of Parsons and the U.S. government was we would have a very benign construction environment, like building a clinic in Falls Church," said Earnest Robbins, senior vice president for the international division of Parsons in Fairfax, Va. Difficulty choosing sites for the clinics also delayed work, Robbins said.

    ( .... another example of total incompetence and failure of Repugs/rummy to heed the warnings BERORE THE WAR of insurgency )

    Faced with a growing insurgency, U.S. authorities in 2004 took funding away from many projects to put it into building up Iraqi security forces.

    ( the "surprising", "unnplanned for" insurgency has essentially abort the Repug invasion. "You're doing a heckuva job, Donny")

    "During that period, very little actual project work, dirt-turning, was being done," Bowen said. At the same time, "we were paying large overhead for contractors to remain in-country." Overhead has consumed 40 percent to 50 percent of the clinic project's budget, McCoy said.

    In 2005, plans were scaled back to build 142 primary clinics by December of that year, an extended deadline. By December, however, only four had been completed, reconstruction officials said. Two more were finished weeks later. With the money almost all gone, the Corps of Engineers and Parsons reached what both sides described as a negotiated settlement under which Parsons would try to finish 14 more clinics by early April and then leave the project.

    The agreement stipulated that the contract was terminated by consensus, not for cause, the Corps and Parsons said.

    Both said the Corps had wanted to cancel the contract outright, and McCoy rejected the reasons that Parsons put forward for the slow progress.

    "In the time they completed 45 projects, I completed 500 projects,"
    he said. Parsons has a number of other contracts in Baghdad, from oil-facility upgrades to border forts to prisons. "The fact is it is hard, but there are companies over here that are doing it."

    Bowen called the outcome "a worst-case scenario. I think it's an anomaly." He said, however, that U.S. reconstruction overseers overwhelmingly have neglected to keep running track of the remaining costs of each project, leaving it unclear until the end whether the costs are equal to the budget.

    "I can't say this isn't going to happen again, because we really haven't gotten a grasp" of the cost of finishing the many pending projects, Bowen said.

    © 2006 The Washington Post Company


  2. #2
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    Meanwhile, the insurgency against the Repug invaders is rapidly turning into a a civil war.

    All you red-blooded, red-state, NRA members know what unrestricted gun sales do to cement the USA, armed to the teeth, as "World Champion Murderers".

    ====================================

    April 3, 2006

    Sectarian Strife Fuels Gun Sales in Baghdad


    By JEFFREY GETTLEMAN

    BAGHDAD, Iraq, March 29 — With chipped, painted fingernails, Nahrawan al-Janabi picked up a cartridge and slid it into the chamber.

    "Like this," she said, loading her new Glock pistol with a loud, satisfying click. "You see, like this."

    Akram Abdulzahra now keeps his revolver handy at his job in an Internet cafe. Haidar Hussein, a Baghdad bookseller, just bought a fully automatic assault rifle and has been teaching his wife how to shoot.

    Iraq has long been awash in guns. But after the bombing of a sacred Shiite shrine in Samarra in late February, sectarian tensions exploded, and more Iraqis than ever have been buying, carrying and stockpiling weapons, adding an unnerving level of firepower to Baghdad's streets.

    The average price for a Russian-made Kalashnikov AK-47 assault rifle, which is perfectly legal here, has jumped to $290 from $112 in the past month, according to several gun dealers. Bullets have climbed to 33 cents each from 24 cents.

    Hand grenades, which are not legal but are easy to get, run $95. Pre-Samarra, they were about half that. The swiftly rising prices are one clear sign that weapon sales are hot.

    Militia ranks are swelling, too, with growing swarms of young, religious, mostly uneducated men taking to the streets with automatic weapons slung over their shoulders.

    Hussein Abdul Khaliq, a foot soldier in the Mahdi Army, a Shiite militia, was guarding a strip of curb in eastern Baghdad the other day and violating several laws in the process — all within sight of a police patrol.

    Mr. Khaliq did not have a permit to carry the AK-47 that his militia had issued him. He had many more than the authorized limit of 50 rounds. He was well below the minimum age of 25 for carrying a gun. "Let them try to take it from me," said Mr. Khaliq, a muscular 17-year-old.

    The American military has added to the arsenal also, by shipping in hundreds of thousands of firearms and millions of rounds of ammunition, in an effort to equip the fledging Iraqi security forces so American troops will be able to leave.

    Iraqi leaders are increasingly worried about this gun glut.

    "We collected most of the heavy weapons out there, but we should have collected all the light weapons," said Haider al-Abadi, an aide to the prime minister. "This is not good."

    But the reality is that Iraqi politicians have been reluctant to disband militias or to disarm the populace. The Shiite leaders who control the government rely on militias to stay in power. And guns have become so embedded in Iraqi life that they are now as ubiquitous as palm trees.

    ( damn!! The Repugs have re-created Iraq in the same gun-crazy mold as the USA. Let Freedom Ring!! )

    Under Saddam Hussein, Iraq was one of the most militarized societies. He issued rifles to Baath Party loyalists and set up summer camps for Baathist boys to learn how to kill. One of his favorite photographs was of him firing an antique hunting rifle — with one hand.

    ( Saddam to dubya/ head: "You see, we aren't so different, you and I" )

    After he was toppled, security evaporated, opening the floodgates for looters, carjackers, kidnappers and thieves. Baghdad became a place where the good guys wore masks and the bad guys wore police uniforms; at least that was how it often looked as officers covered their faces to protect their iden ies and kidnappers posed as police officers. In response, many civilians bought guns, and a frontier mentality set in.

    ( the __USA__ frontier mentality set in. Happiness is a warm gun!! )

    "Maybe I'm kidding myself," said Haidar Hussein, the bookseller who is teaching his wife to shoot. "But having a gun makes me feel safer."

    L. Paul Bremer III, the former top American administrator in Iraq, did not step between Iraqis and their guns. He issued an order that essentially upheld Iraqi law: everyone 25 and older with a "good reputation and character" could own one firearm, including an AK-47, the world's most popular killing machine.

    ( aka the cons utional right to bear arms. AK-47 is really just for camel-hunting in Iraq and deer-hunting in USA )

    As crime rose, insurgent attacks increased and a sense of lawlessness began to creep across the country, more people armed themselves. Office clerks started strapping leather holsters under their armpits, and elderly, veiled women started stashing Kalashnikovs under their beds.

    But the destruction of Askariya Shrine in Samarra in February uncorked a different kind of bloodshed and a different kind of fear, ratcheting the personal arms race even higher. Mobs of mostly Shiite men killed Sunni civilians. Some Sunnis fought back, killing Shiites.

    Sectarian revenge has become the new common form of violence. Baghdad's homicide rate since the Samarra attack has tripled, to 33 killings per day.

    "Baghdad is the battlefield," said Maj. Gen. Rick Lynch, an American military spokesman.

    Few killings have been investigated, eroding what little faith there was in law enforcement. The su ion is growing that officers in the Shiite-controlled police forces are linked to the death squads.

    "I don't believe anyone can protect me," said Ms. Janabi, the new Glock owner. "Not the Americans, not my government."

    Ms. Janabi, 27, is a television journalist. She is East-meets-West, coming from a religious Shiite family but favoring snug jeans and insisting that women should carry guns — though, she admits, "it makes you feel a little like a boy." A friend in the Interior Ministry showed her how to use her pistol.

    Until recently, Ms. Janabi resisted owning a gun, because she felt safe in her neighborhood in central Baghdad, where she lives with her parents in a walled compound. But Samarra "was a spark that turned the sects against each other," she said. "Now, each day, when I go to work, I fear I might not come home." She rides the bus with her pistol in her lap.

    Not everyone in Baghdad feels safer carrying a firearm. Some are repulsed by guns, others frightened. Many say that with death squads and suicide bombers running around, what good is one pistol or rifle?

    The weapons flow from many places. Arms dealers say good, cheap ammunition comes from Syria, and scratched-and-dented assault rifles from Iran. Several dealers said former Iraqi Army soldiers were a reliable source of grenades.

    After Mr. Bremer disbanded the Iraqi Army, Baghdad was transformed into a weapons bazaar, with kiosks offering bargains on pistols, carbines, rifles, shotguns, machine guns and rocket-propelled grenade launchers.

    ( "You're doing a heckuva job, Paulie" )

    Iraqi law requires gun sellers to have a government permit. Few do.

    One seller, who gave his name as Abu Abdullah, said that after Samarra, so many people were buying arms he had trouble filling orders.

    "I didn't like to do it," he said, "but I had to raise prices."

    Still, he said, business was booming.

    Hosham Hussein and Omar al-Neami contributed reporting for this article.


    Copyright 2006 The New York Times Company


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